Tag: Speeches

  • Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on Expanding Community Diagnostic Centres

    Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on Expanding Community Diagnostic Centres

    The comments made by Wes Streeting, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, on 13 April 2026.

    Thanks to this government’s investment and modernisation, the NHS delivered a record number of tests and scans last year. But there’s still a long way to go before we’re catching disease on time.

    I was one of the lucky ones – my kidney cancer was caught early, and today I’m living cancer-free. But it shouldn’t be a question of luck. The NHS should be there for all of us when we need it, catching illness earlier so we can treat it faster.

    As part of the record investment we are making in the NHS’s recovery, these new CDCs are part of the biggest expansion in NHS diagnostics in a generation – continuing the progress we’re making and helping save lives.

    We’re not just investing in more, but delivering differently. The NHS should fit around people’s lives, not require patients to fit their lives around the NHS. Community Diagnostic Centres mean patients can get tests, checks and scans while they’re doing their shopping on the weekend or on the way to pick up the kids from school – without travelling across town to a hospital.

    This is part of the extra £26 billion the government is investing in a new, modern NHS that is fit for the future.

  • Edward Leigh – 2026 Comments on the Middle East

    Edward Leigh – 2026 Comments on the Middle East

    The comments made by Edward Leigh, the Father of the House, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    The Prime Minister may recall that on day one of this war, I supported his defensive attitude to it and said that we could not change the regime from the air. We agreed and he has been proved right, but—with apologies to Leon Trotsky —we may not be interested in war, but war is interested in us. We all agree that we have to rapidly re-arm, but the trouble is that with an ever-increasing proportion of our economy being taken up by the state pension and benefits, perhaps we cannot afford to do so. Will the Prime Minister work with the Leader of the Opposition to take the necessary—perhaps unpopular—decisions to return defence spending to what we spent in 1989 at the end of the cold war?

    The Prime Minister

    The right hon. Member is right to raise this, and we have already raised defence spending, as he knows, in the most significant way since the cold war. I was clear in the Munich security conference speech that I gave a few weeks ago that we need to go further and faster, and we will. In addition to the funding itself, it is really important that we take this opportunity to collaborate and co-operate with our partners, particularly in Europe, because if all European countries simply increase their spending without regard to the capability that they are using that spending on, we will not make the best of what we have got. Therefore, I am making a dual argument—first, in relation to the actual money we have spent, and secondly in relation to the way we need to collaborate on this with our allies, particularly in Europe, in a way that we have not done, frankly, in decades.

  • Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement, and I join him in what he said about the horrific attack in Southport. Our thoughts are with the families of Bebe, Elsie and Alice and with all those affected.

    “A whole civilisation will die tonight”—

    words I never thought I would hear from an American President. Though Donald Trump thankfully did not follow through this time, those words are a stark reminder of how reckless, immoral and completely outside the bounds of international law this President is. Regrettably, he is no friend of the United Kingdom. He is no leader of the free world. He is a dangerous and corrupt gangster, and that is how we must treat him. Will the Prime Minister advise the King to call off his state visit to Washington before it is too late? I really fear for what Trump might say or do while our King is forced to stand by his side. We cannot put His Majesty in that position.

    Trump’s latest cunning plan, to blockade the strait of Hormuz, will only escalate this crisis and jeopardise the precarious ceasefire. It is right that the UK is not joining him, and I welcome the Prime Minister convening a summit to offer an alternative to Trump’s. We must work with our reliable allies in Europe and the Commonwealth and our partners in the Gulf to bring this conflict to an end and keep open the strait of Hormuz. That is critical for tackling the cost of living crisis, which is getting worse and worse for people in the UK. Petrol prices are now up by more than 25p a litre and diesel up 49p since Trump started this war—cheered on, let us not forget, by the leader of the Conservative party and Reform.

    Does the Prime Minister recognise that families and businesses cannot wait months for the Government to step in and help? Will he use the windfalls that the Treasury is getting from higher fuel prices to cut the cost of living and keep the economy moving, with action to slash bus and rail fares, and to cut fuel duty by 10p today, bringing down the price at the pumps by 12p a litre?

    The Prime Minister

    I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his questions. In relation to the language about destroying a civilisation, can I really be clear with this House? That was wrong. A threat to Iranian civilians in that way is wrong. These are civilians, let us remember, who have suffered immeasurable harm by the regime in Iran for many, many long years. That is why they are words and phrases that I would never use on behalf of this Government, who are guided by our principles and our values throughout all this.

