Tag: 2001

  • Alan Milburn – 2001 Speech at the Institute of Human Genetics

    Below is the text of the speech made by Alan Milburn in Newcastle-upon-Tyne on 19 April 2001.

    It is a real pleasure to be with you today both to celebrate the achievements of the Northern Genetics Service and to welcome the new Institute of Human Genetics. You already provide services that are renowned nationally as well as regionally. Now thanks to all your efforts and the investments going in you will be able to provide world class genetic services for patients.

    Hardly a week goes by without a new media story about genetics. Some of the advances we read about no doubt are more apparent than real. But one thing is for certain: genetics will, indeed already is changing the world in which we live – holding out the potential for new drugs and therapies, new means of preventing ill health and new ways of treating illness.

    And yet, despite the profound potential inherent in the new technologies, it is a rare for any health secretary to speak about genetics. In part this reticence reflects uncertainty about the impact genetic advances will have on health care. In part it reflects unease about the ethical implications of some of these great steps forward. We have to get to grips with both.

    In the process, we should not lose sight of what I am convinced are enormously exciting developments for human health. Late last year I convened a seminar on genetics in the Department of Health. Patient groups, doctors, leading scientists, the pharmaceutical industry and some of our country’s top geneticists attended. I learned a lot about both the potential and the problems associated with developments in genetics. What I heard convinced me that it is time for politicians and the public as well as scientists and clinicians to engage with the issue.

    Any responsible government has a duty to assess the future challenges facing the country. Our horizon must be beyond the short term. We need now to be looking a decade or more ahead so we can ensure Britain is in the best position to benefit from the changes that will surely come.

    Whether Britain prepares for it or not, advances in genetics will inevitably impact on health services and health prospects. The challenge for us is how best to ensure the impact is as positive as it will be profound; that it benefits all of our society, not just some of it.

    I am no expert on genetics. I am a politician not a scientist. So what I want to say is less about the science of genetics – and more about the impact it can have.

    I want to set out:

    – what the Government believes could be the potential of genetics for improved health.

    – the way we need now to be actively preparing the NHS so it can harness the benefits of these future advances for all the people of our country.

    And a new ambition for Britain – to put us at the leading edge of advances in genetic technologies and to develop in our country modern genetic health services unrivalled anywhere in the world.
    We have before us a huge potential. A gift that modern science has bequeathed medicine and society. The breakthroughs initiated by Francis Crick and Jim Watson five decades ago and taken forward by teams of scientists throughout the world in the human genome project have given us not only new knowledge about life itself but the potential power to improve life.

    The human genome project has already crossed a new frontier in scientific knowledge – the question now is whether we can harness that knowledge to cross a new frontier in medicine.

    The implications of the advances in genetic knowledge are enormous – equal potentially for the conquest of disease to the discovery of antibiotics. This is a revolution, with the potential in the first half of this century to dwarf the impact computer technology had on society in the second half of the last century.

    In time we should be able to assess the risk an individual has of developing disease – not just for single gene disorders like cystic fibrosis but for our country’s biggest killers – cancer and coronary heart disease – as well as those like diabetes which limit people’s lives.

    We will be able to better predict the likelihood of an individual responding to a particular course of drug treatment. And down the line, we will be able to develop new therapies which hold out the prospect not just of treating disease but of preventing it.

    Of course it is a complex business turning new knowledge into new treatment. For one thing, the relationship between gene and environment is currently insufficiently understood. So no-one can predict right now the scale of the impact of genetics on health care, any more than we can predict its timing. There are no guarantees. It is worth remembering: people of my generation grew up being told that by now we would be certain there would be men on Mars – either because we’d gone there or they’d got here first.

    What makes advances in genetic medicine different is they are already happening. Some genetic tests are currently available. Many more are within reach. There are promising signs from pioneering gene therapy treatments. Some new drugs are already being designed for specific groups in the population who can benefit most. Indeed, most experts agree the biggest advance we are likely to see in genetics in the near future lies in the discovery of hundreds of new, better targeted drug treatments.

    There is no “Big Bang”. Instead, we are at the start of a “slow burn” which can only accelerate in the future. Our job is to prepare for change to harness the benefits of genetic advances and avoid its dangers. To do that we need to secure public approval for progress and to actively prepare our health care system for that progress. I now want to deal with each of these issues in turn.

    First then, the views of the British public. Most of us in this room can already see the potential for healing which genetics may bring. Yet the subject evokes strong public scepticism, sometimes even hostility.

    A MORI survey just last month showed that while 9 in 10 people agreed genetic developments could have positive health benefits, one third worried that research on human genetics amounts to tampering with nature. The creation of Dolly the sheep and false claims about the cloning of humans have understandably exacerbated these fears.

    Little wonder then, that there remains some confusion in the public mind about where the science of genetics ends and the nightmare of eugenics begins. The pre-condition for dispelling some of the myths and ending much of the confusion is better engagement between the medical and scientific communities and society as a whole. Government and the media share a responsibility to help foster a well-informed, national debate about the promise and the problems genetic discoveries hold out for our country in the years to come.

    Many of the advances we are likely to see in genetics over the next decade will probably come in areas which are the least likely to raise profound moral concerns – such as pharmaco-genetics.

    But in a climate where the benefits of scientific advance are not always as automatically accepted as once they were, we need to move beyond simply stimulating a national debate about genetics. It is unfortunate but true that BSE and other developments have inflicted real damage on the standing of science. In some spheres there is the risk of an anti-science view taking hold. To protect against that prospect we need to move beyond simply providing more information or better education to the public about the potential of genetics. We have to provide positive safeguards to address the public’s concerns.

    The terrible lesson of history is that science can be claimed for evil as well as for good. So whilst science must be able to discover the facts, Governments – on behalf of the public – must be able to make judgements about the use to which those discoveries can legitimately be put.

    Advances in genetics raise difficult ethical questions. Most people, I guess, would accept as a good thing genetic testing for susceptibility to heart disease in order to be better able to prevent it. The same positive view would probably apply if we were able to tailor drugs to treat a particular individual for serious illness or if we could cure cancer by altering the make-up of a particular gene. Conversely, the prospect of genetically designing babies for their looks or for their intelligence is, for most people, repellent.

    At present in this country, human reproductive cloning is banned because the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority will not licence it. The ban is welcome.

    But I believe we need to go further to offer an unequivocal assurance to the public. Human cloning should be banned by law, not just by licence. I can confirm today then that the Government will legislate in the near future to explicitly ban human reproductive cloning in the UK.

    There are huge potential health gains in genetic advances but until we address and allay public concerns we will not gain public consent to realise the full benefits of genetic science.

    We have made a start with the Human Genetics Commission to provide independent advice on the social, ethical and legal implications. There are understandable public concerns that the advent of genetic testing will lead to new forms of discrimination – in employment or insurance for example. The extent to which the public accept, demand or avoid genetic screening services in the future will depend in part on who will have access to genetic information. There are important issues of confidentiality to be addressed. The Commission is currently exploring some of them, most notably in regard to insurance. We have also set up the Genetics and Insurance Committee to review the evidence about individual tests. The House of Commons Science and Technology Committee recently reported on the same issue. It called for a temporary moratorium on using genetic tests for insurance purposes to give time for the wider implications to be explored.

    The question of whether insurance companies should have access to genetic information has provoked much public concern. There are powerful arguments for not treating genetic information the same as other kinds of information for insurance purposes. Right now the relevance of many genetic test results is still poorly understood. Many tests can only indicate an individual has a predisposition to develop a condition not a certainty that they will. Even so forced disclosure of test results could deter some people from taking tests at all, potentially putting their health at risk for fear of suffering discrimination by insurance companies or even by employers. In the longer term the danger we need to guard against is the creation of a ‘genetic underclass’, where high risk individuals are excluded altogether.

    These are complex issues and it is for these reasons that the Government has asked the Human Genetics Commission to review the wider social and ethical aspects of the current policy on the use of genetic test results for insurance. We await their report and recommendations. Clearly the report is likely to give rise to a number of long term issues that will need careful consideration.

    What I can say today is that the Government will look sympathetically at any proposals to prevent the inappropriate use of genetic information for insurance purposes, including legislation if necessary. If the Human Genetics Commission recommends a temporary moratorium on the use of genetic tests by the insurance industry then we will pursue it.

    There will need to be safeguards to protect individuals from families affected by genetic conditions such as Huntingdon’s disease. I will therefore consult with genetic support groups and the insurance industry to examine what can be done to improve matters for those whose family history makes insurance difficult.

    As the debate on insurance and genetics is revealing, genetic advances require new thought to be given to regulation nationally and internationally. In truth, scientific advance has outstripped the existing regulatory response. Without appropriate regulation, lack of public confidence will remain a significant barrier to fully harnessing the health benefits genetic developments represent.

    Genetic advances can be a force for good. But that requires more than just public confidence. It requires active preparation. The genetics revolution has begun. It will only move forward faster in the future. It is time we as a nation started preparing today for the opportunities of tomorrow. Let me now set out then the preparations I believe the NHS must now make.

    Whether it is genetic testing or pharmacogenetics or, in time, developments in gene therapy, the genetics revolution is going to make the NHS of the future look very different from the health service of today.

    Developments in genetics should allow us to eradicate much of the trial and error common in medical practice. Much of the health service’s work today is based on a model which aims to ‘diagnose and treat’ conditions. Modern medicine has made great strides forward. But much of it still only comes into play relatively late in the history of an illness. Developments in genetics should allow us to test or screen for risk factors long before the symptoms of disease develop. The NHS of the future should increasingly allow us to ‘predict and prevent’ the common diseases of later life.

    Genetics will never mean a disease-free existence; but understanding of genetics could eventually help to free society from some of today’s major diseases. The plans my department are currently discussing with the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council for one of the world’s largest studies – involving 500,000 volunteers – into the interaction between genes and environment will give us further vital clues.

    To realise the potential genetic advances could have, however, the NHS will need to change the services it offers. Hospitals might do less invasive surgery but more gene therapy treatment. Overall the NHS will need to gear itself increasingly to prevention and not just treatment. In primary care where the majority of patients will be seen, the pattern of care will alter, as new services take the place of existing ones: more genetic screening alongside more specialist genetic counselling; more regular check-ups; more help for people to give up smoking not just advice that they should; more exercise on prescription alongside drugs on prescription, tailored to the individual’s personal genetic profile.

    Patients, of course, must be able to choose how best they as individuals can benefit from these genetic advances. People have a right to know and a right not to know information about their own health. For genetic tests, the rate of take-up will inevitably depend on factors such as family health history and the possibility of treatment. There will be huge dilemmas for the individual patient – as women who are at high risk from breast cancer have already found after deciding whether or not to have a genetic test. But overall, I believe genetic developments should give patients more control and more choice over their own health.

    The role of health professionals will be to help patients choose what is right for them. There will be a greater emphasis on providing clear information to patients so they can make informed choices. Informed consent should be the governing principle here, with a greater sense of partnership between professional and patient.

    Genetic services will spread out of specialist centres into GP surgeries, health centres and local hospitals as I know you are now doing here in the North East. A new generation of specialist primary care professionals are likely to develop to work alongside family doctors – and help relieve the burden on them – by specialising in genetic testing, advice and counselling. Mainstreaming genetic services in the NHS will also require big changes in how we educate and train health professionals.

    There is then a lot of preparation to do. Day-by-day we are seeing advances which could offer more patients the benefits of genetic services. Today for example, I am able to announce agreement between my department and the Cancer Research Campaign for the use of their world class research to support testing for the presence of breast cancer genes. The CRC has held a patent on the detection of one of the breast cancer genes for some time. Such a patent could have made it prohibitively expensive for the NHS to test women for this gene if the CRC had used their patent powers to impose a charge. The agreement we have reached with the CRC ensures that women will not face this problem – so incidentally giving the lie to the claim that some have made that genetic patenting inevitably will land the NHS with unaffordable costs. I can also say today that discussions are underway with a leading United States-based biotechnology company, Myriad Genetics Inc, to enable NHS patients to benefit from the company’s extensive research and development on a related breast cancer gene. I hope these discussions will be a model for future collaborations with our health service.

