Tag: Speeches

  • Hugo Swire – 2013 Speech to Commonwealth Business Forum

    hugoswire

    Below is the text of the speech made by Hugo Swire to the 2013 Commonwealth Business Forum on 13th November 2013.

    I am delighted to speak to you all today and I am grateful to Governor Cabraal for giving me the opportunity to speak at this lunch.

    Forums like this are vital for increasing trade between Commonwealth countries and promoting the fundamental values that I believe are crucial for emerging economies to fulfil their potential.

    Capitalising on the networks and relationships at our disposal in this globalised, competitive world will help us all to promote prosperity, stability and security. And the Commonwealth is a long-standing network of old friends which lends itself perfectly to this ambition. Indeed, with 53 members, representing a third of the world’s population and over 1 billion citizens under the age of 25, the Commonwealth itself numbers some of the world’s fastest growing economies: exporting over £2 trillion of goods and services year. 20 percent of export trade within the Commonwealth is, I am told, British. I am particularly pleased that there are more companies here from the United Kingdom that any other Commonwealth country, apart from, of course, our hosts here in Sri Lanka.

    For the UK, we have strengthened our commercial capacity in our High Commissions in Commonwealth countries in Canada, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Mozambique, Ghana, Kenya, Cameroon, Papua New Guinea and Guyana. UK Trade and Investment helps British companies of all sizes do business across the Commonwealth providing the assistance required to expand the already deep business links between us all. We have redoubled our efforts to get small and medium sized enterprises in the UK to boost exports and rediscover the buccaneering spirit that I know will see British businesses undertake new venture and forge new markets across the globe.

    The Commonwealth provides its members with a solid platform for trade and investment. Our shared language, similar legal systems and our founding principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance set the parameters for trusting, financially beneficial partnerships.

    This networking lunch is an opportunity to broaden, strengthen and deepen relationships between us all.

    We believe that sustainable prosperity and development is not possible without good governance, rule of law, property rights, effective public services, strong civil institutions, free and fair trade, and open markets.

    This applies not just to countries struggling to rise out of poverty, but also to those – like Sri Lanka – which have recently achieved middle income status, and which aspire to make the transition to high growth and high per capita wealth. And also to established economies like the UK, where we have shaken up the public sector and put a renewed emphasis behind private sector growth.

    This approach is at the core of what my Prime Minister, David Cameron, has called the ‘golden thread’ of development, as he said: we should not “just ask whether countries are getting richer; we [should] ask whether they are getting freer, getting fairer and becoming more open too.” And it has been central to the UK’s efforts through the G8 on tax, trade and transparency.

    The Commonwealth is perfectly placed to support development in this way. It does not focus exclusively on helping its member states to become richer. It also focuses on helping its member countries to develop their democratic credentials; to foster the rule of law; to have open, strong and transparent institutions; and to adhere to the Commonwealth’s political values and principles.

    Good governance, like good corporate behaviour, helps create jobs; contributes to market sustainability; reassures shareholders; attracts investors; improves reputation and has potential to generate long-term growth. Investors are understandably more cautious about doing business in unstable, repressive states.

    In Sri Lanka corporate governance and the general business environment has been improving since the end of the conflict. But it is not perfect and there is room for improvement. This means increased transparency, simpler regulation and faster procedures, good governance and respect for the rule of law. These are the factors, Golden Thread factors, that can provide the certainties and assurances that UK companies require if they are to continue to invest here.

    UK companies already have a significant foot-print in Sri Lanka. There are over 100 UK companies operating here, including some of you who are represented today, HSBC, Standard Chartered, and others such GSK, Unilever and Rolls Royce. The UK is Sri Lanka’s 2nd largest trading partner in terms of volume and we are a top 5 investor. And earlier this year the largest ever bilateral trade contract was signed allowing Airbus and Rolls Royce to provide Sri Lankan Airlines with a new fleet of aircraft and engines.

    Over the coming years, and if the Golden Thread factors develop positively, I would expect the number of UK companies to increase further and to expand into other sectors where the UK is home to world class expertise.

    One area where the UK has unrivalled expertise is Financial Services. The UK is the world’s pre-eminent centre for financial services, creating the best environment for businesses and their employees, customers and communities to prosper.

    In addition, Britain is the leading exporter of financial and professional services across the world and a thriving and rapidly expanding hub for Islamic Finance. We have a huge amount to offer Commonwealth nations – not least with Scotland hosting next year’s Commonwealth Games in Glasgow when that great historic trading and manufacturing city will host the Commonwealth Games Business Conference, to which you are all invited, in July.

    The Commonwealth’s strength is in its diversity, and that is as true for trade and business as anything else.

    So, I hope that you will all seize this opportunity to make new contacts and forge new business links from across the Commonwealth Family. My Government is determined to reinvigorate the Commonwealth, both as an international organisation and a natural place to do business. The Commonwealth ‘effect’ – our shared principles of democracy, rule of law, good governance and similar legal systems provide solid foundations for doing business and a platform for trade, investment, development and in turn prosperity – and, some studies say, can bring a trade advantage of up to 50 percent.

    Let’s make the most of it!

  • Hugo Swire – 2013 Speech on the UK and Korea

    hugoswire

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Foreign Office Minister, Hugo Swire on the UK and Korea. The speech was made at Edgbaston Cricket Ground in Birmingham on 5th February 2013.

    Thank you to our sponsors, British Airways, who have re-opened a direct route to South Korea – which makes a big difference. And thanks also to our colleagues from PwC and KOTRA.

    Good morning and welcome to ‘Opportunity Korea week’. It is a real pleasure to be here at Edgbaston, one of England’s most famous cricket grounds.

    As my colleague the Business Secretary, Vince Cable, outlined at the opening of ‘Opportunity Korea’ week last night in London, Korea is a country that is full of opportunities.

    I saw these opportunities for myself when I visited Korea last October – my first visit to Asia as a Foreign and Commonwealth Office Minister. I saw the country’s dynamism and creativity; a Korea whose ingenuity and sheer energy has propelled it to become the 12th largest economy in the world.

    Scott Wightman, our Ambassador in Seoul, had just taken up his post. The fact that I had made a dedicated visit and was not travelling on to anywhere else showed how important South Korea is to us.

    If we are to get ahead of our competitors and meet the Chancellor’s ambitious target to increase the value of our annual exports to £1 trillion by 2020, then British companies have to look to countries like Korea – which is a truly remarkable example of a sustainable and knowledge-based economy.

    Our trade with Korea is already growing, so we have a strong basis for further growth. British non-oil-related exports to Korea were up 16 percent in January to November 2012, compared to the year before. That is not altogether surprising – more and more British companies are choosing to enter the market and I met a number of their representatives during my visit.

    But I am convinced we are not yet taking full advantage of the opportunities on offer. I believe more of our fantastic SMEs could be exploiting the benefits of the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement, which is eliminating tariffs on 97 percent of all goods by July 2014. This represents a huge market for you. I want to see more British companies building on the success of firms like Delcam and MIRA here in the West Midlands; or firms like Bonnie Baby, Harris Tweed and Lye Cross Farm, a West Country cheese maker which has increased its sales to Korea by 50 percent in the last year with help from UKTI and our Embassy in Seoul.

    You are all here because you are either already active in Korea or because you want to learn more about the opportunities. I hope that after this week of events there will be enough of you to go on a trade mission. I hope that those of you with experience in the market will share what you’ve learned with the newcomers. For my part, some of the points I find particularly striking are:

    Korean consumers like British brands and love British design;

    Secondly, the EU’s Free Trade Agreement with Korea is the most ambitious of its kind to date, and could be worth over £500 million per year to the UK economy if British companies take full advantage of it;

    Thirdly, Korea has established global brands – there is probably not a household in the UK without a Korean product in it – and if UK companies work with these brands, through them they will be able to gain access to other significant markets;

    And last but not least, Korea wants to do business with us; they hold British brands, products and expertise in high regard.

    Diplomatic relations build trade – the more you understand each other, the easier it is to do business. This year is the 130th anniversary of diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Korea. To mark the occasion, we are working to establish a Joint Economic and Trade Committee, or JETCO, with our Korean partners. The Committee will look at tackling market access issues and creating mutual business opportunities. This is but one of the areas the Government is prioritising, which reflects the importance we place on doing more business with Korea.

    Today is the second of five days of events across the UK as part of Opportunity Korea week. But Opportunity Korea doesn’t end on Friday. All of you will have the chance to join an outward trade mission to Korea during the next 12 months when UKTI Seoul will be able to put together a tailored programme of visits with Korean buyers, distributors and agents to help you break into or develop your position in the Korean market.

    Some of the great global brands were set up by British businesses going to the four corners of the globe. Some bigger companies think they can do this themselves, but I still think it is wise to use the expertise of UKTI.

    I hope that you will get a lot out of today’s event. Please take the time to talk with the Scott and his team. Take advantage of the presence here today of Gary Harte and Steve Duckworth, both of them working for successful British businesses in Korea and able to tell you about the intricacies of doing business. Talk to Henry An from PwC Korea who can offer expert advice on the legal and regulatory environment. And if you’re considering investing in Korea, make sure you talk to one of the representatives from KOTRA.

    I have responsibility for a large part of the world in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office; and I don’t know if it is because I visited Seoul first, but I was struck by the opportunities.