    In relation to the King’s visit, the relationship between our two countries is important on a number of levels. The monarchy, through the bonds that it builds, is often able to reach through the decades on a situation like this; and the purpose of the visit is to mark the 250th anniversary of the relationship between our country and the United States, and that is why it is going ahead.

    In relation to the blockade, let me be clear, as I have been already in the last day or so, that we are focusing our efforts on opening in full the strait of Hormuz because of the damage that the situation is doing to economies around the world, including our own. That is why we have been working with other countries at various levels and will bring them together in a summit later this week. We, the UK, will not be joining the blockade that the President announced.

    In relation to the help that is needed for families and households, obviously we have already put in place help for energy bills and heating oil, but we are keeping this under constant review as the situation evolves. The single most important and effective thing we can do is to de-escalate the situation and work with others to get the strait of Hormuz open, and that is why we are focusing so much of our efforts in that regard.

  • Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on Health Service Workers who Worked During Strike of Doctors

    Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on Health Service Workers who Worked During Strike of Doctors

    The comments made by Wes Streeting, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, on 13 April 2026.

    I want to personally thank all the NHS staff who once again worked round the clock during the BMA’s latest round of strikes to keep the show on the road.

    One of the things I am proud of is during previous rounds of resident doctors strikes we’ve maintained 95% of planned care, improvements in A&E and emergency response times. However, I wish we were not putting so much on the shoulders of other NHS staff or spending £300 million on this strike.

    That money would have been better spent implementing this offer to improve resident doctors’ pay and career opportunities.

    Resident doctors had a 28.9% pay rise in the first weeks of this government. There’s a deal on the table for an average 4.9% pay rise for this year which increases to 7.1% for some of the lowest paid doctors.

    We have also prioritised UK graduates for training places and that’s reduced competition for those places from 4 to 1 to less than 2 to 1.

    My door is open – as it always has been. I am asking the resident doctors committee to meet me so we can resolve this dispute and put an end to these needless cycles of disruption.

  • Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    The speech made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement, and I would like to pay tribute to our brave servicemen and women serving in the middle east right now.

    The Prime Minister is right that Britain did not start this war, but whether we like it or not, we are impacted by it, and this is likely to get worse. The cost of borrowing has jumped, and petrol prices are climbing. Inflation is rising, and living standards are falling. It is time to take decisive action in our national interest. Britain must focus on what is in our power to protect British citizens today. First, we must rapidly solve the energy crisis that this war has caused in our country. Secondly, we must make sure that Britain is ready to defend herself in this new age.

    A nuclear-armed Iran is an existential threat to the UK. We should be in no doubt whose side we are on in this war: our allies in the middle east and the United States. I welcome the Prime Minister meeting some of those allies, and I welcome his support for diplomatic efforts and military planning to restore freedom of navigation in the region, but we will need to go further than just talking. He says that Britain stands ready to play our part, but we can all see that we were not ready for this situation.

    Here is what we need to do now. First, we must take rapid action to increase our energy security and keep bills down, not just until July but longer than that—permanently. Britain is particularly vulnerable to energy price shocks because we are killing domestic oil and gas production in the North sea. Labour’s policy of more expensive energy and de-industrialisation at this time of crisis is dangerous and irresponsible. It is also harming the defence industry. We must start drilling our own oil and gas in the North sea, grant licences for drilling in the Jackdaw and Rosebank fields, and restore British production before it is too late. The Prime Minister says that this will not impact international prices, but this is about more than international prices. This is about the domestic supply, especially of gas, all of which is used in this country. Supply matters.

    Furthermore, the Government must cancel the proposed rise in fuel duty. Hiking taxes on motorists for the first time in 15 years, while prices are surging, is a disgraceful decision. If Britain is to be a stronger country, it needs a stronger economy—not one that is being hammered by the highest energy prices in the developed world. Will the Prime Minister grant those oil and gas licences and scrap the rise in fuel duty? I know that he will say that it is the Energy Secretary’s job to do that, but the Energy Secretary is not the Prime Minister. He is, so he can instruct the Energy Secretary to grant those licences.

    Secondly, to be ready, Britain must be able to defend herself, and that means we must be ready for these situations before they happen. France and Greece—[Interruption.] I do not know why Labour Members are laughing. I am surprised, because last time I checked, France and Greece sent ships to protect our bases in Cyprus while our destroyer was stuck in Portsmouth. It was a national embarrassment—on Labour’s shoulders—and it should never happen again.