    These advances, however, inevitably place great strain on NHS genetic services. I want to pay tribute not only to the work that John and his team do here in Newcastle but to the work of our regional genetic services up and down the country. You already provide vital – sometimes life-saving services for thousands of people with single gene disorders. You are at the sharp end of the genetics revolution – a revolution with the potential to transform health care in our country but which must not be allowed to overwhelm it.

    Here in Britain we start with a great advantage. Despite the very real pressures our genetic services are under, they are the envy of Europe. A recent study in the European Journal of Genetics concludes that the UK and the Netherlands provide our continent’s most comprehensive genetic services.

    According to the Nuffield Trust no other country in the World provides a service which offers combined strengths in clinical, laboratory and research activities. When it comes to genetic services it is no exaggeration to say the NHS is a world leader. Now it is time to enhance the capacity of our genetic services so they are better able to capture advances in genetic medicine for many more NHS patients.

    Today I can announce a £30 million package of new investment in NHS genetic services.

    Firstly, the government will increase the number of consultants specialising in genetics. The NHS is in the midst of major expansion, after decades of neglect and under-investment. Already there are than 17,000 nurses and 6,500 more doctors than when we came to office. The next few years will see further expansion still. Genetic services will be a major beneficiary. Consultants numbers will double from 77 today to over 140 by 2006.

    Secondly, we will also double the number of scientific and technical staff working in genetics over the next five years to provide the specialist laboratory skills needed to maximise benefits to patients. Staff numbers will rise by 300.

    Thirdly, we will more than double the number of genetic counsellors working in the NHS not only in specialist units but in primary care as well. There will be at least an extra 150 posts and we will work closely with Macmillan Cancer Relief to develop more specialist genetic cancer counsellors.

    Fourthly, we will create two new national reference laboratories for genetics specialising in rare genetic disorders and identifying new tests and treatments that can bring benefits to patients.

    Fifthly, we will address the lottery in care in genetics services. As the Bobrow report recommended, we will now, for the first time, form our regional genetics services into a single national network capable of providing specialist services to groups of patients regardless of where they happen to live. The creation of a Genetics Commissioning Advisory Group involving patient representatives under the chairmanship of Sir John Pattison will also ensure greater national co-ordination of genetic services.

    More consultants, more scientists, more counsellors, new laboratories and a new national network of specialist genetics centres – a five point plan for expansion in genetic services – will allow the NHS to offer greatly enhanced treatment and care for patients.

    The number of NHS patients being seen by specialist genetics services will increase by 80% to 120,000 a year over the course of the next few years. More NHS patients with common conditions like cancer as well as those with single gene disorders will be offered tests. Regional centres will be able to routinely see the family members of patients so they also have the information and the tests necessary to make decisions about their own future treatment needs.

    Waiting times to see a genetics specialist will fall from as long as twelve months at present to just three months in future. Laboratory test times too will fall and test numbers will double by 2005.

    This is the first tranche of investment we will be making to ensure the NHS is able to offer patients the benefits of the latest genetics advances. Further investment will be needed in education and training for staff and in IT systems as well as in new equipment. I know that in this region funding for genetic services will expand by one quarter over the next three years alone. The investment we are making is not just a signal of our belief that these advances hold out real health care benefits, it is confirmation of our belief that the NHS is uniquely placed to maximise those benefits for all.

    Some argue that the costs of absorbing these advances will swamp the NHS. That is not my view. Of course there will be up front costs if the NHS is to spread the benefits of genetic developments. But, down the line, there could be significant financial gains to put alongside major health gains. For example, using genetic profiling to more accurately prescribe drugs will reduce side-effects, improve treatment outcomes and save the NHS a small fortune. Advances in pharmacogenetics could reduce the estimated 1 in 20 of hospital admissions which result from adverse drug reactions and currently cost the NHS anywhere between £1billion and £2.5 billion a year. Similarly, once we are able to identify say, the 10% of people most at risk from heart disease we will be able to provide them with extra preventive services. One estimate puts the costs of doing so at around £60 million with the savings at around £200 million.

    There is no other health care system better placed to harness the potential of the great advances now within reach than the National Health Service. The way the NHS is organised – providing care for all on the basis of need, not ability to pay – uniquely suits it to capturing the benefits of genetics for the good of all.

    Our nation’s health service is our best defence against the nightmare vision of a ‘Brave New World’ of two tier health care: a “genetic superclass” of the well and insurable; and a “genetic underclass” of the unwell and uninsurable, unable to pay the premiums for medical care.

    Britain’s system of socialised health care means citizens can choose to take genetic tests free from the fear that should they test positive they face an enormous bill for insurance or treatment. Worse still that they are priced out of care or cover altogether. Already in America developments in genetics have stirred precisely these concerns.

    Genetic advances lay bare the fallacy that private health insurance is the way forward for our country. Genetics strengthens, rather than weakens the case for Britain’s NHS.

    We in this country have good reason to be confident of being able to harness the benefits of genetic advance for all our citizens, rather than just a privileged few: the NHS, funded by all and there for all; genetic services, already among the best in the world, and now to be enhanced; and on top of this international strengths in science, education and industry.

    We have in this country some of the best scientists, academics and universities anywhere in the world. The Government’s Medical Research Council and the Wellcome Trust were responsible for a major funding contribution to the human genome project. Over half of all European gene therapy clinical research now takes place in Britain. The UK is home to world beating pharmaceutical companies. Our biotechnology industries have more drugs in late stage clinical trials than the rest of Europe put together. And – with the sole exception of the USA – growth in investment in pharmaceutical research and development outstrips the rest of the World.

    The Government wants to see British science leading the World so there is growing investment from the public purse too. Tax reforms – including new incentives for research and development – will help entrench further investment still. Already the science budget is receiving unprecedented increases. The Research Councils are now spending £600 million a year on biotechnology and medical R&D. Spending on genomics is set to rise by at least £60 million a year.

    These are huge advantages for our country. If properly harnessed we can reap a double benefit: prosperity for our country’s economy and progress for our country’s health. We can now go on to pool these advantages to realise the economic and health gains genetic developments could bring.

    The NHS Plan we published last summer set out our intention to establish a number of genetic knowledge parks. Today I want to tell you what they will look like and how they will work.

    The knowledge parks will bring together on a single site clinicians, scientists, academics and industrial researchers. They will be centres of clinical and scientific excellence seeking to improve the diagnosis, treatment and counselling of patients. Research will help create successful spin out companies specialising in genetic technologies. Developing research and industrial clusters of this sort has already produced enormous gains in the IT sector both in this country and abroad. Where we have seen the development of a silicon valley in the past we can now develop a genetics valley in the future. Indeed with the UK’s academic, industrial and clinical strength we should aim to have more than one of them. Nor should these knowledge parks be a cold scientific or clinical environment. As here at the Centre for Life, I want them to have an open educational ethos engaging in information and debate with the public about both the science and ethics of genetics.

    In the last few months we have had preliminary discussions with a number of potential partners to develop the first genetics knowledge parks. The Economic and Social Research Council is interested in a joint venture on the personal, social and ethical issues. We are discussing a joint investment with the Medical Research Council on bioinformatics. One of the UK’s major pharmaceutical companies has agreed in principle to collaborate on a genetics park. A number of universities are keen to participate too.

    Stephen Byers, the Secretary of State for Trade & Industry, is working with me to ensure the new parks contribute to the government’s regional economic policy agenda. I want some of the genetic knowledge parks to strengthen the economies of regions which traditionally have had lower levels of research and development, lower indigenous company formation and fewer industries of the future.

    There is enormous potential here. We need to act quickly if the UK is to maximise the comparative advantage we currently enjoy against growing global competition. I can therefore announce today, in addition to the £30 million for the NHS, a new £10 million fund – the Genetics Knowledge Challenge Fund – to establish up to four knowledge parks in England over the next few years.

    Some of the new Genetics Knowledge Parks may be based in existing centres. Others will be new centres altogether. In the near future I will be inviting bids from universities, regional development agencies, NHS Trusts and private sector firms who have formed collaborative ventures to develop proposals for genetics knowledge parks. I expect to give the go-ahead to the first tranche of genetics knowledge parks before the end of the year.

    What I believe is now needed is a major national effort to put Britain at the leading edge of new genetics services and new genetic technologies. We should be cashing in on the dominance we as a country currently enjoy. But that can only happen if we prepare for change and if we ensure that the public have confidence in those changes.

    I have tried today to set out how I think we can take the genetics agenda forward in terms of public safeguards, service enhancements, economic developments.

    As with any new science we are in uncharted territory. The response of some is to turn their back on genetic advances. To say that the implications are too big or too difficult to contemplate. To leave it to chance, to others, or to the whim of the market. I believe that would be a profound mistake for Britain.

    The developments we are seeing have the capacity to bring so much good to so many people. But I recognise there is much to do if that latent potential is to be realised. I have touched on some of the crucial issues today. I do not pretend to have covered all the questions, let alone given all the answers. More work and more consideration, more public information and debate is necessary.

    So I can announce today that next year, we will publish a Government Green Paper on genetics – the first of its kind. It will examine in depth the ethical, clinical, scientific and economic issues. It will build on the work undertaken by government, parliamentary committees, the Human Genetics Commission, research councils, charities and others.

    There are many points of view on genetics. I want the Green Paper to be a focus for them – and to be informed by a spectrum of views and interests including patient groups, the wider community, the NHS, science and the pharmaceutical industries. I am therefore establishing an advisory panel made up of representatives from these interests to look at some of the issues the Green Paper will need to cover. The panel will be led by Lord Turnberg, the former President of the Royal College of Physicians, who has, I am delighted to say, agreed to chair it.

    I believe the Green Paper will help stimulate a real national debate on the future benefits of genetics for our country. But the new frontier of genetic science and medicine recognises no boundaries between regions or nations: the clinical and ethical issues which genetic discoveries raise will be global. Britain has to maintain and enhance its position as a leading world player in the development and application of genetic technologies.

    And so, as part of the preparation of the Genetics Green Paper, Britain is to host an International Conference on Genetic Medicine bringing together the world’s leading experts, to provide a global perspective on these issues.

    Genetics presents a new frontier for the future of medicine and health care. The NHS should face that future with confidence. I believe Britain’s health service is in a stronger position to secure the benefits of the genetics revolution for our people than any private alternative. Better able to establish the trust of its people. Better equipped to translate scientific discovery into clinical success. Better positioned to exploit the potential of genetic testing for all our population rather than see genetic testing leading to exploitation of some in our population.

    If the NHS prepares for it – as we are determined it shall – the genetics revolution will make the case for a health service based on clinical need and not ability to pay. The values of the NHS will be invaluable as the full scope of this new science reveals itself. That is why I say today, properly prepared, the development of genetic medicine will make, not break the NHS.

    Our task is to prepare the NHS properly. To set boundaries beyond which science will not go but, as we have with stem cell research, to break down barriers to get the best for patients. To involve the public and invest the public finances in new technologies and new treatments which can help to improve the National Health Service and our nation’s health prospects. Above all, our task now is to determine how best we can harness the potential of genetics for the benefit of all our people and for all parts of our country.

    This is the challenge of genetics. It provides an enormous opportunity for our country.

    Hardly a week goes by without a new media story about genetics. Some of the advances we read about no doubt are more apparent than real. But one thing is for certain: genetics will, indeed already is changing the world in which we live – holding out the potential for new drugs and therapies, new means of preventing ill health and new ways of treating illness.

    And yet, despite the profound potential inherent in the new technologies, it is a rare for any health secretary to speak about genetics. In part this reticence reflects uncertainty about the impact genetic advances will have on health care. In part it reflects unease about the ethical implications of some of these great steps forward. We have to get to grips with both.

    In the process, we should not lose sight of what I am convinced are enormously exciting developments for human health. Late last year I convened a seminar on genetics in the Department of Health. Patient groups, doctors, leading scientists, the pharmaceutical industry and some of our country’s top geneticists attended. I learned a lot about both the potential and the problems associated with developments in genetics. What I heard convinced me that it is time for politicians and the public as well as scientists and clinicians to engage with the issue.