  • Hugo Swire – 2012 Speech on Global Economic Growth

    hugoswire

    The below speech was made by the Foreign Office Minister, Hugo Swire, on 6th November 2012 at Wilton Park.

    This is my first visit to Wilton Park, and I am particularly pleased to have been asked to open discussions on such an important subject: how international rules and standards can help to stimulate global economic growth.

    It is the first time we have tackled this issue in this forum. And with such a distinguished group of people here, I am confident that discussions over the next day and a half will be productive.

    I am sure we are all agreed that we are sailing in unchartered economic waters. Few would have predicted at the onset of the global economic crisis in 2008 the long-term impact it would have on the global economy. How we navigate our way out of the current difficulties remains open to debate.

    That said, we do know that increased and freer trade plays a major part in driving global growth. But to be sustainable and responsive to the interests of even the most vulnerable, this must respect the core values that underpin prosperity.

    Over the next few minutes I will argue that a shared set of rules and standards governing the global economy is crucial to achieving this.

    The situation we face is, in many respects, daunting. Economic uncertainty is eroding business confidence and dampening growth prospects, particularly in the Eurozone.

    Businesses, SMEs in particular, are finding it harder to access finance. Confidence in the banking sector has ebbed. The Doha global trade deal has stalled, and many countries are struggling to reduce their deficits. Growing protectionism and falling demand are impacting on business.

    There is no easy solution. Different countries will – rightly – adopt different approaches, recognising the differences in our economies. But as these problems have global implications, we should all be concerned about how we respond.

    The IMF recently announced that growth in the volume of world trade was projected to slow this year to 3.2 percent, driven by lower demand, especially in the Eurozone. GDP growth expectations for advanced economies were downgraded from 1.6 to 1.3 percent. Last month Eurozone business activity contracted at its fastest pace for almost three and a half years due to austerity measures and continued uncertainty. Vulnerable Eurozone economies are at a critical stage: Greece’s growth this year is projected to slump to minus 6.1 percent.

    Christine Lagarde has referred to the “ripple” effect that the crisis is having on the wider economy. It stands to reason that when growth in the world’s largest economic bloc – the European Union – is faltering, it will have a knock-on effect elsewhere. Indeed, this is one of the reasons why faster-growing developing economies are also predicted to slow this year.

    The big markets of China, India, Russia, and Brazil are all experiencing slower growth. In the second quarter of 2012 China’s growth hit a three-year low.

    And although the IMF projections are weak, the reality could be even weaker.

    What happens on one side of the world should matter to the other. When demand weakens in one part of the chain, it is felt elsewhere. In that sense, economic uncertainty is contagious, and as we have seen through the latest growth projections, no-one is immune.

    I am not saying that we do not all have our own individual challenges to overcome. For many countries the biggest challenge is reducing harmful deficits. For others it is rapid population shifts, high food and energy prices, or slowing export demand. These will inevitably require their own unique solutions.

    But one thing is clear: the choices we make individually in response to these economic challenges will, in one way or another, impact on others. So we also need a co-ordinated international response.

    But what kind of response? We recently asked businesses in the UK what they saw as the greatest challenges facing them in the global market place. Their answer was unequivocal: protectionism and corruption.

    Britain, with its history of mercantile adventurism, has long been a strong advocate of free trade – and we have had to learn lessons along the way.

    We all know that at times of economic difficulty, it can be tempting to close ranks and protect domestic industries and markets. It is only natural for countries to want to secure jobs and livelihoods for their own people. So we should not be surprised to have seen a rise in protectionism in recent months. Between November 2011 and June 2012, at least 110 protectionist measures were implemented globally – 89 of which came from G20 members themselves.

    Be in no doubt: protectionism is a short-term response that has long-term and often unintended consequences. The current impasse in the Doha trade round is thought to be costing the world around $180 billion a year. And protectionism can often lead to tit-for-tat measures that result in an inevitable race to the bottom.

    If we really want to support our domestic industries, we need to make them more efficient and more competitive, rather than choosing to build a protectionist wall which will ultimately undermine competitiveness. Securing international trade agreements that open access for our businesses is the way forward – and it is a sad fact that protectionism tends to make these harder to attain.

    I also believe that corruption remains a scourge on the global economy. It is a corrosive element with long-term economic, social and political consequences. And by adding as much as 10 percent to the total cost of doing business globally, and up to 25 percent of the cost of procurement contracts in developing countries, it inflicts damage on the most vulnerable in society.

    I know this is a difficult subject. Some continue to downplay its potential to damage the global economy, classing it as a necessary evil in normal business behaviour.

    But we should not fall into this trap. Make no mistake: corruption is global. In Europe, we have had to take tough measures to deter it. In developing economies, domestic concern about corruption is also rising, as a growing private sector tries to compete with state-run and protected assets. And in some of the world’s poorest countries, the lack of strong, transparent and accountable institutions means that citizens remain unable to share in the benefits of growth.

    A recent report by the International Chamber of Commerce, Transparency International, the UN Global Compact and the World Economic Forum provides a stark reminder of the costs of corruption to business. The report states that corruption is the biggest single obstacle to economic and social development around the world. It put the price tag at around $2.6 trillion, or 5 percent of global GDP, each year. And it is not just a question of the direct cost: corruption damages business confidence, deters investment and distorts the market.

    I see the domestic and international application of rules and standards as an essential part of building the confidence the market needs. Corruption is exactly the sort of threat they can help to address.

    And on this the UK is showing global leadership. Our Bribery Act, which sets out a framework for dealing with corrupt business practices, has been a brave step to take. Indeed, it was initially met with nervousness in some quarters. But a year on, British companies are telling us that they see it as a real reputational asset in securing trade.

    As the Prime Minister, David Cameron, made clear in an article in the Wall Street Journal recently, if we are to successfully tackle global poverty we need a radical new approach, supporting what he calls the “the golden thread” of conditions that enable open economies and open societies to thrive: the rule of law, the absence of conflict and corruption, and the presence of property rights and strong institutions. He will make this a key focus of his role as co-chair of the UN’s High Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, as well as for the UK’s G8 Presidency.

    Responding to these two challenges – protectionism and corruption – is therefore crucial. And I think this is where the subject of this conference comes in.

    The current framework of global economic rules and standards covers a broad range of activity, from corporate governance, anti-corruption to competition law and rules governing trade. But the coverage, breadth and depth of these rules is patchy. Crucially, most were drawn up at a different time, when there was a different global economic dynamic.

    The global economy is even more interconnected today that it was 50 years ago, with a range of new and influential economic actors. So there needs to be an architecture within which we can maximise the benefits of trade – one in which everyone sees the imperative to engage. This was a clear recommendation of the Prime Minister’s report to the G20 last year on global governance.

    After all, if we all played a game according to different rules, it would not be much of a game. Business needs the assurance of a level playing field, underpinned by basic rules, to have the confidence to engage and export – no matter where in the world you are operating.

    These rules are not about constraining business, and we would not back them if they were. They are about ensuring that businesses remain flexible and responsive, yet resilient enough to build a solid foundation for future global trade and economic engagement.

    We need to show countries that are currently hesitant that these rules are relevant, and ensure that the process through which new and existing standards are updated and developed is transparent and open to all. The architecture needs to be fit for purpose. And it will be important for key players such as the OECD to continue adapting to the changing global dynamic, while recognising that different countries are at different stages of economic development.

    But we should also recognise that if we disagree we risk the system breaking down, with partners reneging on their commitments and others free-riding from the sidelines. During this period of global economic stagnation, we should all be pushing for partners to implement existing commitments. At the same time, we should encourage new partners to join the fold.

    The economic challenges we face today are complex and multifaceted. They will require individual solutions, but – I hope I have shown this afternoon – within a collective framework.

    We are beyond the point where we can credibly argue that economic progress can be best served through isolation and protectionist policies; globalisation remains our only option. Of course, we should recognise that there is no magic bullet, and I would certainly not argue that the current rules and standards are a perfect model.

    But one thing I am sure about is that economies across the world need to complement each other if we are to meet our common objective of sustained, long-term growth, in which our businesses and peoples can thrive.

    So I want to finish today by posing some practical questions. Of the global rules and standards that already exist, which need fixing most urgently, and how? What more can we do to improve enforcement? Are there areas of economic activity that fall outside the current architecture, and if so, should – and how – do we bring these in? Are there rules that are out of date and no longer applicable?

    I do not expect you to find concrete answers to these questions in the next day and a half. But I hope that in your discussions you will be able to explore comprehensively the rationale behind the rules-based economic system and how it can contribute to the global recovery.

    I look forward to seeing the report Wilton Park will produce after the conference. We will study it carefully as we review our responses to these challenges.

  • Hugo Swire – 2012 Speech on Human Trafficking

    hugoswire

    Below is the text of a speech made by the Foreign Office Minister, Hugo Swire, on 24th October 2012 at the Foreign Office in London.

    Thank you Susannah for your kind introduction, and indeed to your whole team for organising this important event with the Home Office.  The problem of human trafficking is fresh in our minds following Anti-Slavery Day last week.

    And it is an area on which I have been engaged for some time.  In my previous job in the Northern Ireland Office, I was proud to work with my old friends, Anthony Steen and Baroness Butler-Sloss, to promote the good work of the Human Trafficking Foundation on both sides of the Irish border.