    We need no further evidence that we are living in a more dangerous world than a decade ago. I am sure Labour MPs will try to think of a way to make this my fault. [Interruption.] Yes, I know, it is preposterous, the historical illiteracy on the Labour Benches, but let me remind them that Governments of all colours—including those guys on the Liberal Democrat Benches—spent the peace dividend from 1989, when the Berlin wall fell, until the Ukraine war. When that war came, the Conservative Government responded rapidly and unequivocally. We did not have anything stuck in Portsmouth when Ukraine was invaded. We trained tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers and equipped them with our missiles.

    We increased defence spending every year after the Ukraine war started, but the world has since become even more dangerous. Every serious person, especially in the military, agrees that Britain must now find a way to spend 3% of GDP on defence by the end of this Parliament. After the election, many of the plans for spending were paused for Labour’s strategic defence review. Nine months after its publication, there is still no defence investment plan that explains how we will fund this. The defence readiness Bill is also nowhere to be seen. The question is not whether we need to increase defence spending, but what tough choices we must make to do so. That is what is missing from the Government’s plan. They have a plan for welfare spending until 2031, but no plans for defence spending.

    I say to the Prime Minister: let us put party interests aside—[Interruption.] I am glad that Labour MPs are laughing. I want the public to hear Labour MPs laughing when we say, “Let’s put party interests aside,” so please, keep laughing—go on. I say to the Prime Minister: let us find the money to rearm, let us identify the spending cuts, and if we reach agreement on a joint plan, we can all support those measures in Parliament. Conservatives have already found savings to fund more than £20 billion extra in defence spending. I am willing to work with him to go further.

    I am sure the Prime Minister, in his response, will be tempted to misrepresent my position and pretend that I demanded he join in the initial strikes. [Interruption.] Yes—Labour MPs cannot resist the temptation, but he and I both know that is not true, so let us get serious. It is time for us to act decisively in our national interest. Let us show our allies what we bring to the table. Let us show our enemies that we are able and ready to defend ourselves. That requires a defence investment plan, so when exactly will that plan be published, and what action is the Prime Minister taking to find the money to pay for it?

    The Prime Minister

    I notice that the right hon. Lady’s opening sentence has changed. She used to say, “We didn’t start the war, but like it or not, we’re in it, and we should be in it.” That was her position. Now she says—well, they cannot make their mind up. They supported the war without thinking through the consequences, and now they are pretending they did not support the war and were against it all along. She challenged my position, and she did the mother of all U-turns on the most important decision the Leader of the Opposition ever has to take.

    I thank the right hon. Lady for her support for the planning that we are doing with other countries. It is important. It has a number of components: the political and diplomatic component; the logistics of getting the vessels through, on which we are working with the sector; and, of course, the military component. We have been working on that for two or three weeks, and now, with President Macron, we are bringing together the summit later this week.

    Yes, we all want to get energy bills down, and oil and gas will be part of the mix for many years, but it is because we are on the international market that our bills have gone up. That is the problem. The strait of Hormuz is a choke point for oil and gas getting to the international market. That has pushed the price up, and that is being reflected in every household. That is why the only way to take control of our energy bills is to go faster on energy independence.

    The Leader of the Opposition used to make that argument. In 2022 she said that

    “it’s investment in nuclear and renewables that will reduce our dependence on fossil fuels”

    and keep costs down. She changes her mind on everything. That was her argument; now, just like she pretends she was not in favour of getting involved in the war, she pretends she was not in favour of keeping costs down.

    The Leader of the Opposition says that we must be ready. That is coming from a party that hollowed out our armed services. On the Conservatives’ watch, frigates and destroyers were reduced by 25%. Minehunting ships were reduced by 50% on their watch. Yet she lectures us about being ready, having hollowed out our armed forces and hollowed out our capabilities. We are investing £300 million more in shipbuilding, and we have 13 ships on order. That is the difference between the two parties. I hope that she, and they, will forgive me, but after 14 years of their breaking everything under their watch, I am going to resist the offer of joint planning from the party that crashed the economy, hollowed out our armed forces and trashed our public services. Thanks, but no thanks.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on the Middle East

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on the Middle East

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to update the House on my visit to the Gulf, the evolving situation in the middle east and the implications for Britain’s security.

    Before I do that, I want to put on the record in this House my total determination to make the changes across the entire state that are so clearly necessary to honour the victims, the injured and the families of Southport. Today’s report is harrowing. It is difficult to read and I cannot begin to imagine the pain upon pain that it will cause the families it affects. Our thoughts are with them today. The Home Secretary will respond to the report in full after this statement.