    Any responsible government has a duty to assess the future challenges facing the country. Our horizon must be beyond the short term. We need now to be looking a decade or more ahead so we can ensure Britain is in the best position to benefit from the changes that will surely come.

    Whether Britain prepares for it or not, advances in genetics will inevitably impact on health services and health prospects. The challenge for us is how best to ensure the impact is as positive as it will be profound; that it benefits all of our society, not just some of it.

    I am no expert on genetics. I am a politician not a scientist. So what I want to say is less about the science of genetics – and more about the impact it can have.

    I want to set out:

    – what the Government believes could be the potential of genetics for improved health.

    – the way we need now to be actively preparing the NHS so it can harness the benefits of these future advances for all the people of our country.

    And a new ambition for Britain – to put us at the leading edge of advances in genetic technologies and to develop in our country modern genetic health services unrivalled anywhere in the world.
    We have before us a huge potential. A gift that modern science has bequeathed medicine and society. The breakthroughs initiated by Francis Crick and Jim Watson five decades ago and taken forward by teams of scientists throughout the world in the human genome project have given us not only new knowledge about life itself but the potential power to improve life.

    The human genome project has already crossed a new frontier in scientific knowledge – the question now is whether we can harness that knowledge to cross a new frontier in medicine.

    The implications of the advances in genetic knowledge are enormous – equal potentially for the conquest of disease to the discovery of antibiotics. This is a revolution, with the potential in the first half of this century to dwarf the impact computer technology had on society in the second half of the last century.

    In time we should be able to assess the risk an individual has of developing disease – not just for single gene disorders like cystic fibrosis but for our country’s biggest killers – cancer and coronary heart disease – as well as those like diabetes which limit people’s lives.

    We will be able to better predict the likelihood of an individual responding to a particular course of drug treatment. And down the line, we will be able to develop new therapies which hold out the prospect not just of treating disease but of preventing it.

    Of course it is a complex business turning new knowledge into new treatment. For one thing, the relationship between gene and environment is currently insufficiently understood. So no-one can predict right now the scale of the impact of genetics on health care, any more than we can predict its timing. There are no guarantees. It is worth remembering: people of my generation grew up being told that by now we would be certain there would be men on Mars – either because we’d gone there or they’d got here first.

    What makes advances in genetic medicine different is they are already happening. Some genetic tests are currently available. Many more are within reach. There are promising signs from pioneering gene therapy treatments. Some new drugs are already being designed for specific groups in the population who can benefit most. Indeed, most experts agree the biggest advance we are likely to see in genetics in the near future lies in the discovery of hundreds of new, better targeted drug treatments.

    There is no “Big Bang”. Instead, we are at the start of a “slow burn” which can only accelerate in the future. Our job is to prepare for change to harness the benefits of genetic advances and avoid its dangers. To do that we need to secure public approval for progress and to actively prepare our health care system for that progress. I now want to deal with each of these issues in turn.

    First then, the views of the British public. Most of us in this room can already see the potential for healing which genetics may bring. Yet the subject evokes strong public scepticism, sometimes even hostility.

    A MORI survey just last month showed that while 9 in 10 people agreed genetic developments could have positive health benefits, one third worried that research on human genetics amounts to tampering with nature. The creation of Dolly the sheep and false claims about the cloning of humans have understandably exacerbated these fears.

    Little wonder then, that there remains some confusion in the public mind about where the science of genetics ends and the nightmare of eugenics begins. The pre-condition for dispelling some of the myths and ending much of the confusion is better engagement between the medical and scientific communities and society as a whole. Government and the media share a responsibility to help foster a well-informed, national debate about the promise and the problems genetic discoveries hold out for our country in the years to come.

    Many of the advances we are likely to see in genetics over the next decade will probably come in areas which are the least likely to raise profound moral concerns – such as pharmaco-genetics.

    But in a climate where the benefits of scientific advance are not always as automatically accepted as once they were, we need to move beyond simply stimulating a national debate about genetics. It is unfortunate but true that BSE and other developments have inflicted real damage on the standing of science. In some spheres there is the risk of an anti-science view taking hold. To protect against that prospect we need to move beyond simply providing more information or better education to the public about the potential of genetics. We have to provide positive safeguards to address the public’s concerns.

    The terrible lesson of history is that science can be claimed for evil as well as for good. So whilst science must be able to discover the facts, Governments – on behalf of the public – must be able to make judgements about the use to which those discoveries can legitimately be put.

    Advances in genetics raise difficult ethical questions. Most people, I guess, would accept as a good thing genetic testing for susceptibility to heart disease in order to be better able to prevent it. The same positive view would probably apply if we were able to tailor drugs to treat a particular individual for serious illness or if we could cure cancer by altering the make-up of a particular gene. Conversely, the prospect of genetically designing babies for their looks or for their intelligence is, for most people, repellent.

    At present in this country, human reproductive cloning is banned because the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority will not licence it. The ban is welcome.

    But I believe we need to go further to offer an unequivocal assurance to the public. Human cloning should be banned by law, not just by licence. I can confirm today then that the Government will legislate in the near future to explicitly ban human reproductive cloning in the UK.

    There are huge potential health gains in genetic advances but until we address and allay public concerns we will not gain public consent to realise the full benefits of genetic science.

    We have made a start with the Human Genetics Commission to provide independent advice on the social, ethical and legal implications. There are understandable public concerns that the advent of genetic testing will lead to new forms of discrimination – in employment or insurance for example. The extent to which the public accept, demand or avoid genetic screening services in the future will depend in part on who will have access to genetic information. There are important issues of confidentiality to be addressed. The Commission is currently exploring some of them, most notably in regard to insurance. We have also set up the Genetics and Insurance Committee to review the evidence about individual tests. The House of Commons Science and Technology Committee recently reported on the same issue. It called for a temporary moratorium on using genetic tests for insurance purposes to give time for the wider implications to be explored.

    The question of whether insurance companies should have access to genetic information has provoked much public concern. There are powerful arguments for not treating genetic information the same as other kinds of information for insurance purposes. Right now the relevance of many genetic test results is still poorly understood. Many tests can only indicate an individual has a predisposition to develop a condition not a certainty that they will. Even so forced disclosure of test results could deter some people from taking tests at all, potentially putting their health at risk for fear of suffering discrimination by insurance companies or even by employers. In the longer term the danger we need to guard against is the creation of a ‘genetic underclass’, where high risk individuals are excluded altogether.

    These are complex issues and it is for these reasons that the Government has asked the Human Genetics Commission to review the wider social and ethical aspects of the current policy on the use of genetic test results for insurance. We await their report and recommendations. Clearly the report is likely to give rise to a number of long term issues that will need careful consideration.

    What I can say today is that the Government will look sympathetically at any proposals to prevent the inappropriate use of genetic information for insurance purposes, including legislation if necessary. If the Human Genetics Commission recommends a temporary moratorium on the use of genetic tests by the insurance industry then we will pursue it.

    There will need to be safeguards to protect individuals from families affected by genetic conditions such as Huntingdon’s disease. I will therefore consult with genetic support groups and the insurance industry to examine what can be done to improve matters for those whose family history makes insurance difficult.

    As the debate on insurance and genetics is revealing, genetic advances require new thought to be given to regulation nationally and internationally. In truth, scientific advance has outstripped the existing regulatory response. Without appropriate regulation, lack of public confidence will remain a significant barrier to fully harnessing the health benefits genetic developments represent.

    Genetic advances can be a force for good. But that requires more than just public confidence. It requires active preparation. The genetics revolution has begun. It will only move forward faster in the future. It is time we as a nation started preparing today for the opportunities of tomorrow. Let me now set out then the preparations I believe the NHS must now make.

    Whether it is genetic testing or pharmacogenetics or, in time, developments in gene therapy, the genetics revolution is going to make the NHS of the future look very different from the health service of today.

    Developments in genetics should allow us to eradicate much of the trial and error common in medical practice. Much of the health service’s work today is based on a model which aims to ‘diagnose and treat’ conditions. Modern medicine has made great strides forward. But much of it still only comes into play relatively late in the history of an illness. Developments in genetics should allow us to test or screen for risk factors long before the symptoms of disease develop. The NHS of the future should increasingly allow us to ‘predict and prevent’ the common diseases of later life.

    Genetics will never mean a disease-free existence; but understanding of genetics could eventually help to free society from some of today’s major diseases. The plans my department are currently discussing with the Wellcome Trust and the Medical Research Council for one of the world’s largest studies – involving 500,000 volunteers – into the interaction between genes and environment will give us further vital clues.

    To realise the potential genetic advances could have, however, the NHS will need to change the services it offers. Hospitals might do less invasive surgery but more gene therapy treatment. Overall the NHS will need to gear itself increasingly to prevention and not just treatment. In primary care where the majority of patients will be seen, the pattern of care will alter, as new services take the place of existing ones: more genetic screening alongside more specialist genetic counselling; more regular check-ups; more help for people to give up smoking not just advice that they should; more exercise on prescription alongside drugs on prescription, tailored to the individual’s personal genetic profile.

    Patients, of course, must be able to choose how best they as individuals can benefit from these genetic advances. People have a right to know and a right not to know information about their own health. For genetic tests, the rate of take-up will inevitably depend on factors such as family health history and the possibility of treatment. There will be huge dilemmas for the individual patient – as women who are at high risk from breast cancer have already found after deciding whether or not to have a genetic test. But overall, I believe genetic developments should give patients more control and more choice over their own health.

    The role of health professionals will be to help patients choose what is right for them. There will be a greater emphasis on providing clear information to patients so they can make informed choices. Informed consent should be the governing principle here, with a greater sense of partnership between professional and patient.

    Genetic services will spread out of specialist centres into GP surgeries, health centres and local hospitals as I know you are now doing here in the North East. A new generation of specialist primary care professionals are likely to develop to work alongside family doctors – and help relieve the burden on them – by specialising in genetic testing, advice and counselling. Mainstreaming genetic services in the NHS will also require big changes in how we educate and train health professionals.

    There is then a lot of preparation to do. Day-by-day we are seeing advances which could offer more patients the benefits of genetic services. Today for example, I am able to announce agreement between my department and the Cancer Research Campaign for the use of their world class research to support testing for the presence of breast cancer genes. The CRC has held a patent on the detection of one of the breast cancer genes for some time. Such a patent could have made it prohibitively expensive for the NHS to test women for this gene if the CRC had used their patent powers to impose a charge. The agreement we have reached with the CRC ensures that women will not face this problem – so incidentally giving the lie to the claim that some have made that genetic patenting inevitably will land the NHS with unaffordable costs. I can also say today that discussions are underway with a leading United States-based biotechnology company, Myriad Genetics Inc, to enable NHS patients to benefit from the company’s extensive research and development on a related breast cancer gene. I hope these discussions will be a model for future collaborations with our health service.

    These advances, however, inevitably place great strain on NHS genetic services. I want to pay tribute not only to the work that John and his team do here in Newcastle but to the work of our regional genetic services up and down the country. You already provide vital – sometimes life-saving services for thousands of people with single gene disorders. You are at the sharp end of the genetics revolution – a revolution with the potential to transform health care in our country but which must not be allowed to overwhelm it.

    Here in Britain we start with a great advantage. Despite the very real pressures our genetic services are under, they are the envy of Europe. A recent study in the European Journal of Genetics concludes that the UK and the Netherlands provide our continent’s most comprehensive genetic services.

    According to the Nuffield Trust no other country in the World provides a service which offers combined strengths in clinical, laboratory and research activities. When it comes to genetic services it is no exaggeration to say the NHS is a world leader. Now it is time to enhance the capacity of our genetic services so they are better able to capture advances in genetic medicine for many more NHS patients.

    Today I can announce a £30 million package of new investment in NHS genetic services.

    Firstly, the government will increase the number of consultants specialising in genetics. The NHS is in the midst of major expansion, after decades of neglect and under-investment. Already there are than 17,000 nurses and 6,500 more doctors than when we came to office. The next few years will see further expansion still. Genetic services will be a major beneficiary. Consultants numbers will double from 77 today to over 140 by 2006.