    Of course, my new home – the Foreign and Commonwealth Office – has a rich history of fighting slavery, human trafficking and other international violations of basic human rights – the legacy of William Wilberforce and his brave colleagues.

    And it would be remiss of me to pass up the opportunity to earn some ‘brownie points’ with my new boss, the Foreign Secretary, by drawing your attention to his excellent, well-researched and fascinating book – ‘William Wilberforce’ by William Hague – still available in all good bookstores!

    So I am delighted that we have such a wide range of distinguished participants here this evening to discuss how we can all work more closely on combating this particularly pernicious crime.

    In my brief remarks, I want to focus on the big picture: the global nature of human trafficking and how the international community needs to work together to combat it.

    I will then hand over to my colleague, Mark Harper to concentrate on this government’s strategy to tackle the problem and how it is being implemented here in Britain.

    It is difficult to know precisely how many people directly suffer from human trafficking.  However, according to some estimates, at any given time as many as 27 million men, women and children are captive to human traffickers.

    To put the scale of this problem in its historical context: today more people are trafficked each year than the total number of those trafficked in the 350 years of the transatlantic slave trade.

    People talk about the abolition of slavery.  But slavery has not been abolished.  It continues on an unprecedented scale and with unparalleled barbarity.  Today, human trafficking involves not only slavery, but blackmail, kidnap, rape and murder.

    So the fact that slavery is universally illegal is no reason for complacency.  Human trafficking is the second most lucrative organised criminal activity in the world, worth around $36 billion annually.

    It is a phenomenon that is not restricted to any particular country, region or continent, and it is certainly not restricted by national boundaries.  Many victims find themselves in countries foreign to them where they are particularly vulnerable – they may not speak the language, may have no contact with any family or friends, and may fear the authorities.

    Why we need to act

    So there are two fundamental reasons why governments should take action, and take action together.  The first is that this crime is particularly abhorrent.  It ranks among the worst forms of human rights abuse.  There is surely nothing more degrading, demeaning or dehumanising than being sold into the sex trade or being forced into manual labour and criminal activity.

    Some people are trafficked for spare parts – organs that extracted by their purchaser.  Many of the victims are children, abducted from their families to fight in wars, to suffer sexual abuse, and to have their chances of a normal life robbed of them.  I believe we have a moral duty to take action.

    The second reason for governments to work together to fight this scourge is that it does not only affect the direct victims.  Human trafficking is the lifeblood of many organised criminal groups.  The $36 billion that it generates could well feed terrorism and trade in drugs and arms.

    So the effects of human trafficking are broadly felt across societies.  As governments, we have a duty to protect our citizens from these threats.

    But we cannot effectively tackle the problem in isolation.  It is a transnational crime, and it requires a transnational response.  That is why this we are here this evening in the Locarno Room of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.  Because while the Prime Minister has made clear that fighting human trafficking is a “Coalition priority”, in order to be effective, we need to be able to work closely with other countries.

    In particular, we want to focus on how we can break each and every link in the human trafficking chain. Let me take you through each in turn.

    Prevention

    The first link in the chain is the targeting of potential victims.  To break this link, we have to reduce the vulnerability of people to human traffickers.  I am sure that Mark will go into detail about the victims that we find here in the United Kingdom.  But the vast majority of those victims originate from outside Britain.  So we want to work with governments to prevent their citizens from falling prey to traffickers in the first place.

    At a very basic level, this involves alleviating the conditions of vulnerability – such as poverty, lack of education, and lack of employment opportunities – that lead people into the arms of traffickers.  This is central to much of the work of our Department for International Development.  But it also runs specific programmes in South Asia and West Africa which target communities in which human trafficking is particularly prevalent.

    Prevention also requires educating potential victims about the threat of human trafficking.  I understand that the vast majority of victims are deceived into captivity, being unaware of the dangers inherent in migrating to find work.  So part of our preventative work is focussed on raising awareness among vulnerable groups.

    Embassies and High Commissions across our network have partnered with local NGOs to this end.  For example, our embassy in Prague has launched a project with La Strada and Diaconia, both local charities, which raises awareness of human trafficking in socially excluded groups across the Czech Republic.

    Transit

    The next link in the chain which needs to be broken is the transit of victims across borders.  For those unfortunate enough to fall prey to human traffickers, it is important that police and border officials are able to work together to prevent victims from being removed from their own countries.

    The Metropolitan Police run joint operations with their counterparts across Europe and beyond.  And we are eager to expand cooperation with other law enforcement agencies across the world.  Assistant Chief Constable Olivia Pinkney and Detective Chief Inspector Nick Sumner will tell you shortly more about this good work.

    Further cooperation will also help to break the next chain-link: identifying trafficked individuals and their captors, rescuing the former and prosecuting the latter.  Intelligence sharing is needed to capture and convict trans-national criminals.  So we are particularly proud of the Arrest Referral Programmes that we have developed with the State Police forces in India and hope that we can set up similar programmes with other partners.

    Repatriation and reintegration

    But liberating the victims and apprehending the perpetrators is by no means ‘job done’.  I am horrified by some of the bureaucracy required for victims to be able to travel home after the terrible ordeals that they have endured.  It can take many months to obtain the requisite travel documentation, which seems like pouring salt into the wound.  I sincerely hope that we can find a way of expediting the safe return of victims desperate to get home to their families.

    The final link in the chain that needs to be broken is the one connecting rescued victims with the risk of further human trafficking.  Because those returned to their communities following captivity or forced labour are especially vulnerable.  We are therefore keen to work with governments and organisations in helping to protect victims from ever being subject to human trafficking again.  That is why we are funding a reintegration centre in Lao Cai, Vietnam, to support girls rescued from trafficking.

    Conclusion

    This government cares deeply about human trafficking.  It has been highlighted as a Coalition Priority, the Prime Minister is personally engaged on the issue, and last week the Foreign Secretary spoke about his commitment to tackling the problem.

    At the heart of this commitment is an acknowledgement that that human trafficking is a transnational threat that requires a transnational response.  As the Foreign Secretary said, it is a threat ‘that we cannot inure ourselves against through unilateral action alone’. I will hand over to Mark to go through our own government strategy and where we require international coordination.

    We have invited you here this evening because we want to work with you – NGOs, charities, representatives of other governments.  We want to explore where we can deepen our cooperation and collaboration.  Human trafficking is a plague that affects all of our countries – it fuels organised crime, it exacerbates the drugs trade, and it endangers our citizens.  But worst of all, it destroys the lives of some of the world’s most vulnerable people, stripping them of their freedom, their dignity, and their humanity.

    In the 19th century, Great Britain was at the forefront of efforts to abolish the slave trade.  With courage commitment and tenacity, it was able to change global norms and have the practice universally repudiated.  Now in the 21st Century, slavery is less visible than it was then, but we do not kid ourselves that it has gone away.  We realise that we must work together with the same courage, commitment and tenacity to ensure that we finish the work that we began to eradicate this hideous crime in all of its forms.

  • Caroline Spelman – 2011 Speech at the Oxford Farming Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Environment Secretary, Caroline Spelman, to the 2011 Oxford Farming Conference.

    I’ve been really looking forward to the Oxford Farming Conference. It’s my first as Secretary of State and allows me to set out my stall as we approach a new year in the agricultural calendar and the start of serious negotiations.

    I’m a lucky lady because years ago as a commodity secretary of the NFU I would look to this event to set the framework for the industry to operate in. And now I’m here helping to set it.

    As the Coalition we now have a credible negotiating mandate and the right to be a positive participant in Europe – a participant that will be looking to get the best deal for farmers, taxpayers, consumers and the environment alike.

    It helps to speak other’s languages of course. But more than the words it’s the fact the UK is a real player at the negotiating table that we are more likely to achieve our aims.

    Aims which include the reform of the Common Agriculture Policy.

    We need to address the tendency to protectionism in other Member States which undercuts producers in developing countries, because this is morally wrong. Favouring protectionism over liberalisation will actually hold back European farmers in the long run.

    To continue as we are threatens to prevent the transition we need towards a market that can sustain EU agriculture in the future. And there has to be change, because the new member states will demand a fairer allocation – with which I have considerable sympathy. There won’t be a deal, frankly, without this.

    We now need to make the new CAP fundamentally different. Its strategic approach must change; as well as its detail.  It must be re-positioned so that we can tackle the new challenges of achieving global food security and tackling and adapting to a changing climate.

    The Commission recently published its plans for CAP reform.  Although they set out the challenges for the sector they did little to create a dynamic strategy that would usefully contribute to President Barroso’s 2020 vision. So, while I welcome their proposals for further moves towards market orientation and international competitiveness I believe we can be more ambitious.

    We can be more positive. More confident. Now is the time to make very significant progress towards reducing our reliance on direct payments – it’s certainly something the farmers I know want to see happen. Rising global demand for food and rising food prices make it possible to reduce subsidies and plan for their abolition.

    Furthermore we should encourage innovation in the industry. Provide help with environmental measures and combating climate change. Our taxpayers have every right to expect other public goods for the subsidies they pay. I’m wary of the proposal to ‘green’ Pillar 1. What is proposed is nothing like as ambitious as British farmers have shown themselves to be. That’s why we want to see Pillar 2 taking a greater share of limited resources.