    Last week I visited the Gulf and was able to thank in person some of the brave men and women who, from day one of the US-Iran conflict, have resolutely defended the interests of this country, its people and its partners. I thank them again, in this House, for their courage and their service. I am sure the whole House will join me in those thanks.

    While in the Gulf, I met leaders and senior military representatives across the region, including the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, the President of the United Arab Emirates, the King and Crown Prince of Bahrain, and the Emir and Prime Minister of Qatar. In recent days, I have also spoken to the Sultan of Oman and the Emir of Kuwait. Across all those conversations, I agreed to deepen our engagement on both defence and economic resilience, because they all made it abundantly clear that the solidarity and strength of our partnership with them has been a comfort in these challenging times. We should not forget that the nature of Iran’s response—the indiscriminate attack upon countries that never sought this conflict and the huge damage done across the Gulf to civilian infrastructure, with civilian casualties—is abhorrent. It has clearly shocked the region and all of us.

    We must bear that in mind now as we lift our sights to the future, because while the ceasefire between the US, Israel and Iran is undeniably welcome, it is also highly fragile. The region remains on edge and a lot of work is required to reopen the strait of Hormuz and de-escalate the situation, leading to a sustainable ceasefire. In pursuit of that goal, we call for Lebanon to be included, urgently, in the ceasefire. Diplomacy is the right path and I welcome the talks taking place this week. Hezbollah must disarm, but I am equally clear that Israel’s strikes are wrong. They are having devastating humanitarian consequences and pushing Lebanon into a crisis. The bombing should stop now.

    We also put on record our thanks to Pakistan and other partners for playing such an important role in diplomatic efforts. We hope the process will continue without further escalation. That applies to the running sore that is the strait of Hormuz, shamefully exploited by Iran. All the leaders I met were crystal clear that freedom of navigation is vital and must be restored—no conditions, no tolls and no tolerance of Iran holding the world’s economy to ransom. The impact of Iran’s behaviour in the strait is causing untold economic damage that is visible on every petrol forecourt in this country.

    My guide from the start of this conflict has always been our national interest. That is why we stayed out of the war and why we continue to stay out of the war. It is why we are working now to restore freedom of navigation in the middle east—because that is squarely in our national interest. Clearly, that is not a straightforward task, and it will take time. I have met UK businesses in energy, shipping, insurance and finance, and they are clear that vessels will not be put through the strait until they are confident that it is safe to do so. That is why we are working around the clock on a credible plan to reopen the strait.

    I can confirm today that together with President Macron, I will convene a summit of leaders this week to drive forward the international effort we have built in recent weeks, bringing together dozens of countries to ensure freedom of navigation in the strait of Hormuz. The summit will be focused on two things: first, diplomatic efforts to bring pressure to bear for a negotiated end to the conflict and for the strait to be opened; secondly, military planning to provide assurance to shipping as soon as a stable environment can be established. Let me be very clear: this is about safeguarding shipping and supporting freedom of navigation once the conflict ends. Our shared aim is a co-ordinated, independent, multinational plan. This is the moment for clear and calm leadership and, notwithstanding the difficulties, Britain stands ready to play our part.

    Let me return to the impact of the conflict on our economy. We all know that the consequences will be significant and that they will last longer than the conflict itself. We continue to monitor the effects. I remind the House that energy bills went down on 1 April and that whatever happens in the middle east, those bills will stay down until July. We are investing more than £50 million to support heating oil customers, and fuel duty is frozen until September—all because of the decisions this Government took at the Budget.

    However, there is a wider point. We cannot stand here in this House and pretend that a global shock threatening to hit the living standards of British people is somehow a novel experience; Britain has been buffeted by crises for decades now. From the 2008 financial crash, through austerity, Brexit, covid, the war that still rages in Ukraine and the disastrous premiership of Liz Truss, the response each time has been to try to return to the status quo—a status quo that manifestly failed working people, who saw their living standards flatline and their public services decimated.

    This time, Britain’s response must and will be different to reflect the changing world we live in. That starts with our economic security: during this conflict alone, we have capped energy bills, raised the living wage, strengthened workers’ rights and ended the two-child limit, which will lift nearly half a million children out of poverty. Looking forward, it also means a closer economic relationship with our European allies, because Brexit did deep damage to the economy, and the opportunities we now have to strengthen our security and cut the cost of living are simply too big to ignore.