    Secondly, we will also double the number of scientific and technical staff working in genetics over the next five years to provide the specialist laboratory skills needed to maximise benefits to patients. Staff numbers will rise by 300.

    Thirdly, we will more than double the number of genetic counsellors working in the NHS not only in specialist units but in primary care as well. There will be at least an extra 150 posts and we will work closely with Macmillan Cancer Relief to develop more specialist genetic cancer counsellors.

    Fourthly, we will create two new national reference laboratories for genetics specialising in rare genetic disorders and identifying new tests and treatments that can bring benefits to patients.

    Fifthly, we will address the lottery in care in genetics services. As the Bobrow report recommended, we will now, for the first time, form our regional genetics services into a single national network capable of providing specialist services to groups of patients regardless of where they happen to live. The creation of a Genetics Commissioning Advisory Group involving patient representatives under the chairmanship of Sir John Pattison will also ensure greater national co-ordination of genetic services.

    More consultants, more scientists, more counsellors, new laboratories and a new national network of specialist genetics centres – a five point plan for expansion in genetic services – will allow the NHS to offer greatly enhanced treatment and care for patients.

    The number of NHS patients being seen by specialist genetics services will increase by 80% to 120,000 a year over the course of the next few years. More NHS patients with common conditions like cancer as well as those with single gene disorders will be offered tests. Regional centres will be able to routinely see the family members of patients so they also have the information and the tests necessary to make decisions about their own future treatment needs.

    Waiting times to see a genetics specialist will fall from as long as twelve months at present to just three months in future. Laboratory test times too will fall and test numbers will double by 2005.

    This is the first tranche of investment we will be making to ensure the NHS is able to offer patients the benefits of the latest genetics advances. Further investment will be needed in education and training for staff and in IT systems as well as in new equipment. I know that in this region funding for genetic services will expand by one quarter over the next three years alone. The investment we are making is not just a signal of our belief that these advances hold out real health care benefits, it is confirmation of our belief that the NHS is uniquely placed to maximise those benefits for all.

    Some argue that the costs of absorbing these advances will swamp the NHS. That is not my view. Of course there will be up front costs if the NHS is to spread the benefits of genetic developments. But, down the line, there could be significant financial gains to put alongside major health gains. For example, using genetic profiling to more accurately prescribe drugs will reduce side-effects, improve treatment outcomes and save the NHS a small fortune. Advances in pharmacogenetics could reduce the estimated 1 in 20 of hospital admissions which result from adverse drug reactions and currently cost the NHS anywhere between £1billion and £2.5 billion a year. Similarly, once we are able to identify say, the 10% of people most at risk from heart disease we will be able to provide them with extra preventive services. One estimate puts the costs of doing so at around £60 million with the savings at around £200 million.

    There is no other health care system better placed to harness the potential of the great advances now within reach than the National Health Service. The way the NHS is organised – providing care for all on the basis of need, not ability to pay – uniquely suits it to capturing the benefits of genetics for the good of all.

    Our nation’s health service is our best defence against the nightmare vision of a ‘Brave New World’ of two tier health care: a “genetic superclass” of the well and insurable; and a “genetic underclass” of the unwell and uninsurable, unable to pay the premiums for medical care.

    Britain’s system of socialised health care means citizens can choose to take genetic tests free from the fear that should they test positive they face an enormous bill for insurance or treatment. Worse still that they are priced out of care or cover altogether. Already in America developments in genetics have stirred precisely these concerns.

    Genetic advances lay bare the fallacy that private health insurance is the way forward for our country. Genetics strengthens, rather than weakens the case for Britain’s NHS.

    We in this country have good reason to be confident of being able to harness the benefits of genetic advance for all our citizens, rather than just a privileged few: the NHS, funded by all and there for all; genetic services, already among the best in the world, and now to be enhanced; and on top of this international strengths in science, education and industry.

    We have in this country some of the best scientists, academics and universities anywhere in the world. The Government’s Medical Research Council and the Wellcome Trust were responsible for a major funding contribution to the human genome project. Over half of all European gene therapy clinical research now takes place in Britain. The UK is home to world beating pharmaceutical companies. Our biotechnology industries have more drugs in late stage clinical trials than the rest of Europe put together. And – with the sole exception of the USA – growth in investment in pharmaceutical research and development outstrips the rest of the World.

    The Government wants to see British science leading the World so there is growing investment from the public purse too. Tax reforms – including new incentives for research and development – will help entrench further investment still. Already the science budget is receiving unprecedented increases. The Research Councils are now spending £600 million a year on biotechnology and medical R&D. Spending on genomics is set to rise by at least £60 million a year.

    These are huge advantages for our country. If properly harnessed we can reap a double benefit: prosperity for our country’s economy and progress for our country’s health. We can now go on to pool these advantages to realise the economic and health gains genetic developments could bring.

    The NHS Plan we published last summer set out our intention to establish a number of genetic knowledge parks. Today I want to tell you what they will look like and how they will work.

    The knowledge parks will bring together on a single site clinicians, scientists, academics and industrial researchers. They will be centres of clinical and scientific excellence seeking to improve the diagnosis, treatment and counselling of patients. Research will help create successful spin out companies specialising in genetic technologies. Developing research and industrial clusters of this sort has already produced enormous gains in the IT sector both in this country and abroad. Where we have seen the development of a silicon valley in the past we can now develop a genetics valley in the future. Indeed with the UK’s academic, industrial and clinical strength we should aim to have more than one of them. Nor should these knowledge parks be a cold scientific or clinical environment. As here at the Centre for Life, I want them to have an open educational ethos engaging in information and debate with the public about both the science and ethics of genetics.

    In the last few months we have had preliminary discussions with a number of potential partners to develop the first genetics knowledge parks. The Economic and Social Research Council is interested in a joint venture on the personal, social and ethical issues. We are discussing a joint investment with the Medical Research Council on bioinformatics. One of the UK’s major pharmaceutical companies has agreed in principle to collaborate on a genetics park. A number of universities are keen to participate too.

    Stephen Byers, the Secretary of State for Trade & Industry, is working with me to ensure the new parks contribute to the government’s regional economic policy agenda. I want some of the genetic knowledge parks to strengthen the economies of regions which traditionally have had lower levels of research and development, lower indigenous company formation and fewer industries of the future.

    There is enormous potential here. We need to act quickly if the UK is to maximise the comparative advantage we currently enjoy against growing global competition. I can therefore announce today, in addition to the £30 million for the NHS, a new £10 million fund – the Genetics Knowledge Challenge Fund – to establish up to four knowledge parks in England over the next few years.

    Some of the new Genetics Knowledge Parks may be based in existing centres. Others will be new centres altogether. In the near future I will be inviting bids from universities, regional development agencies, NHS Trusts and private sector firms who have formed collaborative ventures to develop proposals for genetics knowledge parks. I expect to give the go-ahead to the first tranche of genetics knowledge parks before the end of the year.

    What I believe is now needed is a major national effort to put Britain at the leading edge of new genetics services and new genetic technologies. We should be cashing in on the dominance we as a country currently enjoy. But that can only happen if we prepare for change and if we ensure that the public have confidence in those changes.

    I have tried today to set out how I think we can take the genetics agenda forward in terms of public safeguards, service enhancements, economic developments.

    As with any new science we are in uncharted territory. The response of some is to turn their back on genetic advances. To say that the implications are too big or too difficult to contemplate. To leave it to chance, to others, or to the whim of the market. I believe that would be a profound mistake for Britain.

    The developments we are seeing have the capacity to bring so much good to so many people. But I recognise there is much to do if that latent potential is to be realised. I have touched on some of the crucial issues today. I do not pretend to have covered all the questions, let alone given all the answers. More work and more consideration, more public information and debate is necessary.

    So I can announce today that next year, we will publish a Government Green Paper on genetics – the first of its kind. It will examine in depth the ethical, clinical, scientific and economic issues. It will build on the work undertaken by government, parliamentary committees, the Human Genetics Commission, research councils, charities and others.

    There are many points of view on genetics. I want the Green Paper to be a focus for them – and to be informed by a spectrum of views and interests including patient groups, the wider community, the NHS, science and the pharmaceutical industries. I am therefore establishing an advisory panel made up of representatives from these interests to look at some of the issues the Green Paper will need to cover. The panel will be led by Lord Turnberg, the former President of the Royal College of Physicians, who has, I am delighted to say, agreed to chair it.

    I believe the Green Paper will help stimulate a real national debate on the future benefits of genetics for our country. But the new frontier of genetic science and medicine recognises no boundaries between regions or nations: the clinical and ethical issues which genetic discoveries raise will be global. Britain has to maintain and enhance its position as a leading world player in the development and application of genetic technologies.

    And so, as part of the preparation of the Genetics Green Paper, Britain is to host an International Conference on Genetic Medicine bringing together the world’s leading experts, to provide a global perspective on these issues.

    Genetics presents a new frontier for the future of medicine and health care. The NHS should face that future with confidence. I believe Britain’s health service is in a stronger position to secure the benefits of the genetics revolution for our people than any private alternative. Better able to establish the trust of its people. Better equipped to translate scientific discovery into clinical success. Better positioned to exploit the potential of genetic testing for all our population rather than see genetic testing leading to exploitation of some in our population.

    If the NHS prepares for it – as we are determined it shall – the genetics revolution will make the case for a health service based on clinical need and not ability to pay. The values of the NHS will be invaluable as the full scope of this new science reveals itself. That is why I say today, properly prepared, the development of genetic medicine will make, not break the NHS.

    Our task is to prepare the NHS properly. To set boundaries beyond which science will not go but, as we have with stem cell research, to break down barriers to get the best for patients. To involve the public and invest the public finances in new technologies and new treatments which can help to improve the National Health Service and our nation’s health prospects. Above all, our task now is to determine how best we can harness the potential of genetics for the benefit of all our people and for all parts of our country.

    This is the challenge of genetics. It provides an enormous opportunity for our country.

  • William Hague – 2001 Speech in Perth

    williamhague

    Below is the text of the speech made by William Hague, the then Leader of the Opposition, in Perth, Scotland on 4 June 2001.

    In just four years the Scottish Conservatives have been has been refreshed, revived and reinvigorated.

    It has been transformed by the inspired leadership of people like Malcolm Rifkind, by Raymond Robertson and by David McLetchie.

    And it has been turned around because of the hours of dedication and commitment put in by people like you.

    You have ensured that our party is now firmly back on the political map of Scotland.

    You have re-established our Party as a Party of Scotland, speaking with a genuine Scottish voice, with distinctively Scottish policies.

    Scottish Conservatives understand what devolution means. It doesn’t just mean taking your orders from London. It means standing up and fighting for what’s right for Scotland. And at the same time it means making sure that Scotland’s voice within the Union remains strong.

    In three days time we can take our revival in Scotland a stage further.

    We can do it by helping to give Tony Blair his marching orders from Downing Street.

    We can do it by putting Scottish Conservatives back in Westminster.

    And we can do it by helping to elect a Conservative Government that will govern for all the people of the United Kingdom.

    Scottish Conservatives have never been as hungry for victory as we are in this General Election.

    And don’t let anyone tell you that this election doesn’t matter. Don’t let anyone tell you that all parties are the same.

    In three days’ time, we will decide whether we want to live in an independent Britain.

    In three days’ time, we will decide whether we want to carry on determining our own destiny at future general elections.

    In three days’ time, we will decide whether to hand on intact to future generations the freedoms that we inherited from our parents.

    And don’t let anyone tell you this election doesn’t matter in Scotland. Don’t let them tell you that because Scotland now has a Parliament of its own, that elections to Westminster are irrelevant.

    This election matters as much to Scotland as it does to every other part of the United Kingdom.

    Of course the Scottish Parliament controls many areas that are of crucial importance to the people of Scotland.

    But taxes, pensions, the amount of money the Scottish Parliament has to spend on things like hospitals, schools and the police, defence, relations with Europe, whether we keep the pound; all of these things are not decided in Edinburgh, but in Westminster.

    The decisions taken in Westminster will continue to affect every single person who lives in Scotland.

    So I say to the people of Scotland. Don’t allow taxes to be raised even higher; don’t allow Scotland’s voice within the Union to be weakened even further; don’t allow more of the independence of the United Kingdom to be given away; and don’t allow the pound to be abolished.