    We are prepared to work hard to achieve this vision. As a coalition we have a positive relationship with the EU, with fellow Members States and with all EU institutions.  We are forming alliances with those who share our vision of a competitive industry, who share our desire to see it deliver on public goods and who want to see a level playing field in the CAP.  This is the only way we can achieve our goals.

    We can do it. We’ve already seen it work. It may not be what you expected me as a Secretary of State to say, but it’s true. Recent negotiations on whaling, on forestry and at the December Fisheries Council all succeeded because we built partnerships.

    The relationships we build will pay off. At the end of last year – in Nagoya – we saw an international agreement on a new global framework for protecting biodiversity.

    In the year of its Presidency of the G20, France has boldly and wisely proposed a meeting of Agriculture Ministers to improve the functioning of world markets.

    A timely decision as the global demand for food rises.  As international food markets open up and the risk increases of a wrong-headed, protectionism. In some cases this has already happened – we just have to cast our minds back to late summer and the ban on Russian and Ukrainian grain exports.

    I would therefore like to work with France to seek an end to export bans – one of the most restrictive practices found in the world market.

    This challenge is the clear focus of the Foresight Report which will be published at the end of this month.

    Of course our vision for the future and the goals we set ourselves must be tempered by the current fiscal climate.

    There’s a need for a reality check. It’s astonishing that the Commission’s initial views on the CAP barely acknowledge the hard times currently facing Europe.

    It’s hard for us here too.

    We’ve been in office for just over 6 months.  It’s been a challenging time. But, as the PM said, Britain can become one of the international success stories of the new decade. But first we must deal with the economic problems we inherited. Our overriding goal has been to set in motion measures to tackle those problems. This began with an emergency budget swiftly followed by the comprehensive spending review.

    But this hasn’t stopped us spending in excess of £2 billion of taxpayers money in pursuit of our objectives.  Of greening the economy.  Of enhancing the environment and biodiversity.

    Of supporting the British food and farming industry and helping it develop.

    That is a theme that runs right through our business plan. Particularly the role the food sector plays in our economy. And the contribution made by farmers in managing the land.

    Over the coming years we need to increase the competitiveness of the whole UK food chain, to help secure an environmentally sustainable and healthy supply of food.

    Underlying all of this is the power shift from the centre towards local organisations – putting local people back in charge – a classic example of what we mean by Big Society.

    This shift will change the way the department works. We want to see a greater degree of trust and collaboration when developing and delivering policy. This will allow you as an industry to shape your own destiny.

    I think this last point is of paramount importance.  I see my job as helping you to become more profitable, innovative and competitive.  By creating the right conditions for the industry to raise productivity, to be entrepreneurial, to continue to develop strong connections with your markets and customers and establish robust links throughout the food chain. I’m really keen to do my bit but it will require you as an industry to step up and seize these opportunities. Sustainable intensification is an example, where fewer agricultural inputs results in less cost to you and the environment. A win-win situation all round.

    The whole industry must strive to be as good as its best operators and in turn the best need to keep raising the bar.

    This is crucial – as a nation we’ve never been so interested in where food comes from, how it’s produced and animal welfare.  As a result corporate values can easily be damaged by food scare stories.  Public opinion and the media can bring great pressure to bear. Those in the industry who are good at their business understand this and are more responsive to the market’s changing demands as a result.

    We want farming to enjoy a better image. We want more young people to enter the industry. We need to convince them that it offers good prospects.  That’s why the work of the Agri-Skills Forum is so important, putting in place the infrastructure for lifelong learning through continuous professional development.

    We want everyone to see the potential in UK farming. It’s an industry that – with the food sector – enjoys an £85 billion income. It has succeeded in growing even through recession. People are always going to need food. It has the potential to become a dynamic and progressive industry with an image to match. Where professionalism and high skills are ably demonstrated. Where farmers are enterprising business people looking to make the most of their experience, always looking for new business opportunities.

    I was impressed by Lincolnshire farmers innovation during the recent freeze and their efforts to slow the thawing of cauliflowers to avoid the waste of last year.

    For the industry to innovate like this we need to allow it to operate in an environment where there is a greater degree of trust.

    This approach marks a departure from the old way of doing business. The paternal approach of Government telling industry what to do and industry complying.

    We want a system which recognises most people try to do the right thing.

    So what we now need is a greater degree of collaboration. We’ve already seen this at work through the new voluntary food labelling code. The Task Force for Farming Regulation is another example.

    A clear priority for this Government, and one that must underpin the Commission’s approach will be to reduce the unnecessary red tape for farmers. We want to be in the vanguard in Europe in pursuing this further. Our aim is to develop an industry fit for an exciting future. A future which is innovative, competitive and profitable. We will not achieve that by burdening farmers with more regulations.

    Through the Task Force we want to see how and where, we can reduce the cost of compliance. We hope the group will be able to offer advice on how to reduce the regulatory burden and identify examples of gold-plating and overly complex implementation.

    We know they’ve asked for your input and that they are looking at a number of areas of concern. Particularly around arrangements for livestock movement and identification, for cross compliance and nitrate vulnerable zones, as well as inspections – an issue that affects a lot of you. Currently, you might be visited by an official agency inspector, by the local authority and by a private sector assurance auditor, all looking at the same thing for different reasons.  We look forward to the Task Force’s recommendations for a simpler, risk-based way of doing things.

    We’re looking to the Task Force to make clear strategic recommendations on how we use regulations. They’ll report back in April.

    Elsewhere we’re looking at how responsibility for dealing with animal disease can be shared with animal keepers which will demand trust on both sides. We know sharing responsibility makes for better decisions, Bluetongue being a case in point.

    Our overriding goal here is to reduce the universal risk and costs of disease to industry, government and the wider economy, while at the same time increasing the effectiveness of investment in disease prevention and management.

    The recommendations from the independent Advisory Group were released just before Christmas. We’re busy looking at what was said and will respond in due course.

    The issue of trust plays out in initiatives set up by the department. Particularly the Campaign for the Farmed Environment. Here we believe it gives the industry the opportunity to show everyone that the farming community is best placed to deliver the required environmental outcomes from their land.  We know farmers are the stewards of the countryside this is your opportunity to show that. We have put our money where our mouth is by backing both environmental schemes. Increasing the higher level by 80%.

    The key tool we use to enable farmers to deliver on our strategic priorities for natural resource protection.

    While walking the fields on John Plumb’s Warwickshire farm I saw for myself how he sows a mixture of seeds on the headlands to attract pollinators and farmland birds.

    Currently we’re working with Natural England and others to make all strands of Environmental Stewardship more effective and better targeted.  The aim here is to ensure that the scheme is more focused on results.

    All of this will ensure that agri-environment outcomes delivered to date are protected and maintain our commitment to making Environmental Stewardship available to all farmers.

    This work dovetails neatly with the ideals and goals behind the publication of our White Paper on the Natural Environment.

    A document that looks to make the natural environment’s real value count. The first of its kind for twenty years.

    The white paper gives us an unmissable opportunity to make a real difference and ensure the health of our natural environment and our economy go hand in hand.

    The farming community has a role to play here.  You are the custodians of the countryside. You conserve and promote a vibrant natural environment.  We’re now looking to build on this and get the balance right between the public’s demands for affordable and plentiful food while meeting their demands for a healthy natural environment.

    This generation should be the one that reverses the loss of species.  A generation which secures a healthy natural world for the future and one which properly values and protects the benefits that nature gives us.

    I enjoyed a preview of the research on the value and viability of UK Farming prepared for this conference. I hope that what I have said today has demonstrated the collaborative approach it calls for. The importance of farming to the UK economy is recognised by the priority we have given it in Defra’s business plan, providing the kind of leadership you call for.

    This should help to address the concern in the research community that the UK government understands agriculture less well than our competitors. With all four ministers at Defra having agricultural credentials we defended Government research in the spending review.

    The priority we give to farming and the food industry will also help to improve the image and profile of the sector.

    Today I’ve tried to lay out my ambitions, goals and vision for the food and farming community of this country. I believe the whole industry has a lot to contribute to a healthy economy, environment and society. As Secretary of State I fully intend to maintain this dialogue and help create a competitive and sustainable industry that is successful because it gives customers what they want.

    An industry that embraces risk and manages risk. An industry that wants to deliver public environmental goods. That takes greater responsibility for animal health and welfare standards. And an industry that underpins the quality of rural life.

    All of which further develops the levels of trust needed for us to move forward. What I can do is provide the framework for you to succeed. You are the entrepreneurs. You make it happen.

    Thank you.

  • Caroline Spelman – 2004 Speech to Welsh Conservative Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Caroline Spelman to the 2004 Welsh Conservative Party Conference on 3rd April 2004.

    Firstly let me take this opportunity to thank you all for coming along to take part in what I am sure you will agree has been an invaluable policy session.

    As I am sure you are aware, this is one of the first functions I have undertaken since becoming Shadow Secretary of State for Local and Devolved Government, and I would like to pay tribute to my predecessor David Curry, who worked tirelessly in this brief and with my colleague Bill Wiggin in respect of Wales particularly.

    Bill is proving to be a tremendous ambassador not only for the Conservative Party in Wales but vitally for Wales within the Conservative Party and Parliament as a whole, and I would like to thank him for the terrific work he is doing.

    I believe passionately in local politics.