    Don’t allow any of these things to happen just because you were told that this Election didn’t matter.

    Say whatever else you like about this election. But don’t say it doesn’t matter. Don’t say that all parties are the same.

    This election is about values. Our values as a party, and our values as a country. The values that make up the British character: tolerance and freedom and indignation at injustice; civic pride, patriotism and respect for the law.

    These are not, as some politicians seem to think, just words to be dropped into speeches during election campaigns. They ought to be reflected in public policy. And how this is done is what defines us as a nation. That is what is at stake on Thursday.

    I say this to the government. It’s no good talking about personal responsibility when more and more of our people are being driven into means-tested dependency.

    It’s no good talking about the importance of family when the last recognition of marriage has been removed from th e tax system.

    It’s no good talking about law and order when we have a criminal justice system that is more frightening for victims than for criminals.

    And it’s no good talking about patriotism when you are handing away in peace-time the independence which previous generations defended in war.

    I want to talk tonight about our Conservative values. I want to talk about how our principles will guide our practice. And I want to talk about what it is we are asking you to vote for.

    Let’s start with the question of honesty. I don’t just mean the integrity of individual politicians. I mean something much bigger. I’m talking about whether parties as a whole keep faith with the country. Whether spin is more important to them than substance. Whether they are elected in order to govern, or whether they govern in order to be elected.

    Four years ago, Tony Blair won office with a big majority and even bigger promises. All of you here will know people who voted Labour: people who wanted to give them a fair crack of the whip. Yet after four years in which Labour have dominated public life in Scotland many of those people are feeling let down and conned.

    They voted for a party that had ‘no plans to increase taxes at all’. But they’ve been taxed for marrying, taxed for driving, taxed for wanting to own their own home, taxed for putting a little aside each month, taxed for growing old.

    They voted for a party that promised to be tough on crime, but they’ve seen violent crime in Scotland rise and nearly 800 criminals turned on to the street while police are taken off the street.

    They voted for a party that said it would ‘save the NHS’ and that promised to make ‘education, education, education’ its top three priorities. But morale in our public services is at rock bottom.

    They voted for a party that tried to portray itself as the ‘political wing of the British people’. But they’ve seen how they arrogantly dismiss the views of anyone who disagrees with them like Britain’s farmers or the overwhelming majority of the people of Scotland who wanted to keep Section 2A or 28 as it’s usually known.

    They believed Tony Blair when he said he loved the pound. But now they know he intends to scrap the pound at the first opportunity.

    They were promised a Government that would be ‘purer than pure’. But they’ve had Lord Simon and his shares, Lord Irvine and his wallpaper, Formula One and tobacco advertising, Robin Cook and Sierra Leone, Geoffrey Robinson and his offshore trust, Stephen Byers and his non-existent writ, Peter Mandelson and his undeclared loan, and, of course, Keith Vaz and everything you’ve ever heard about him.

    They’ve seen Labour break its word again and again, whether it’s with a huge majority in London or in Coalition with the Liberals in Edinburgh. And now they can only watch in astonishment as Labour comes back and says: give us another chance. This time we’ll keep our promises. This time we really mean it.

    More than that, Tony Blair has already decided to claim victory. He talks arrogantly about having a mandate for change. I see no mandate. I see no change.

    Instead I see a Government which has squandered a massive Commons majority, plenty of public goodwill and the best economy ever bequeathed by a predecessor. “The epitaph on this past four years of New Labour will be: Never has a Party had so much and achieved so little.

    So you don’t need a crystal ball to see what Labour would do with a landslide, you can read the book. It is a litany of false promises, higher taxes, more spin and the triumph of style over substance.

    Labour doesn’t deserve another chance. Scotland and Britain deserve another Government.

    I am not going to stand here tonight and offer you the Earth. I’m not going to wave fancy pledge cards around. I am only going to promise what I know I can deliver.

    So to everyone who has had enough of spin; to everyone who is sick of politicians who ta lk big and then don’t deliver, I say: come with us. If you value honesty in politics, vote for what you value.

    And I say the same to people who believe in personal freedom. If freedom means anything at all, it means being able to live with dignity, without having to depend on the state. It means being able to provide for a secure retirement. And it means being allowed to spend your own money, rather than having it confiscated from you and spent on your behalf by Gordon Brown.

    There is nothing inevitable about rising tax. Tax levels are up to you. You can vote Labour, Liberal or SNP for higher taxes, or you can vote Conservative for lower taxes.

    Everyone accepts that decent public services need to be properly funded. People don’t object to paying for roads or schools or hospitals. But they do object when the money going into the NHS is spent, not on improving patient care, but on preparing hospital accounting systems for the euro. They object when hundreds of millions of pounds of their taxes are squandered on keeping the Millennium Dome open, or on the ever spiralling costs of the new Parliament building at Holyrood. They object when Labour is spending over £100 million a year on Government advertising.

    I say that if the Government has got enough of your money left over to spend £100 million a year on telling you what a good job it’s doing, then it’s taxing you too much.

    That’s why the next Conservative Government will give you a refund.

    We will cut taxes for small businesses and married couples and savers and pensioners and people with children.

    We will abolish taxes on savings and dividends. People who try to put a little aside each month are doing the right thing. They’ve already been taxed for earning the money; they shouldn’t be taxed again for wanting to save it.

    We will cut tax for pensioners. The men and women of my parents’ generation, who have spent a lifetime supporting and helping others, have the right to dignity, comfort and independence in retirement. So we will raise pensioners’ tax allowances, lifting a million pensioners out of tax altogether and cutting the tax paid by millions more. Pensioners have already paid tax throughout their working lives; they shouldn’t have to go on paying in retirement.

    And we will tackle the problem of the state confiscating the life savings and homes of those who have put money aside for their long term care. We will look to protect the assets of people who have tried to make reasonable provision for themselves. It cannot be right that those who have spent their lives building up something to pass on to their children and grandchildren risk losing nearly everything they have, while those who haven’t saved a penny are paid for by the state.

    With the Conservatives it will pay to do the right thing.

    And we will cut taxes for drivers. Just because John Prescott treats his two Jags as a luxury, that doesn’t mean the rest of us can afford to. For many people, especially here in Scotland, there is simply no alternative to driving. For disabled people, for elderly people, for parents needing to ferry their children to school and back, for women who don’t like to walk home from the station after dark, for people who live in rural Scotland, the car is not a luxury but a necessity.

    John Prescott may regard petrol duty as an ethical tax. But I don’t see anything ethical about a tax on disabled people, on elderly people, on young families, on women and on the countryside. That’s why the next Conservative Government, in its first budget, will cut petrol tax by 6 pence a litre, 27 pence a gallon.

    So to everyone who believes that taxes are too high; to families trying to stretch their budget just that little further; to pensioners who want independence in retirement; to people who need to drive; to everyone who thinks they can spend their own money more wisely than Gordon Brown, I say: come with us. If you value self-reliance, vote for what you value.

    And I say the same to all those who believe in law and order.

    Did you see the response that Jack Straw got when he tried to address the Police Federation of England and Wales just over two weeks ago? He was jeered and slow handclapped.

    Over the past four years, police officers in Scotland have seen nearly 800 serious criminals let out of prison early. Under the English scheme, that Labour and the Liberals want to introduce here, 35,000 criminals – some of them convicted for assaults on the police – have been set free before completing even half their sentences. Many of those criminals have gone on to commit monstrous crimes while out on early release: burglaries, muggings, even rapes.

    In Scotland under Labour, many officers, fed up with being pushed around and blamed, are taking early retirement.

    We cannot fight the war against crime if police officers have one hand handcuffed to their desks.

    I fully appreciate the fact that criminal justice is a devolved issue in Scotland. But I know I speak for the whole of our Party when I say that the next Conservative Government will lead a war on crime and allow the young men and women who join the police to get on with protecting the public.

    That means offering the police political backing instead of political correctness so that they can become the strongest, most professional and best-respected force in the world.

    It means scrapping Labour’s early release scheme, and taking back the get-out-of-jail-early cards.

    It means, as an immediate step, reversing Labour’s cuts in police numbers.

    It means winning back the trust of the public in the forces of law and order, not trying to silence their anger.

    So to everyone who feels that the balance has again swung too far towards the offender; to everyone who wants to see a police patrol on their street again; to everyone who feels that their city centre is closed to them on a Saturday night, I say: come with us. If you value law and order, vote for what you value.

    And I say the same to people who are worried about the abuse of our asylum system.

    Throughout the United Kingdom there are many people who had the courage and the spirit to leave their homes and begin again in a new country. People who have brought that courage and that enterprise to Britain, contributed to our national life, and enriched our sense of what it means to be British.

    Many of these people have told me that they are especially worried about the break-down of our asylum system. They have played by the rules. They have often had to wait patiently to be joined by a spouse or a fiancée. And they can see that something is going wrong when tens of thousands of people are now evading our immigration rules altogether.

    The British people are not ungenerous; but they do not see why we should have an asylum system that is unfair. Unfair particularly to genuine refugees who are elbowed aside in the mismanagement and chaos we see at present.

    So we will introduce secure reception centres where asylum applications are dealt with quickly. Those with genuine claims will be given help and support to stay in our country, but the current trade in human beings will not be allowed to pay.

    And so to everyone who wants to see the rules obeyed; to everyone who wants to distinguish between genuine refugees and illegal migrants, I say: come with us. If you want Britain to be a safe haven, not a soft touch, vote for what you value.

    And I say the same to everyone who believes in the British countryside.

    Labour Ministers in London and the Lib-Lab Coalition in Edinburgh seem to have no grasp of how serious things have become in rural Britain. The foot and mouth crisis, which has been particularly devastating in areas like Dumfries, has come in the middle of the worst agricultural depression in generations. Families who have managed their land for generations are being forced to se ll up.

    The epidemic has driven many people living in rural Britain over the edge. Coming after so much hardship, even strong men and women have given in to despair. I do not choose my words lightly when I say that under Labour the British countryside faces at best a bleak and uncertain future and at worst a slow and painful death.

    The next Conservative Government will move immediately to implement our Strategy for Recovery, containing steps to stamp out Foot and Mouth once and for all, to help struggling rural businesses and firm action to prevent this terrible disease entering Britain again.

    We are going to give British farmers a fair chance to compete by applying to imported food more of the food hygiene and animal welfare standards we expect of our farmers here at home.

    Our farmers are among the most dedicated and innovative in the world. On a level playing field, they’d acquit themselves against all comers. But they cannot compete properly as long as they are confined by the current Common Agricultural Policy. Just as our fishing industry, especially in Scotland, cannot compete properly under the disgraceful Common Fisheries Policy.

    The next Conservative Government will re-negotiate the Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy so that many decisions currently taken at EU level would be taken by at national level.

    To everyone who wants to see the rural economy thriving and prosperous. To everyone who wants a fair deal for our farmers and our fishermen I say: come with us. If you value the liberty and livelihood of the countryside, vote for what you value.

    That is my message for everyone who is registered to vote on Thursday. Vote for the things you believe in. Make your voice heard.

    If you value a responsible society, vote for what you value.

    If you value the family, vote for what you value.

    If you believe that individuals and communities can achieve more than politicians, vote for what you value.

    If you value rural Britain vote for what you value.

    It is your choice; and it is your responsibility.

    Above all, I carry that message to everyone who believes in Britain. To everyone who believes that we have achieved things that are worth preserving. To everyone who believes in strengthening the United Kingdom.

    Our opponents often give out the impression that they are embarrassed about the United Kingdom, ashamed of its past and indifferent about its future.

    The SNP wants to separate Scotland from the rest of the Union. The Liberals see the relationship between England and Scotland as a kind of conditional alliance within a federal Europe. And Labour, with their determination to put party before country, have created constitutional imbalances that risk breaking the Union apart.

    When Scotland voted clearly and decisively in the referendum for devolution we accepted that democratic verdict as the settled will of the Scottish people. It is now the settled will of Scottish Conservatives that the Parliament must be made to work.

    Scottish Conservatives are a party of devolution. But we are also a Unionist Party. The Conservative and Unionist Party. And we always will be a Unionist Party.

    So, while supporting devolution, we will also ensure that Scotland’s voice in the Union remains strong. That is why I have pledged to retain the position of Secretary of State for Scotland, with an enhanced United Kingdom role.

    We are proud of the United Kingdom, its values and of what our four great nations have achieved together. We opened the world to free trade. We brought law and freedom to new continents. Twice we fought for the cause of all nations against tyranny. We are confident about what the United Kingdom can go on achieving in the future.

    At this Election only the Conservative and Unionist Party offers a government that will unashamedly and full heartedly make the case for the United Kingdom.

    Only we are w ill make the case for a United Kingdom in which our distinctive identities can flourish but which at the same time enables us to come together under one flag as British.

    Only we will make the case for a United Kingdom that together is able to pack a punch in the world that far outweighs that of its constituent parts.

    And only we will make the case for a United Kingdom that values and includes Northern Ireland.

    So to everyone who believes in the Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, to everyone who wants to strengthen the United Kingdom, I say: come with us. Vote for what you value. And I say the same to everyone who believes that Britain should be in Europe, not run by Europe.

    Last week, Tony Blair called for an honest debate about European integration. This week, he got one.

    Last Monday, Lionel Jospin, the prime Minister of France, spoke with exemplary honesty. He wants an operational EU police force; a common criminal justice system; uniform asylum and immigration policies; a European foreign policy conducted by an EU diplomatic corps; and full economic union, including a mechanism for fiscal transfers.

    On Tuesday, the President of the European Commission, Romano Prodi, was no less candid. He called for the EU to be allowed to levy its own taxes.

    Well I’m going to be equally honest tonight. The next Conservative Government will reject that agenda lock, stock and barrel.

    We will not accept a European Army or a European police force or a European criminal justice system. We will renegotiate the Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy, so that many of the decisions now taken at EU level can instead be taken by the nations. And we will pass a Reserved Powers Act, to ensure that our Parliament cannot be over-ruled by activist European judges.

    Be in no doubt as to the importance of the choice we will face in three days’ time.

    This election is not just about who will form the next Government. It’s also about whether we continue to have a Government that is sovereign in this country. It’s about whether we carry on deciding our own affairs at future general elections.

    Tony Blair has made his intentions clear. If he is re-elected, he will speed up the process of European integration. He plans to scrap the pound within two years.

    In order to meet his timetable, Mr Blair would have to launch the transition process right away. Businesses would have to prepare for the changeover, throwing out their tills, changing their software, retraining their staff, adopting new accounting methods. The public and private sectors would need to find £36 billion for the conversion.

    £36 billion. The equivalent of £55 million in this and every other constituency. The equivalent of £1,500 for every household in the United Kingdom. The equivalent of building a whole new Millennium Dome every month for the next three years.

    And it’s not just a question of the money that would be wasted on scrapping the Pound. It is also the fact that our interest rates would be set at a level that was almost always wrong for Britain. This would put economic stability and British jobs at risk. It would threaten our schools and hospitals every bit as much as it would threaten homeowners, businesses and pensioners.

    Think about it; a recession in other European countries squeezing government income and forcing a cutback in investment in our public services.

    We could not spend the money to improve our schools and hospitals if our economy was not earning the money in the first place. So we now have a Prime Minister who says he wants to put our public services first, when in fact his obsession with scrapping the Pound would put them last behind the whims of bankers in Frankfurt.

    And the process would have to begin right away. It’s not a question of waiting until the referendum – even if you believe that the referendum would be free and fair. A Labour Government elect ed on June 7 would begin to scrap the pound on June 8.

    Tony Blair wants us to believe that Labour can now be trusted on the economy. But why should anyone else trust him when he so obviously does not trust himself? This must be the first time that a party has sought office by promising to give up the right to govern. If re-elected, Labour would contract out the management of our economy: our interest rates would be set in Frankfurt and our taxes in Brussels.

    Here in Scotland I find it extraordinary that Labour, Liberals and the SNP who spent years campaigning for powers to be transferred to a Scottish Parliament now want to scrap the pound and hand ever more powers over to Brussels.

    So I am not choosing my words lightly when I say that this could be the last general election of its kind. The last time that the people of the United Kingdom are able to elect a Parliament which is supreme in this country.

    This is an issue that ought to transcend party politics. I know that there are many decent, patriotic people, who are not natural Conservatives, but who are just as concerned as we are about preserving our self-government. People who may be lifelong Labour or Liberal voters, but who want to keep the pound.

    I am appealing to those people this evening. Lend us your vote. Lend us your vote this time, so that your vote will still mean something next time, and the time after, and the time after that. Vote Conservative this one time, so that we can carry on having meaningful general elections in an independent Britain.

    This is a question, ultimately, of self-confidence. Do we have faith in our capacity to thrive as an independent country? Or do we feel that we must go along with every new Brussels initiative for fear of being left out?

    Labour and their Liberal allies seem to have no confidence in Britain. They evidently believe that we are too small to survive on our own.

    Too small? We’re the fourth largest economy in the world. We’re the fourth greatest military power on Earth. We’re one of five permanent members of the UN Security Council, and one of the Group of Eight industrialised nations. We have unparalleled links with the United States, the Commonwealth and the rest of the English-speaking world. How much bigger do we have to be before we can run our own affairs in our own interest?

    I believe in Britain. I don’t believe that we have to be part of a single currency to prosper. That’s why I will keep the pound.

    Three days to save the pound. Three days to secure our independence. Three days to decide whether our children and grandchildren will inherit the same freedoms that we inherited in our turn.

    And so to everyone who believes in keeping the pound, to everyone who wants to preserve our democracy I say: come with us. If you value Britain’s independence, vote for what you value.

    The Conservative Party is ready to govern for all the people. For people in the countryside, who have almost given up on ministers ever understanding them. For people in our inner cities, struggling to bring up families on crime-ridden estates with failing schools

    We will govern for taxpayers wanting to see some return on their taxes. For public servants not be snowed under with paperwork. For people who believe that the countries of the United Kingdom have achieved more together than they would separately, and who refuse to feel ashamed about our history.

    And so I say to the people of Britain: vote for what you value on Thursday.

    If you believe in a country where your taxes are wisely and carefully spent.

    If you believe in a country where pensioners who have built up an income for retirement are rewarded, not penalised.

    If you believe in a country whose criminal justice system is frightening to the criminal, not to the victim.

    If you believe in working hard, saving hard and trying to be independent of the state.

    If you believe in the unity of the Uni ted Kingdom.

    And if you believe in an independent Britain.

    Come with me, and I will give you back your country.

  • Ann Widdecombe – 2001 Speech on Setting Public Services Free

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ann Widdecombe, the Shadow Home Secretary, on 6 June 2001.

    My political roots lie in the Sixties, at a time when rules and values were often seen as not only being irrelevant but positively dangerous. If you were young at that time, you were led to believe that the world owed you a living, and all you had to do was to shout loud enough or demonstrate long enough and it would be handed to you on a plate. It won’t come as much of a surprise if I tell you that I saw things rather differently.

    I went into politics from a sense of vocation. I suspect I might have had a far more comfortable life if I had gone into the City or into PR or anyone of a hundred different professions, but the Sixties were after all about passionate convictions and I suppose I must have picked up something.

    Doesn’t mean I have a closed mind. Many of you will know that I’ve thought long and hard about my religious views, and some time ago that caused me to change my Church. But I haven’t changed my Party, not because I’ve stopped thinking about my political values but because I’ve tested them, and challenged them, and found Conservative values as relevant today as they have ever been.

    And that’s about making sure that Government serves, and doesn’t end up so grand and so overbearing that it stifles the very service it aims to give. Which, of course, is what’s happening today. Don’t take my word for it….

    · Ask any doctor or any nurse, and they will tell you – they spend more and more time sitting in front of computers and filling in Government forms rather than sitting with patients.

    · Ask any teacher. If you’re lucky they’ll come out from behind a mountain of Ministerial directives just long enough to tell you how every day they have to wade through a swamp of red tape before they get anywhere near a classroom.

    · And our police, too are filling in forms. Or job applications.

    I entered politics from a sense of vocation, just as others – our doctors, nurses, teachers, policemen and the rest – also followed their sense of vocation. But that’s where the similarity ends, because in politics you expect to find obstacles thrown in your way at every turn. It goes with the territory.

    But that wasn’t the deal for those who’ve devoted themselves to caring for our sick, our elderly, our young, or keeping our law and order. They’re not politicians, and they shouldn’t find their careers turned into an obstacle course by politicians. Or otherwise they will turn away, as tens of thousands have turned away in recent years.

    I don’t blame them. A country in which clinical decisions are made not on the basis of medical priority but on the basis of some politician’s pledge card is a sick country. A country in which schools get Ministerial directives before they get new books is a neglected country. A country in which our police are fighting red tape rather than criminals is a country that has been cheated by its government.

    The Sixties were all about passion. Some invested their passion in –shall we say – quite exotic areas, while I invested my passion in politics. Because I wanted to change things.

    And things need changing, nowhere more so than in our public services.

    That is our commitment. To set our public services free, to do their jobs as they know best. It’s a commitment that will be there long after those tawdry little pledge cards that others hawk around have become no more than a pile of litter.

  • Michael Ancram – 2001 Speech at South Bank

    Below is the text of the speech made by Michael Ancram, the then Conservative Party Chairman, on 6 June 2001.

    So three very distinctive reasons why we are all here today on this platform. Not because of ideology, but because of ideals – individually expressed but actually shared.

    Michael’s passionate belief in the responsibilities of the individual. Ann’s deep sense of vocation and duty. Francis’s dedication to the bonds of mutual obligation. All fundamental to the complex tapestry which is the Conservative Party. We have always been a party of diversity and breadth – and we still are.

    Each of us has come a different path but we are all pursuing a common destination. I am a Conservative for all the reasons my colleagues have given, but there are some other reasons too.

    I believe in that old concept of public service, of working for one’s community or one’s country not for what one can get out of it but for what one can contribute to it. It is a very Conservative concept, the concept of caring not because you’re told to but because it is an instinctively Conservative thing to do. The concept of undertaking public office not because it gives something to you but because you can repay something to the community which nurtured you. And into all this is naturally tied the whole concept of integrity in public life.

    But these concepts are under threat today. Under threat from a new culture which seems to believe that public office is simply the reward for services rendered not to your country but to the party of government in whose hands lies the patronage.

    Under threat from a political philosophy which believes that the state always knows best, and that we should be caring because we are told by the state to be caring – and how.

    And under threat from the new political culture in which spin is more important than truth and where as long as you are not caught out – anything goes.

    I genuinely believe that this new culture is a cancer which will eat away at the foundations of our democracy. I believe we must fight it and that is why I am a Conservative here today.

    And I am a Conservative too because I love my country. I believe passionately in the United Kingdom. I am totally with Francis in his determination to defend it from the dangers of further integration into Europe.

    But I am also determined to fight the threat that seeks to unravel it from within – the creeping growth of nationalism and of regional and cultural division which New Labour have set in train.

    For me the United Kingdom is a most remarkable phenomenon, an extraordinary amalgam of different cultures and different traditions and indeed different nations. And these have come together through history with a common purpose and a common flag to create a sovereign nation which is far stronger than the sum of its various parts. This United Kingdom stands as an example to the world and to ourselves of how different, often very different, traditions and beliefs can – while retaining their distinctiveness – be voluntarily brought together into One Nation with all that that implies. It is that which we as Conservatives must fight to preserve.

    We have always been and will remain the Party of and for the United Kingdom. Our unionism is real. And when that United Kingdom is under threat as it is today, then as a party we will fight with all the strength available to us to defend our country and all that it stands for. I will never be told that it is politically incorrect to love my country and to be proud of it. And that too is why I am a Conservative.

    But there is one other reason which brings us all here together today. It is someone who throughout these last four years has never lost his sense of purpose and his clarity of vision. It is someone who in the face of political adversity and partisan hostility has never lost his determination or his sense of mission. He is a leader we are all prou d to serve.

    Our leader – William Hague.