    For me, in many ways, local government and local councillors are the very embodiment of Conservative values. Strong local representation goes hand in glove with empowering individuals and limiting state interference in people’s lives. Dynamic and effective local councils are integral to the decentralisation in which Conservatives believe.

    Just as big Government and ‘command and control’ by the state are the hallmarks of Labour, small Government and trusting local people to deliver solutions to local problems must be the hallmark of the Conservatives.

    Councillors voluntarily give up their time, motivated by a sense of civic duty to work to improve their local surroundings.

    These are qualities which are integral to Conservative thinking.

    Local Government is under the spotlight like never before. As Council Taxes have risen so have people’s determination to scrutinise the way in which their local authority uses that money and to what effect.

    We are dealing with an increasingly consumer-orientated electorate who want to know exactly what they are getting for their money and it is our job to show them, rightly, that time and time again they get better value under the Conservatives than they would under Labour or Liberal Democrats.

    The cynicism which has beset people’s attitude to national politics is in danger of spreading to local politics, and this brings me onto another reason why I feel so strongly about the importance of local Government.

    To people who are interested in politics, which I feel I am confident in claiming we all are, the rise of political apathy is extremely worrying and potentially very destructive.

    Local councillors are uniquely placed to combat this apathy head-on. They are better able to stand on the door step, talking face to face with voters about the immediate issues that concern them – taking on board their concerns and developing local solutions.

    In fulfilling that role, our candidates and existing councillors are doing a great service not only to the Conservative Party, but to all of those who recognise the importance of a thriving, responsive democracy.

    One party that clearly fails to recognise the importance of a thriving, responsive democracy is the Liberal Democrats – a definite misnomer if ever there was.

    The Liberal Democrats are political chameleons, changing their policies, attitudes and positions with every doorstep they call at.

    We must expose their inconsistencies and hold them to account – particularly here in Wales where they have bedded down with Labour.

    Let me quote you a very telling excerpt from a leaked memo circulated within the Liberal Democrat party advising association how to select candidates for local elections:

    ‘Be shameless in asking. Paperless candidates need not be members of the party and should not be vetted in any way’.

    It called for ‘friends and flatmates’ of party members to ‘be persuaded to stand “for a laugh” and for the price of a round of drinks’

    ‘Make it clear that they will not win, will not be expected to do anything and can choose a ward on the other side of the council area where no one knows them’

    ‘Get all your paperless candidates together and draw the wards out of a hat in front of them to decide who stands where. Or organise a competition to see who gets the least votes (with a prize)’.

    What more needs to be said?

    The Liberal Democrats do not take standing for local government seriously and their candidates frequently have little in common the neighbourhoods in which they are running.

    This from a party that takes the name ‘Democrats’.

    The forthcoming local elections present a great opportunity for the Conservative Party.

    We should be quite clear that every council seat we win in Wales will not only be hugely significant in itself, it will be one step closer to reinstating the Conservative Party as the Party of Government.

    Winning local elections will not, and should not, come easily though.

    As a party we have to go out and work hard for people’s trust and people’s vote. It is not enough to simply expose the failings of the opposition – we know these failings are plentiful and we know they are undermining the quality of life people have a right to enjoy – but we need to show that we have the resolve and solutions to reverse them.

    I don’t want to stand before you today and offer you a prescription for winning local elections, because it would run entirely counter to what I have just been saying about trusting local people.

    What I can do, is explain the context and narrative of our campaign.

    As you are probably aware, the Party has spent a great deal of time finding out what people think of the Government, what they think of the Conservatives, and what they are looking for when they put their cross on the ballot paper.

    The overriding feeling is one of disillusionment.

    People feel let down by Labour – a party which promised so much and has delivered so little.

    Not only are they feeling let down, they are wary of Labour and wary of the tax rises Labour will inevitably bring. This is magnified by the feeling that Labour is failing to address so many of people’s fundamental concerns.

    They feel Labour has triggered the pensions crisis; they feel Labour has failed to deliver the reform in health they want to see; they feel the education their children need has been neglected by Labour; and interestingly they feel Labour are not doing enough to protect us from the ever-present danger of terrorism.

    These are just a few examples of issues where our research tells us the perception of Labour in office is bad.

    Our strategy must be to highlight and reinforce these perceptions.

    However, we must also convey with clarity and conviction where Conservatives are good:

    Where Tony Blair has let people down, Michael Howard will stand up for them.

    Where Labour have driven up taxes and wasted public money on bureaucracy and red tape, the Conservatives will deliver leaner, more efficient and more responsive government at every level.

    I and the entire local and devolved government team are there as a resource to help you, to provide you with campaigning ideas, and to create a favourable position for the Party.

    However we understand that that nobody knows your local issues and your local voters like you do.

    Conservatives can make a real difference locally and the forthcoming local elections are an ideal opportunity to showcase that.

    Council Tax is an area where here in Wales Conservatives can successfully steal a march on the opposition at a local level.

    Council tax bills have risen by 80% since 1997 – the equivalent to eight times the rate of inflation, with no delivery of real reform in public services.

    Council tax has become the ultimate stealth tax and nowhere is this more acute than here in Wales, the actual rate of increase is even higher in Wales than it is anywhere in England.

    I think it is very telling that the £27 million earmarked by Gordon Brown to help lower council taxes was taken by the National Assembly to tackle bed blocking.

    Not only that – the Welsh assembly has even introduced a new top band of council tax – Band I- as a mechanism for forcing taxes up further.

    The local elections are not only crucial for those people actually putting themselves forward for election, they are crucial for everyone that has an interest in the future of the Conservative Party, and in my view crucial for the future wellbeing of Wales, and the country as a whole.

    As we approach the forthcoming local and European elections we have a lot of work to do.

    Jonathan Evans is a great example of the effectiveness of Welsh Conservatives, and the strength of our European candidates for Wales is a tribute to the calibre of the Conservative Party in Wales.

    I know many of you go way above and beyond the call of duty, please don’t think for a second I and my colleagues in Westminster take that for granted.

    But there are only so many hours in the day, only so much manpower we can put in, particularly when juggling jobs, family and social commitments.

    The Conservative Party in Wales is in a strong position and when the Party in Wales is in a strong position the Party nationally is in a strong position.

    I and the local and devolved government team certainly look forward to working with you so that we can build on that as the countdown to June 10 begins.

  • Caroline Spelman – 2003 Speech to Conservative Spring Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Caroline Spelman to the 2003 Conservative Spring Conference on 15th March 2003.

    My job is to focus on the humanitarian consequences of a possible conflict in Iraq. For months now I have been badgering my opposite number Clare Short to produce a detailed humanitarian contingency plan. There has been stark contrast in the way we prepared for the war in Afghanistan where the Prime Minister said humanitarian and military contingency were of equal importance. For Afghanistan we had several statements on humanitarian relief. We debated how to do it better; should there be a pause in the bombing to deliver food aid and so on. This time nothing. I think this is a disgrace. However much Clare Short is respected for her strong views and her deep concern for the plight of the world’s poor, which of course I share, she should not allow her personal views to get in the way of doing her job.

    In November, I got all the aid agencies together who work in Iraq and its neighbouring countries to brainstorm what needed to be done. We sent Clare Short two full sheets of suggestions which were barely acknowledged. In December I asked her what extra funding her Department had earmarked for contingency in Iraq. I got a one word answer, ‘none’. In January, I asked which of the neighbouring countries she had spoken to about the possible flight of refugees. I got the same answer: ‘none’. This is no way to carry on.

    Out of sheer frustration, we devoted one of our precious opposition days to the subject of humanitarian contingency in Iraq. We got her to come to Parliament. But did we get any answers? You guessed: None.

    This is so wrong when so much could be done even now to mitigate the consequences of war for innocent Iraqis. We could preposition food, water, medicines and dare I say it gas masks on Iraq’s borders. We could prepare for the flight of refugees estimated by the UN to put up a million people. Indeed this is beginning to happen. Oxfam has enough supplies for 10,000 refugees in each of Iraq’s neighbouring states. But this is woefully inadequate.

    In a written statement to Parliament on Thursday, Clare Short said her ‘assessment of the overall level of preparedness of the international community to cope with the humanitarian challenges which may lie ahead in Iraq is limited and this involves serious risk’. So, you have to do something about it. She should therefore either put up or shut up, or if she cannot stomach the position of her government she should resign.

    No one can afford to ignore the humanitarian dimension of the crisis in Iraq. We are talking about a country where one in ten children die before their fifth birthday. A country where a third of the children are chronically malnourished. A country where the Government uses chemical and biological weapons against its own people. A country where torture and execution are common place. Because of these awful facts I believe that we are right to support the Prime Minister in liberating the people of Iraq.

    It would have been quite wrong to make party political capital out of the plight of the Iraqi people, but it just is a fact that the Liberal Democrats have tried to face both ways on this issue. Never mind about being serially reckless, they have been serially opportunist. Pro-war and anti-war; pro-UN and anti-UN; pro-second resolution and anti-second resolution. They must make up their minds.

    I feel passionately that just like in the war in Afghanistan we have to demonstrate to ordinary Iraqis that our war is not with them. This means we need a proper strategy for delivering aid to the people of Iraq. If we are to persuade the Iraqi people that this is a war against a cruel repressive dictator, and not a war against them, or a war against Islam, we must genuinely liberate the people of Iraq. Unless we provide aid and assistance to the Iraqi people we may win the war and lose the peace. A successful outcome, one that provides genuine freedom to the Iraqi people, will be another victory for the war on terrorism.