  • Francis Maude – 2001 Speech on Fighting for Britain’s Interests

    Francis Maude
    Francis Maude

    Below is the text of the speech made by Francis Maude, the then Shadow Foreign Secretary, on 6 June 2001.

    I was, almost literally, born into the Conservative Party. My father went into politics in 1950, having spent some of his prime years as a prisoner of war. I and my brother and sisters grew up believing that politics is a high calling; built on deep beliefs and high principles. In my family the idea that you went into politics for yourself was laughable.

    So it was pretty easy for me to be a Conservative. My brother and I went to a direct grant school; a school independent of the state but where most of us were paid for by the state: a real public/private partnership.

    I grew up with the notion that a strong society is one bound together by the bonds of mutual obligation; that the strong have a duty to help the weak. Family tragedy can bring home to you how much we depend on each other.

    Is it bad that we have a hospice movement that is supported by the voluntary work of families and communities, rather than depending on the government?

    I was proud to serve in Conservative Governments that were prepared to be unfashionable; that were ready to take on the received wisdom. We may not have got everything right but we always did what we thought right. We did what we did not for ourselves but for our country.

    And I find it hard to understand why you would come into politics if you don’t believe in your country. I spent part of my childhood in Australia; and when I was on my sabbatical from politics in the mid-nineties I lived the global economy as an international investment banker. I know better than most how interconnected today’s network world has become. Britain can never be isolationist; can never turn her back on the world.

    We must be an internationalist country, yes. But we must above all be a country. How can we remain a proud independent country if we have lost the power to govern ourselves? When we have become nothing more than a province of a United States of Europe?

    In the sixties and seventies people like my father resisted the sad assumption that Britain was condemned to an inevitable decline. They fought the defeatist notion that the socialist ratchet was irreversible. It is for our generation to resist the sense that it is inevitable that we lose our power of self-government. It is for our generation to fight for the return of some powers from Brussels, to reject the idea that the ratchet of EU integration can never be reversed at all.

    It is for our generation to fight for it. And we will.

  • Michael Portillo – 2001 Speech on Trusting the People

    Below is the text of the speech made by Michael Portillo, the then Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 6 June 2001.

    As a very young man I was attracted to the Labour Party. The idea of high tax and high government spending seemed socially responsible. But over time I saw that Labour’s way didn’t work. The combination of the government’s spending more than the nation could afford, high taxation and devaluation just dragged the country down.

    The greatest single difference between Labour and Conservatives is the same today as it has always been. Labour believes that society changes for the better because of what government does; we believe it is people themselves who bring about social improvement.

    That’s why Labour talk of how much Government will take from the people and spend, and all their recruitment targets, as though the Government always spent our money well, and as though extra people could be recruited to public service like turning on a tap.

    We believe in trusting people, their aspirations and instincts. Labour believes in government and bureaucrats, we believe in people.

    Labour believes it’s compassionate and socially responsible to take money away from the people who earned it and spend it on their behalf. Well it depends. Not when Labour takes it from the poorest people. Not when it comes from hitting their pension funds. And not when the government complacently tolerates waste and inefficiency.

    But worse than that, it’s not morally defensible if we weaken people’s resolve to take responsibility for themselves. We believe that our society is better if people believe that their first duty is to be independent if they can, and to build up their sense of self-worth. People who take responsibility for themselves are better able to take responsibilities for their families too, and more willing to recognise their responsibilities towards their neighbours and their community.

    Those obligations to oneself, family, and community cannot be subcontracted to government. We believe that when a person has paid his taxes that is not the end of his obligations towards others, but the beginning. And indeed the greater your success in life, the greater is your personal obligation to put something back.

    A society that overtaxes and penalises success, leads people to believe that once they’ve paid their taxes, they’ve done their bit. A society that overtaxes the poor leads them to believe they can never escape poverty by their own efforts.

    A society that forces too many into means-tested benefits deepens the poverty trap and embitters those who tried to be prudent and thrifty.

    Whether Britain can compete in the coming decades will depend on whether we free people from excessive tax and regulation. Whether we have a society of which we can be proud, depends on whether we can convince more people of their inalienable responsibilities.

    Under Labour we are headed in the wrong direction: away from the responsibility society towards the dependency society.

    Our approach to public services also rests on trusting people. When we say that we want head teachers to control all the school budget, that’s not just because we think people close to the ground make better decisions than those in distant bureaucracies. It’s also because when you trust someone, when you give them the power of initiative and authority, you bring out the best in them. They flourish and exceed all expectations even their own. I saw what a head teacher in a grant-maintained school could achieve with children from underprivileged homes, who learnt self-esteem and the value of hard work.

    Labour has always believed in centralisation, but New Labour’s control fetish has made it still more intolerant of diversity. Uniformity is the enemy of improvement. We passionately believe freedom and diversity deliver progress.

    Governments must not be resentful of, or hostile to diversity. We can only walk when we allow one foot to move in front of the other. The other foot then catches up and passes by. And it is only by allowing those with good ideas to edge ahead, and helping others to catch them up, that our country can move forward.

    Governments without a deep-rooted commitment to freedom and diversity, are Governments wedded to mediocrity. Public services will never get better under Labour because they believe Government is the only engine of improvement. They are incapable of letting go: incapable of trusting people. Labour is intellectually timid, too bound up in ideology. Conservatives will be the party of progress and reform.

  • William Hague – 2001 Speech on Two Britains

    williamhague

    Below is the text of the speech made by William Hague, the then Leader of the Opposition, on 6 June 2001.

    Thirty days ago, I began this campaign by saying we would show the nation a better way.

    We have done that. We have set out how we will bring taxes down, how we will hit crime hard, how we will bring discipline, standards and choice to schools in every town and city, how we and we alone will keep the Pound. We have shown how we will deliver lower taxes while safeguarding spending on the vital public services.

    Labour by contrast has ducked and weaved on tax and spending. They promise more money for services but refuse to say where it will come from. They cloak their plans for more stealth taxes on petrol on National Insurance on pensions in weasel words and arrogant evasions.

    We have spelt out what it means to be genuinely tough on crime. Our support for the police will be as unflinching as our hostility to criminals. They will serve the sentence they are given, they will not be released on to our streets to offend again before they have served even half their time. Labour has had nothing to say about crime short of promising new police officers when they can’t even keep hold of the ones they’ve got. We have demonstrated how our schools can become places where children learn, where teachers teach and where heads are given the responsibility and authority to lead.

    Labour can only repeat the mantra of ‘education, education, education’ while we put forward practical plans to deliver discipline, standards and choice to everyone.

    We have shown we can make Britain a safe haven instead of a soft touch, by introducing reception centres that will speed-up the claims of genuine refugees. Labour and their Liberal allies have tried to avoid the subject and have offered no alterative plans of their own.

    We have set out our plans to rescue the countryside, by ensuring that proper help is given to the rural businesses and farmers hit so badly by foot and mouth. All Labour have to offer are further attacks on our rural way of life

    And we have shown how Britain can be in Europe, not run by Europe, how we can play our full part in the EU without surrendering our independence or our currency. Labour meanwhile plot to scrap the Pound without telling us how much it will cost, at what rate we would go in to the Euro or how a referendum in which they would set the question and determine the funding could ever be a fair one.

    Issue by issue we have made and won our case. We have put forward answers that Labour have been unable to question and raised questions that they have been unable to answer.

    I am proud of the campaign we have fought. I am proud of what my colleagues have said and done. I am proud of the campaign you have fought. We alone have set the agenda in this campaign.

    But elections are fought on more than just issues alone. They are also about values, beliefs and commitment – the iron in the soul of a political party that can see it through bad times as well as good.

    We have shown that iron. What a contrast to New Labour. What a contrast to Tony Blair’s endless convolutions that lead him to praise Margaret Thatcher in one breath and try to bury her in the next. Unlike him and them, we know who we are and we know what we stand for.

    We have never campaigned to pull out of Europe.

    We have never campaigned for higher taxes.

    We have never campaigned for greater union powers.

    We have never campaigned to scrap our nuclear deterrent.

    But I will tell you who has, Tony Blair. No belief is too important for him to abandon it when circumstances dictate, No policy is so essential that Labour will hold to it no matter how temporarily unpopular it may be. No value is too central for it not to be jettisoned when the going gets rough.

    That is not my way, nor is it the way of the Conservative Party.

    Our core beliefs in freedom, justice, and tolerance, of respect for the individual, decency, a reluctance to meddle and interfere and above all our fierce belief that a country is happiest and most prosperous when the people and not the politicians rule have stood the test of time.

    That is why in this Election we are clear about what we want.

    We want people to keep more of what they earn, to be self-reliant and independent, to plan for their future.

    We believe our society is stronger when people have the authority and responsibility to shape their own futures and those of others.

    It is why we set such great store by upholding the rule of law and defending those who work hard and play by rules.

    It is why we will fight to keep our country as a self-governing nation with the ability to control its economy.

    These are the same principles I joined the Conservative Party to defend all those years ago, the principles I stood up and spoke for when I was 16, the principles I am proud to put forward as leader of the Conservative Party today.

    They are principles not learned from books or seminars or pollsters, but forged from the people I grew up with, the community we shared and above all the family whose love and support has always been unconditional. They are principles that have never changed and never will.

    I grew up in the 1970s, a decade torn by industrial strife and inflation. A decade when people seriously questioned whether Britain was even capable of being governed. In Rotherham, politics was never very far away because the evidence of the government was everywhere from the council estates where a lot of my friends at school lived, to the nationalised pits and steelworks that their fathers worked in.

    But whether they were miners, factory workers or small businessmen like my own dad, they were decent hard-working people with standards who wanted their children to have a better life than they themselves had had.

    We all went to the same schools, used the same family doctors and hospitals and wanted the same things, but it wasn’t a Labour Government, the supposed people’s party that made it possible to fulfil those ambitions. It was because of Conservative Government that my friends and neighbours eventually saw a real improvement in their lives.

    Slowly but surely better jobs and more opportunities came the way of our country as the Conservatives ended union tyranny, brought down taxes, and widened home ownership. For the first time in decades there was a real sense that we were no longer the sick man of Europe.

    The people I went to school with are now doing many different things. They own their own homes, they save for their pensions, they enjoy wider choice in their lives. Many now have families of their own. I took my own route to Oxford, business school in Europe and leading the Opposition. But the values we shared then are the same values we share now: pride, directness, generosity of spirit and, if I’m honest, a certain stubborn streak.

    A lot of them voted Labour at last election. They did do in spite of their values not because of them. They did so because they wanted what their own parents had wanted for them: better schools for their children, better hospital care for their families and because they believed Tony Blair when he said he would keep their taxes down and make their streets safer.

    So imagine first their disappointment, when he broke those promises, and then their anger when he blamed them for his own failure to deliver. His attack on the forces of conservatism and his attempt to heap all the ills and evils of the 20th century on the heads of decent people must rank as one of the most ill-judged political comments of all time.

    Tony Blair may have retreated in the face of the Women’s Institute and others, but they still remember, we still remember. And tomorrow the world will find out that the forces of conservatism are on the march.

    I have met them by the thousand during my Election campaign.

    They are farmers laid low by a foot and mouth outbreak which has lasted longer and bitten deeper than it need have done because of the dither and delay of this Government.

    They are the small businessmen and women crippled by Labour’s taxes and new bureaucracy.

    They are the teachers, the police, the doctors and the nurses who have been weighed down by red tape and political interference when they simply wanted to do their job.

    They are the market traders I met in Smithfield this morning who shouted at me ‘Whatever you do William, win’. Or in many cases, ‘Go on William, wipe the smile off his face’.

    They are down-to-earth people who in a quiet way love their country and are privately appalled by Labour’s plans to scrap the Pound and to undermine Britain’s independence.

    Above all they are people who don’t always think of themselves as Conservatives, who don’t always vote Conservative, but who are in the end the backbone of this nation.

    Tomorrow they have a choice. And tomorrow, I know they will be marching with us. They know the stakes are too high to risk another term of Labour Government. They know that, above all, because of Mr Blair’s plan to scrap the Pound and surrender to Brussels, this could be the last General Election in Britain when we can still run our own affairs in this country.

    Because tomorrow is a choice not just about who will run this country for the next five years, but about the country that their children and grandchildren will inherit.

    I am in no doubt about the kind of country people want.

    They want a Britain that is in control of its own destiny and a society where they can be in control of theirs.

    A Britain whose streets are safe for families and the vulnerable; not a Britain safe for convicted criminals.

    A Britain where basic values and discipline are taught in our schools and where doctors and nurses, police and teachers are respected for what the work they do; not a Britain where the rule of law is denigrated and the people running our public services are demoralised.

    A Britain where people keep more of what they earn and are encouraged to be independent the better to help themselves and others; not a Britain where families and retired people are taxed and taxed again until they are left depending on the state for their very existence.

    An independent Britain with its own currency; not a Britain so lacking in self-belief that it gives up the right to run its own affairs or its own economy.

    These are the two Britains on offer, and tomorrow is the last chance to choose between them.

    The more widely I have travelled, the more people I have met during these last 30 days, the more I am certain of the kind of Britain the vast majority of people want.

    So if you have had enough of arrogance and spin and broken promises, if you want a Government that offers you only what it can deliver; I say vote for what you value.

    If you have had enough of higher taxes and creeping dependency, if you want a Government that values self-reliance and believes you can spend your money more wisely than it can, I say vote for what you value.

    If you have had enough of being told that we should be ashamed of our history and cannot govern ourselves, if you want a Government that believes in the future of our country, I say vote for what you value.

    Vote Conservative tomorrow and on Friday we will begin the work of making this nation once again the equal of the people who live in it.

    Vote Conservative tomorrow and Britain will again be a place we can all be proud to call our home.

  • Edward Heath – 2001 Personal Statement

    tedheath

    Below is the text of the personal statement made by Edward Heath in the House of Commons on 9 May 2001.

     

  • Matthew Taylor – 2001 Speech to Liberal Democrat Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Matthew Taylor to the Liberal Democrat Party Conference held in Bournemouth on 25 September 2001.

    Before the appalling events in America, the row between the Prime Minister and the TUC (and many Labour backbenchers) over the Private Finance Initiative looked set to dominate the news.

    Introduced by the Conservatives, PFI has been pursued by Labour in their “private is best” footsteps.

    Liberal Democrats oppose this dogma – but not as members of the old-left’s “public is always best” camp either.

    In theory, private involvement can, sometimes, encourage lower costs and better service, and real innovation.

    For example, a company building a road can be paid for each day it is available. Therefore the designs minimise maintenance, meaning fewer traffic jams for you and me.

    Similarly, in some PFI prisons bonuses are paid if re-offending rates fall – an incentive to concentrate on helping prisoners go straight.

    Of course, some want private involvement ruled out altogether.

    They claim the cost of borrowing is higher for the private sector than for government, and so it is always more expensive.

    But the government is paying a little more to, in effect, insure against the risk of something going horribly wrong. Then it’s private companies, not you and me as taxpayers, who get landed with unexpected costs and overruns.

    In any case, other savings may, may outweigh the interest costs.

    Critics also mention that government is often tied into PFI contracts for 25 or 30 years.

    However when government borrows for a conventional project it is also tied into contracts of 25 or 30 years – albeit for the repayment of debt rather than the provision of a service.

    Either way, if the original service provided turns out to be mistaken, the taxpayer will still be paying for that mistake many years later.

    In truth, neither private finance nor public service can rescue the taxpayer from bad decisions in the first place by the politicians.

    But if the opponents sometimes exaggerate their case, the zealots in favour go further. Much further.

    Both Conservative and Labour Politicians have suggested PFI magics up “extra” public investment.

    But PFI is a form of debt just like government borrowing. It incurs charges for the service built, rather than interest on the money borrowed to build it.

    Either way, the taxpayer pays.

    Even if it doesn’t show in the Treasury accounts that way.

    In truth, it only makes the Government’s figures look better – it doesn’t save taxpayers a penny.

    Extraordinarily, the Treasury openly admit that they are willing to pay for more expensive forms of finance just to keep the cost out of the official statistics – a pure waste of public money.

    When they did this for the Channel Tunnel Rail Link it cost us £80m extra – to make the Chancellor look prudent.

    For the London Underground it will cost £700m extra for Gordon’s Brown’s obsession with appearing – just appearing – prudent.

    That’s a shocking scandal. It’s one reason why we will put a stop to London Underground’s part-privatisation if we can.

    Because of this, the Government usually refuses to publish their public sector cost comparisons with PFI.

    For the NHS these show an average benefit of just 1% – which usually depends on unproven assumptions of long-term efficiency savings.

    Claims of commercial secrecy are sometimes used to justify this cover-up.

    Only because the Government was forced by a court to publish the Deloitte & Touche report, could we prove that the London Underground PPP calculations had been rigged, and that the bond scheme is clearly cheaper.

    It is a shocking scandal. And we will put a stop to it.

    Worse still, government Departments often get their sums wrong.

    I can announce today that we have now examined all the National Audit Office’s reports on such schemes.

    More than half show major errors in the calculation of costs – all favouring PFI.

    At the very least this is gross incompetence.

    Frankly, we believe the figures are being fiddled.

    If it was cricket Gordon Brown would get a life ban.

    We will put a stop to it.

    So no surprise, there are problems with accountability.

    Most PFI contracts replace unaccountable and over-centralised publicly run services with even more unaccountable and over-centralised privately run services.

    Democratic accountability is actually diminished, particularly if information is treated as “commercial – in confidence”.

    So it is time to sweep away this secrecy.

    To expose private involvement in public services to proper scrutiny.

    To knock it off its pedestal

    To allow real choice. Examine every option.

    Throw out the ideology.

    This motion rightly doesn’t say it is always wrong.

    It can, at the right time, in the right place, bring real benefits.

    But rigging the system at the expense of democratic accountability, value for money or quality of service is wrong.

    Totally wrong.

    We won’t rule out using the private sector. To do so would be for us to say that even if a project could be proven to substantially improve public services then we would not use it.

    But we do demand proof.

    Scrutiny.

    Accountability.

    When public services are developed, all the options must be tested.

    With the Liberal Democrats they will be tested.

    So a word on the main amendment:

    It implies that even when a partnership can be unequivocally demonstrated to be better, by our tests, we should not use it in the NHS.

    That doesn’t make sense. If we believe these tests are right, we should have the self-confidence to use them. If NHS schemes don’t match up we’ll put a stop to them.

    On the evidence.

    But, by testing alternative provisions, the public sector is itself opened up to scrutiny of its costs, its quality of service, and its ability to innovate.

    Liberal Democrats in local authorities and the devolved administrations have often delivered greater accountability and transparency in PFI projects.

    The challenge now is to ensure that all public private partnerships are tested in this way.

    Freeing local authorities and devolved administrations to borrow on financial markets, subject to the same rules as central government, would further level the playing field between PFI schemes and other alternatives.

    Labour have wedded themselves to PFI, whatever the cost.

    The Conservatives can offer no opposition to this, only support.

    They invented it.

    So it falls, yet again, to Liberal Democrats to lead the only effective opposition.

    Let us be absolutely clear today.

    Liberal Democrats are not ideological about private finance or public service.

    But we are implacably opposed, ideologically opposed, to secrecy, dogmatism or fixing.

    We will root it out every time.

    We will put a stop to it.

    Throwing out the ideology. Putting people first.

    Now that’s effective opposition!

  • Charles Kennedy – 2001 Speech on Terrorism

    Below is the text of the speech made by Charles Kennedy on 24 September 2001.

    We meet against an unimaginable backdrop.

    It is hard to find words adequate to give proper voice by way of response, far less respect.

    How can day-to-day vocabulary, measure up to such sheer criminality?

    For me, watching those grim images on television – again, and again and again – there were all the normal, human reactions.

    Disbelief. Then alarm.

    Horror – as the truth sank in.

    Compassion for all those people and their families, so many of whom were British.

    Can you imagine that last mobile phone call from your husband, or wife or child?

    The helplessness. And with it, the hopelessness. We’re here because we don’t believe in hopelessness. We actually believe in hope. But hope requires purpose. And purpose requires direction.
    When I spoke again with the Prime Minister earlier today,
    we were clear on a number of matters.

    First, common resolve to root out terrorism wherever it may be. Second, the need to balance legislation with the interests of domestic civil rights. Third, vigilance against anyone who seeks to target and attack any of our ethnic communities. Fourth, no ruling out of a further recall of Parliament, if events require it.

    Now immediate emotions inevitably begin to subside, but they will never go away. Nor should they. We Liberal Democrats must be clear about our intentions.

    Resolve. There cannot be capitulation to the terrorist.

    Determination. That we strike at the heart of international terrorism.

    And equal determination that in combating terrorism we do not lose sight of the fact, at one at the same time, that we live – actually – in a liberal democracy, and the principles of democracy are what we’re all about. So as we gather here this week, this is one of the challenges facing us as Liberal Democrats.

    One of our particular duties, is to make it clear that short-term knee-jerk responses, never provide long-term solutions.

    We have to be especially vigilant against those people who would seek to make scapegoats of Muslims in Britain.

    Let us be quite clear, we have no quarrel with the Muslim community and no quarrel with the Islamic faith. Last Friday, when I visited a Mosque in London, that was the message I took to our fellow citizens on all our behalves. And that message went out loud and clear from this conference hall this morning.

    But let us also remember. There will be particularly difficult dilemmas ahead for our party. Those difficulties will involve a gauging between the balance of the liberty of the individual against the threat that the terrorist presents to that very liberty.

    Do not underestimate the real, ongoing pressures and the public scrutiny that goes with that, which will be upon us in the times ahead. Proportionate response is not just about military measures.

    Proportionate response is also about civil liberties. The scandal that is terrorism is all about civil liberties. In facing those dilemmas, we are best to remember our first principles. We subscribe to the rule of law, violated over the skyline of the United States, on September 11th.

    But that subscription, as the very word implies, comes with a price tag attached. It involves realism and risk.

    Realism means facing the stark truth, that the terrorist will stop at nothing, absolutely nothing. Risk is about the consequences of your response.

    So let us be clear about these first principles.

    Civil liberties – yes.

    The rule of international law – yes.

    Co-operation amongst sane-minded peoples across the globe – yes.

    All underpinned by a philosophic and fundamental commitment to the integrity of the individual, and the supremacy of that individual over the power of the nation state. But recognising also that people need and are looking for security and reassurance, and that the proper role of the state is to provide that.

    Now that’s where we stand. And that defines our response and our reasoning in the wake of these dreadful events. When Parliament was reconvened, I couldn’t help but cast my mind back to such a happy year as a student in the mid-West of the States.

    Friendships were made there. What struck me then, what I didn’t understand properly, was the extent to which the mid-West can almost be a country which is very different
    from the rest of the country, which, when you think about it, itself is a continent.

    But what is so striking now is the remarkable degree of spontaneous unity right across America. A unity of understandable anger. But the fear that can flow from that can be dangerous.

    That’s where a candid friend comes in. Standing shoulder to shoulder, but always there for the occasional cautionary tap on the shoulder.

    The most special relationships, in my experience, are based on a combination of trust and mutual respect.

    And as America’s candid friend, we are able to say: there are no blank cheques to be issued to the United States.

    The way to defeat international terrorism, is through international co-operation, based on international law, clear intelligence and a measured and appropriate military response.

    And let me say this where military response is concerned: we have a duty and a responsibility to ensure that where our armed forces are involved, the risks to them are quantified and minimised.

    We cannot shelve or abandon that requirement.

    That means supporting American actions only in the knowledge that Britain will be involved in all planning and risk assessment.

    All that, we owe that to our armed forces.

    And let me also, incidentally, pay tribute to the BBC World Service. As ever, one of the key contributions that Britain can make to the coalition against terror and suppression is to offer accurate information and rational analysis.

    But do remember. War is not the word. Nor is crusade. Resolve is.

    We have got to fashion a mindset, to find that approach which begins to address the roots of such evil.

    We do need to get back to those first principles.

    In the face of such violation, be inviolate.

    Don’t flinch.

    Democracy must prevail and it will.