  • John Spellar – 2002 Speech to UK Aviation Club

    Below is the text of the speech made by the then Transport Minister, John Spellar, to the UK Aviation Club on 3rd July 2002.

    Thank you for inviting me here today. It’s a delight to be able join this auspicious occasion, which brings together so many of the leading lights in the aviation industry.

    And with that in mind, I’d like to begin today by making an announcement about the launch of our consultation proposals on airport capacity . . . but unfortunately, I’m going to have to disappoint you.

    In the meantime, please be assured the air transport White Paper remains very much a top priority. And to that end we want to issue our consultation documents covering all the UK regions as soon as we can.

    And whatever you might have read in the papers let me stress here and now, we’ve not made up our minds in advance about what or where.

    It’s vitally important that we have an informed public debate on these matters – and one that is genuinely open and frank.

    With that in mind, the consultative process will be what it says – the documents will inform key stakeholders and the public on the issues, as fully and as fairly as we can.

    And once those documents have been finalised and dispatched, your comments and that of others on the different options will be genuinely welcomed. The industry needs to realise the importance of engaging actively.

    At the end of this process, we’re going to be setting the pattern for aviation in the UK…not just for today and tomorrow…but for the next 30 years.

    Currently, Britain is a major player in the aviation industry. You probably know the facts and figures better than I do. But let’s remind ourselves:

    A quarter of all international air journeys in the world are to or from the UK.

    In turn, the UK accounts for over 40% of all air travel between Europe and the USA.

    We have an annual £13 billion of inward tourism – 1½ per cent of GDP.

    Industry and commerce, increasingly relies on the efficient and rapid transport of goods by air.

    And in total, the aviation industry, directly employs over 180,000 people in the UK, and indirectly supports up to 3 times as many jobs on top of that.

    I make no apology for repeating those facts. Our current prominence in this transport sector is what makes the issue of future capacity so crucial. Not just to the businesses and individuals in the industry and all they serve – but also to the economy as well.

    As we all know, in an age of increasing globalisation, where products can be designed and developed in one country, assembled in another and then distributed around the world – for many people, international business travel by air is a way of life.

    However, let’s not forget that by value, one fifth of all UK trade now goes by air – much of it in high-value pharmaceutical and IT goods.

    And whilst the great majority of air freight continues to be carried in the bellyhold of passenger aircraft, and from airports in the South East – dedicated freighter traffic has been growing steadily by around 27% a year, in the regions.

    And nearly half of all dedicated freighter traffic – by value and tonnage – is concentrated on East Midlands airport. The presence there of several dedicated express freight operations has served to create strong growth in this market sector.

    And this growing success story reminds us of course, that airports are not only central to our trade and competitiveness as a country. They are also significant employment generators in their own right.

    The most obvious example is of course, Heathrow. The UK’s premier airport for half a century, it handles 20 million more international passengers per annum than any other airport in the world. As such, it contributes very significantly to London’s position as a world city.

    But the airport is also the largest employer in the locality. Half of its 68,000 workforce live in the London Borough of Hillingdon and its immediate neighbours.

    In turn, it’s not just the dominant employer. BAA’s education programme helps many thousands of young people in those areas every year prepare for the world of work, through ‘work experience’ placements, workshops and other training initiatives.

    What’s more, the airport promotes business with local firms. Much of this is done via an annual trade event designed to foster links with local businesses in the area. In the year before last, contracts worth a substantial £10 million were generated between major airport companies and local businesses following this event.

    And in total, BAA Heathrow procurement to the Region is estimated to be worth over £180 million. So the impact the airport has on the surrounding community and its economy is very substantial indeed.

    Neither can we forget that many large and international companies chose to have corporate headquarters within a stone’s throw of Heathrow – each of which brings additional employment, prosperity and prestige to those localities.

    And although the East and South East of England clearly predominate, aviation also accounts for significant direct employment in other regions too, especially the north of England. I mentioned growth at East Midlands airport, in Manchester too, many new jobs have been created as a result of the airport’s expansion. At least 12,000 extra jobs are predicted by 2005 as a result of the airport’s expansion.

    In addition, just as in the case of Heathrow, regional airports generate significant amounts of indirect employment – either in terms of attracting inward investment, or clusters of businesses needing easy access to air services.

    However, we all know that our obvious success in the international aviation market and the associated economic benefits cannot be sustained unless we review and make decisions about future capacity. And if we fail to accurately respond to capacity needs, Britain will lose out.

    For example, if the right capacity isn’t there, as in any market, shortage of supply will push up prices. Our studies show, for instance, that flights from the main airports in the South East could typically cost £100 more, in real terms, by 2030 if no additional runway capacity were provided over that period.

    In contrast, our studies clearly indicate that the provision of additional airport capacity in the South East of England would generate large economic benefits.

    Needless to say, benefits would mainly be to air passengers, but by default additional direct and indirect benefits would inevitably accrue to UK airlines and the UK economy through increased productivity and inward investment.

    But our studies are not about ‘predict and provide’. As I say, our minds are not made up.

    However, Government does recognise that there are distinct benefits in having a major hub airport, capable of serving the widest range of destinations. There are also difficulties. However, it’s the only viable means for airlines to operate wide route networks, with more frequencies on the thicker routes that are in turn supported by good domestic and regional connections.

    This is something our main European competitors already understand only too well, and have sought to provide for at Amsterdam Schipol for example, as well as at Frankfurt and, notably Paris Charles de Gaulle.

    Indeed. Charles de Gaulle was conceived in the 1970s as a hub, and who would have thought 30 years ago that the subsequent expansion in air traffic would have been sufficient to merit its considerable expansion and growth. Yet it has and with that in mind, the French Government wisely located the airport in an area that could easily cope with high levels of growth.

    Other countries have also recognised, and sought to exploit, the benefits of a large airport with a good network of services. You only have to look at the growing success of Copenhagen airport.

    It’s not dissimilar in size to Manchester airport, with two runways. But with its network of routes, Copenhagen has been able to develop into a hub for Scandinavia as a whole, feeding traffic to Sweden, Norway and Finland.

    This arguably gives it a prominence well above what natural geography might suggest and is impacting on the business of other airport outside of Scandinavia. And by attracting international traffic, Copenhagen is reaping the benefits, rapidly boosting its regional and economic status.

    But while it’s true to say that size matters – the larger the airport, the bigger the potential problems, too. We know from previous public consultations that the key concerns of the public about airports (not surprisingly) revolve around noise, air quality and local road congestion.

    If the consumer benefits of further development in the South East are potentially large, so too are the potential environmental concerns. As such, the willingness of the aviation sector to tackle these environmental factors vigorously and effectively will be crucial to any decision to expand.

    As a part of the consultative process, we shall be specifically inviting views on what sorts of steps will be needed to deal acceptably with these issues, particularly in those cases where expansion of existing airports may be an option.

    On noise, for example, it’s true to say that the number of people affected by noise at Heathrow has dramatically reduced over the last 20 years. And our policy is to do everything practicable to continue improve the noise climate at Heathrow over time. That’s why strict conditions have been imposed in the planning approval for Terminal Five.

    But maintaining the progress on noise will require the industry to commit itself to further improvements. So is the industry prepared to invest in engine and airframe technology, and produce quietest available aircraft in return for further capacity?

    On air quality, the UK will be obliged to comply with mandatory EU limit values in relation to various air pollutants – nitrogen dioxide (NO2) for example being one of them and of which aircraft are a major source of emissions.

    The third big issue we have to deal with in terms of extra capacity is land access, particularly road congestion.

    We are very committed to seeing public transport access to airports improved to help reduce both congestion and pollution on nearby roads. Our consultation documents will address that, including how improvements to rail access might be made, and paid for.

    There are undoubtedly large benefits to be reaped from further growth. But we must also have a clear programme for tackling the impacts which come from growth. The public deserves nothing less. And nothing less will satisfy our commitment to the sustainable long-term development of aviation in the UK.

    Before I conclude, let me say a brief word on security. Not surprisingly, it is an issue that has been particularly prominent in people’s minds since the tragic events of 11 September last year.

    Having learned our lessons the hard way, following the equally tragic attack on flight Pan Am 103 over Lockerbie in December 1988, the UK already had one of the most demanding aviation security regimes in the world. That meant we were in a far better position than most countries to respond to the attacks in New York and Washington. Earlier in the year I was involved in a visit by a US congressional committee, who were looking to draw on our hard-won expertise in aviation security.

    But we are not complacent. Aviation security in the UK remains at an enhanced level, in recognition of the continuing threat – which remains higher in the UK than in most other European countries.

    We took new powers in last year’s emergency anti-terrorism legislation, and we’re in the process of using those powers to introduce a system for approving providers of contract security services.

    In turn, we are engaging with the industry to consider how day to day implementation of security measures can be improved – my Department’s Director of Transport Security recently hosted a seminar with a hundred industry representatives to discuss how standards could be raised.

    And we’re also busy on the international front to ensure appropriate enhancements in international security standards. This is in recognition both of the need for a “level playing field”, and the fact that the threat could come from incoming aircraft as well as from those departing the UK.

    To sum up, I think you’ll agree that there are some tough decisions ahead with regard to future capacity. To succeed, we must face up to and be prepared to address the longer-term realities.

    When it comes to taking decisions on capacity, the Government needs to know what the industry, for its part, can – and will – deliver.

    The challenge is as much for you – as it is for Government – to convince the country that the potential benefits can be obtained at an acceptable cost and with minimal impact on individuals and society at large.

    So now I look to you to take that lead. The continuing commitment and energy of all those who work within UK aviation will be a vital part of the process, to help us forge a responsible and sustainable future for the industry.

  • John Spellar – 2002 Speech on Air Transport

    Below is the text of the speech made by the then Transport Minister, John Spellar, on 11th November 2002.

    Thank you for giving me the opportunity to say a few words at the start of your conference today.

    I note that your conference papers describe the current exercise as “the biggest consultation ever undertaken on air transport”. I have to say, we did not consciously set out to break records in that particular respect. But I am happy to take the credit!

    The issues are necessarily complex and far-reaching; and we have indeed tried our level best to do justice to them – and to give parties adequate time to comment.

    Clearly, an enormous amount of work went into preparing the suite of consultation documents issued in the summer. But they are only the tip of the iceberg. Underneath are several years’ worth of technical detail and analysis, open to public scrutiny. No-one can accuse us of being superficial.

    All told, we have issued nearly a quarter of a million summary and main consultation documents and there have been some 600,000 downloads on the Department’s special website.

    Many of you will perhaps have attended one of the public exhibitions around the country. These have tried to give people a further opportunity to understand and explore the issues. Those in the South East attracted over 11,000 people.

    So here we are, with just under a month still to go before the end of the consultation period. And you may be thinking there is nothing more that can be said.

    Well, I’d actually like to take this opportunity to address some of the issues you will want to take into account in framing your response. And I will do so by hopefully answering some of the questions that may still be uppermost in your minds.

    Demand forecasts

    Firstly, the demand forecasts. Questions have been raised regarding the Government’s assessment of future demand.

    Our forecasts envisage a three-fold increase in passenger numbers over the next 30 years, if demand is unconstrained and we think that’s realistic for three reasons.

    Firstly, the forecast recognises the increasing maturity of the aviation market. So future growth should be less rapid than historic growth.

    In fact, the forecasts assume a future rate of growth for the next 30 years at only half the rate that we have seen in the past 30 years.

    Second, we have worked on the basis of a central forecast, pitched in the middle of a range which could see passenger numbers increase to anything between 400 and 600 million passengers a year over the period.

    Of course, forecasting up to 30 years ahead cannot be precise. Aviation is a dynamic industry, and is constantly changing – witness the continuing burgeoning of the “no frills” sector for example.

    In the space of 5 years to the Year 2000, “no frills” carriers in Europe achieved the same rate of growth as the total UK air travel market achieved over the last 30 years.

    But the point is this. Our past record on air traffic forecasts is generally good. If anything, events have shown it to be a touch conservative.

    And third, the lesson of history is that aviation enjoys strong trend growth. A little over a year ago, the doom-mongers were saying that September 11 would change everything.

    Those tragic events have certainly had a profound effect on many aspects of the aviation industry. But traffic is returning, albeit more slowly in some areas than others. In short, the trauma of last year does not look set to overturn the long-run growth trends.

    So, on the forecasts, we are confident that the underlying basis for the options appraisal is robust.

    However, we’ve been accused of “predict and provide”. But in fact, there are likely to be major economic benefits from meeting at least most of this forecast demand. Much of this would accrue to air passengers. But there would be additional benefits to airlines and the UK economy.

    Airports can help to attract inward investment. But they also help to keep UK business competitive: 30% of our visible exports, by value, go by air – worth some £60 billion a year.

    And the ability of the small businessman to fly from his local airport can be just as important as it is for the giant corporation.

    But there are also likely to be major environmental disbenefits from meeting the forecast demand in full. This is why the first question in the consultation is: How much airport capacity should be provided?

    Alternative modes?

    The benefits of air travel are all very well, but its arguable that a better alternative would be for some of this air traffic to go by rail.

    The answer to this point is that we need to be realistic. Many passengers on domestic flights are interlining with international flights out of the UK – in the case of Manchester to London, about 50% of all passengers.

    Others, for example, are doing business near to the airport rather than wanting to access central London, where the major rail terminals are. Rail travel, even where it is reasonably time-competitive with air, will not be a particularly attractive alternative for such people.

    In some cases, we can expect to see some rail/air substitution, particularly where rail service improvements offer the prospect of markedly shorter journey times and good airport connections. We acknowledge that in the consultation documents, and have taken it into account in our analyses.

    And, for all the regions which currently enjoy air services to London, we ask in our consultation documents about the scope for switching from air to rail links.

    We will expect the SRA, in considering rail proposals, to continue to take account of the potential for abstraction from air. But it does not get us off the hook in terms of having to confront the issue of airport capacity.

    The Regional Question

    Make no mistake, regional airports are a crucial part of the transport mix. Again, we say this quite clearly in the consultation documents. They help to ensure that economic benefits are enjoyed as widely as possible across the UK.

    Indeed, regional airports have a role to play, not just in maintaining links to other parts of the UK, but also in linking the regions to key continental hubs connecting with European and long haul destinations.

    We want to strengthen the contribution that our regional airports can make to the country’s overall economic prosperity, and the prosperity of their own region, and support those getting up to critical mass and mini-hub status.

    But we cannot escape the fact that it is the South East of England which accounts for the lion’s share – 60% – of UK air travel, and where demand is strongest.

    On population grounds alone, London is a major generator of travel. Since 1989, the capital has seen its population grow by nearly 600,000 – equivalent to absorbing a city the size of Sheffield.

    And in the next 15 years the population is set to increase by another 700,000 – equivalent to adding a city the size of Leeds.

    Access to high quality air services has been cited as one of the main reasons why London ranks as a world city, and the best city in Europe for business; and why London is the chosen headquarters location for one quarter of Europe’s largest companies.

    The South East is important, not just because there is a higher ‘propensity to fly’ – with 60% of the population of the region making at least one trip a year, compared with a national average of 50%. In itself the figure of 50% represents a remarkable change for this country.

    Heathrow in particular handles a significant number of passengers from overseas who are en route to destinations beyond the UK. That simply reflects the advantages of a major airport which is capable of serving a wide range of destinations around the world. It then tends to act as a hub, generating yet more connecting services.

    We recognise there are real benefits to be gained from having an airport, or perhaps more than one, which can act in that way. But the consultation seeks views on that, and accepts that such a hub need not be limited in future to Heathrow, or indeed to the South East. And we specifically seek views on whether Manchester Airport could, and should, seek to become a major hub airport.

    Environmental costs

    So far I have covered demand forecasts, rail substitution and the regional issues. I now want to move on to environmental issues.

    Some people will argue that aviation is of itself ‘unsustainable’. We have never sought to deny that, unless properly managed, aviation has substantial environmental disbenefits, both local and global. And we expect aviation to cover its external costs, including the environmental costs it imposes.

    That is why, from the outset, we have made clear our commitment to sustainability. There will need to be a proper balance between economic, social and environmental considerations. And if there is to be further capacity, steps will need to be taken to address the environmental impacts.

    In most cases, this will mean local solutions to local problems

    – first, through appropriate environmental controls;

    – second, through mitigation of effects such as noise

    – and third, through arrangements to ensure that those most affected receive due compensation.

    Responses to our Future of Aviation consultation showed that this is what the public expects.

    Research further suggests that noise and air quality top the list of people’s concerns. Public feeling on these matters often runs high – borne out, as you would expect, at the public exhibitions.

    First, noise. Aircraft noise has got progressively less over recent years, due to quieter engines. Nearly a quarter of a million fewer people are affected by noise at the four biggest airports in the UK, compared with the position 20 years ago.

    At Heathrow, it remains our policy to do everything practicable to continue to improve the noise climate over time. As you will be aware, conditions have been imposed in the planning permission for Terminal 5 both to cap air traffic movements and to limit the noise contour.

    And we’ve suggested in the consultation documents that future growth in air traffic may call for the imposition of similar noise contour caps elsewhere.

    Night noise is another sensitive issue. I appreciate the genuine concerns, but it is not directly related to the question of airport capacity. Night flights at major South East airports continue to be regulated, and we will be consulting specifically on the future regime at Heathrow, Gatwick and Stansted later this year. Meanwhile, we are doing further work on public attitudes to night noise.

    A key part of sustainability is also that the aviation industry bears the costs of mitigating effects on communities living near airports. And if capacity enhancements are to be provided, a quid pro quo may be for aircraft and engine manufacturers to accelerate the delivery of reductions in noise.

    Air quality is a second major concern. Further action may well be needed in some cases to tackle local problems, for instance from ground-based emissions.

    At Heathrow, where the problems are exacerbated by high levels of road traffic emissions, concerted action will be needed to tackle the problems. We have made it abundantly clear that any airport expansion could only be approved if air quality standards can be met.

    But by far the biggest element in the environment debate is climate change – the effects of CO2 emissions from aircraft. We have allowed for this in our demand forecasts, on the basis that the aviation industry will be expected to bear the costs of the damage which aviation causes through its contribution to global warming.

    Precisely how this is achieved is a matter of continuing debate. Climate change issues are best pursued internationally, through the auspices of the International Civil Aviation Organisation.

    We’re actively seeking to encourage work on possible measures such as an open emissions trading system for limiting greenhouse gas emissions, assuming this was widely supported among the international community.

    Our conclusions on these matters will be set out in next year’s White Paper.

    Next steps

    As you know, the consultation period on airports runs until November. We will then carefully assess the responses and use them to inform our decisions on what additional capacity we think is deliverable and sustainable, and where we think it should be located.

    Any future infrastructure developments will of course continue to be governed by the planning system. Reforms have already been announced, with a view to speeding up the arrangements for projects of national importance, such as airports.

    As for timing and funding, these will be commercial decisions stemming from the private sector. But with the White Paper in place, setting out a clear and long-term strategy, the industry should be in a position to plan with confidence.

    In the White Paper, we will also be setting out our policies across a range of other air transport matters, from airline policy to air traffic management and consumer protection, on which we consulted previously.

    In many of these areas, we operate within European and international frameworks and must work in conjunction with our partners – and in some cases, competitors – to realise our objectives.

    To sum up, the air transport industry is undoubtedly one of the UK’s great business success stories. In turn, it contributes much to the success of our economy. We want to ensure that it continues to flourish in an increasingly competitive world. But it needs to do so in a way that respects the environment and the needs of the communities it serves and affects.

    The challenge in the coming months will be to strike the right balance to secure a sustainable future for aviation. And your responses to that debate will help us get it right.

  • Jack Straw – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    jackstraw

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jack Straw at Labour Party conference on 28th September 2010.

    Conference, after thirty years as an adornment on the Labour front bench I’m moving up to that most honourable of places, the back benches.

    So, this will be my last conference speech from the platform and I have been promised that no one will be removed, arrested, or even offered a place on the NEC for heckling me.

    It has been a huge privilege to serve the party and the British people in the posts I have occupied. Thank you.

    My earliest experiences as a Labour front bencher coincided with the initial impact of Margaret Thatcher’s brutal economic policy.

    Unemployment was rising fast, interest rates hit 15%, and inflation was on its way t o 22%. Never had the country needed a strong and united opposition more.

    But while the people in this country were desperately looking to us for a constructive alternative, we were busily engaged in endless bouts of self defeating internal strife.

    All people saw of Labour then, was division and disunity. A divided party is one which detaches itself from the concerns of the British people. It loses their trust and allows its political opponents free rein to scorch the earth across our social landscape.

    We allowed the Thatcher-Major governments to last eighteen years. We cannot permit the Cameron-Clegg Government more than five.

    So I’m very happy that despite the scale of our defeat in May we have begun our fight back in such a united manner.

    For that we should thank, above all, Harriet Harman, for her fantastic leadership since the election. And we should also thank the five leadership candidates who fought their corners in a way which I believe has strengthened the party.

    Now that Ed has become our leader we should all back him in the difficult task of developing our response to the Government’s cuts agenda and the social and economic damage which they will cause.

    But beware that as the cuts begin to bite, and distress and anger about them rises, so too will the tendency of some people on the left to divide.

    We mould our own future. If we are to stay relevant and electable in 2015 we have to learn the lessons of our past.

    It took years of work by Neil Kinnock, John Smith, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, to undo the damage of the 1980s and reconnect us with all the people for whom this party works, recognising a fundamental truth: that we can only help the poorest and most insecure if we are in Government.

    And we can only achieve Government by building our support not only amongst the weakest in society but crucially among, as Ed has said, the squeezed middle and amongst those who feel more secure about their incomes and their place.

    Equality is the most important idea which separates us from the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats. We know that the countries which are healthiest, happiest and most secure are also those which offer the most equal societies.

    Equality is not uniformity. It’s not about making everything and everyone the same. It is certainly not about levelling down. It’s about recognising and celebrating that every individual is different, and entitled to an equality of rights, of dignity, of the opportunity to realise their dreams to the greatest extent.

    And equality too is about opposing private extravagance and public squalor.

    It’s because of our values of equality that Labour in Government worked tirelessly to tackle poverty, by promoting economic growth alongside a national minimum wage, tax credits and the transformation of the public’s services.

    We have to challenge the myths of Labour in power now being pedalled by the Conservatives and Mr Clegg.

    We did build more schools and hospitals; we did recruit more teachers, nurses, doctors and police officers.

    And the results were improved educational outcomes for everybody. School standards in my area alone, Blackburn with Darwen, more than doubled in a decade.

    We literally improved people’s life chances through better health care and safer streets and homes as we drove down crime. And we guaranteed individual rights regardless of race, religion, gender, sexuality, or disability.

    One of my proudest achievements was the introduction of the Human Rights Act, which came into force ten years ago this Saturday.

    It is one of the greatest steps for equality and rights – for the individual against the state – that this nation has seen in over three centuries. And we, the Labour movement, did it.

    We introduced the strongest laws against racial discrimination and for racial equality anywhere in western Europe.

    We banned religious discrimination – opposed by the Liberal Democrats. We repealed the disgraceful section 28 – introduced by the Tories. By this, and much else, we made Britain a more tolerant and a fairer place. Never forget that.

    And keep telling your friends, your work colleagues, your neighbours, because if we don’t honour and celebrate our achievements our opponents certainly won’t do it for us.

    If you think about it, crime too is an issue of equality. Indeed an issue of class.

    The less well off you are, the more likely you are to be a victim of crime.

    There’s no liberty, no opportunity, if you feel trapped in your own home or in fear on the stree ts. And that’s why we were so committed to make people safer from crime.

    During those eighteen years of Conservative Government crime doubled. The rise in crime was disproportionately concentrated in poorer areas against poorer people; out of sight and so out of mind for the Conservatives.

    And nothing changes – now they say they’re considering the abolition of ASBOs which have made such a difference to tackling anti social behaviour.

    Conference, we were the first – the only – Government since the war not just to get crime down, but by a significant amount.

    The British people welcomed the fact that crime fell. But Conservatives and Liberal Democrats don’t. They are in denial about the figures.

    They’re now talking about changing the way crime is recorded and abolishing the most reliable series of data – the British Crime Survey. They are again tempted down the Norman Tebbitt path. Norman Tebbitt, who when faced with the relentless truth of ever r ising unemployment, changed the way it was counted not once, not twice, but 18 times.

    But they’ll find it more difficult to fiddle the figures this time, because there’s something else we did – we put the Office of National Statistics on an entirely independent footing.

    Conference, our great legacy on equal rights and public safety is at risk.

    The Liberal Democrats have conspired to put the Human Rights Act under review. The Conservatives, meanwhile, are going to cut the use of DNA technology and CCTV, and restricting the ability of the police and local communities to fight the scourge of anti-social behaviour.

    And who will benefit from this madness? There’ll be greater freedom for the criminal, less liberty for the law abiding. It’s crazy.

    The Coalition Agreement represents the worst of both parties. You’ve got Conservative ministers implementing the most dangerous of the Liberals’ policies on crime, while Liberal ministers are complicit in rushing to implement savage Conservative cuts.

    Nick Clegg has said he’s released the “inner Liberal” in many Conservatives. But Mr Cameron has undoubtedly set free the “inner Tory” in Nick Clegg.

    Nowhere is that more evident than in Mr Clegg’s willingness to go along with Conservative proposals to gerrymander the boundaries. Even senior Tories have publicly admitted that they are doing this for narrow party advantage.

    Nick Clegg boasts about his party’s commitment to localism. Guess what? His Bill bans the Boundary Commission, by law, from daring to set up any local public inquiry into boundary proposals. We’ve had the best, most bi-partisan system for settling boundaries in the western world. So good, that David Cameron used it in 2003 to defend his own West Oxfordshire boundaries and vocally to challenge those who claimed that the numbers of MPs should be cut.

    But if Nick Clegg and David Cameron don’t want to listen to the public anymore, we must not ma ke the same mistake. As Ed Miliband has said, the crucial thing is that we listen and stay connected to maintain the confidence of the vast majority of the British people.

    This is not about selling out, or any of that nonsense.

    It’s about listening, listening carefully – and putting our timeless values into ways which protect and benefit people as their lives – and their circumstances – change.

    That’s what we’ve always tried to do in my great constituency of Blackburn – you know the one, with the world’s greatest football team, one of only four ever to win the Premiership.

    We’ve now got a terrific Blackburn Labour website.

    But new forms of internet communication like this can only ever be a supplement to face-to-face engagement.

    In my constituency, we hold residents’ meetings where month in, month out, the halls are full. And soap box sessions in the Town Centre. Don’t dismiss them as “old-fashioned”. They cost next to nothing.

    Above all, they work, because there is an equality of arms, of mutual respect, amongst everyone present.

    And they work in another way. In Blackburn, Labour won against all odds in 1983.

    My majority stayed up in 2005; and this year there was a swing in Labour’s favour.

    And there are plenty of other constituencies which defied the national trend, always for the same reason – because we connected with people’s aspirations and their fears.

    We didn’t talk over them or at them – we talked with them.

    I know that our new leader, Ed Miliband has the same view.

    I also know this…with the unity this conference is demonstrating, the effectiveness we’ve seen of our party in Parliament and in the country, and with the development of new policies for new times, we do have the strength and the energy to work relentlessly over the next four and a half years for that imperative for our nation – a Labour victory in 2015.