    It continues with our energy security. I say once again that oil and gas will be part of our energy mix for decades to come. However, we do not set the global price for oil and gas. Households across the country are fed up with international events beyond their control pushing up their energy bills. I stand with them on that. We will go further and faster on our mission to make Britain energy-independent, because that is the only way we will get off the fossil fuel rollercoaster and take control of our energy bills.

    Finally, we must strengthen our defence security. That means boosting our armed forces, as we have, with the biggest sustained investment since the cold war. It means doubling down on the most successful military alliance the world has ever seen, of which this party in government was a founding member: the NATO alliance. It also means strengthening the European element of that alliance, taking control of our continent’s defence more robustly, and deepening our partnerships, as we have done with our deals to build Norwegian frigates on the Clyde and Turkish Typhoons in Lancashire. Not only is that creating thousands of secure jobs and opportunities for our defence industry right across the country, but it is enhancing the way that our armed forces can collaborate with our allies.

    As the middle east conflict shows once more, the world in which we live has utterly changed. It is more volatile and insecure than at any period in my lifetime. We must rise to meet it calmly, but with strength. That is exactly what we are doing at home and abroad. We are strengthening our security, taking control of our future and building a Britain that is fair for all. I commend this statement to the House.

  • George Leo Thomas – 2026 Comments on the Attacks made on the Pope by Donald Trump

    George Leo Thomas – 2026 Comments on the Attacks made on the Pope by Donald Trump

    The comments made by George Leo Thomas, the Archbishop of Las Vegas, on 12 April 2026.

    I am grateful to God for sending us Pope Leo XIV, who is willing to speak truth to power just when we need him the most.

    Pope Leo is calling for dialogue over diatribe, prayer over politics, and diplomacy above destruction.

    We know that he will be unfazed by the President’s ad hominem attacks and sophomoric rhetoric.

    He is doing what every spiritual leader is called to do — to pray for peace, to call for the protection of helpless civilians, and to plead for world leaders to end mass destruction and armed conflict in every part of the world.

    God bless you, Pope Leo.

    We stand with you in prayer and offer you our loving support.

  • Alistair Carns – 2026 Speech at the London Defence Conference

    Alistair Carns – 2026 Speech at the London Defence Conference

    The speech made by Alistair Carns, the Defence Minister, on 11 April 2026.

    First of all, I’d just like to say thank you to the London Defence Conference, but also all of you individually. Saturday afternoon, and you’re all here showing an interest in taking part in defence and security, which is a huge, a huge effort, both professionally and personally, above and beyond the call. So thank you very much for being here.

    I’m due to give the closing address and interestingly, I’ve just got back from Cyprus and Ukraine. Now they’re two very different places, but both tell you the same thing: the world has changed.

    In Ukraine, you see a war evolving in real time. Drones everywhere. The kill chain is now compressed. Front lines that are no longer fixed.

    But you also see something else. A country under sustained attack with thousands of drones and missiles hitting cities night after night, energy infrastructure targeted, families living with constant uncertainty.

    And Russia is not just fighting a war in Ukraine. It is adapting learning, and it’s exporting what it learns. Working with Iran, it’s sharing technology, enabling attacks on our allies.

    We’re seeing that play out in real time, every hour of every day, and we’re seeing the oil price spike to Russia’s benefit.

    So we welcome the ceasefire, and we strongly encourage rapid progress towards a substantive negotiated settlement.

    But in the meantime, Russia has continued its step up strikes on Ukraine, relentlessly and indeed at scale, with around 7000 attacks a day on the front line, and 55,000 drone and missile strikes last year alone, trying to break the country’s will and cohesion as much as its capability.

    And yet, despite all of that, Ukraine still stands. Its economy is under strain. Its infrastructure has been hit repeatedly. Millions have been displaced, and still people go to work, still services operate, still the country fights on. That is resilience.

    It’s not a concept, but as a lived reality, and it should make us all pause for thought. Because if we think resilience is something we can switch on in a crisis. You, I, we are collectively wrong. It has to be built in advance.

    Now I spent 24 years in uniform, and towards end of that time, it was already clear what was going on. You could see warfare changing. You could see the pace of adaptation increasing.

    I watched the 2023 counter offensive on the Zaporizhzhia front, which was fought with courage and determination, stall against 90,000 double stacked anti tank mines and 600,000 anti personnel mines.

    Watching casualties in their thousands, and I saw a lack of resource drive innovation at a pace that was both unstoppable and extraordinary. The kind of innovation that only happens when a nation is under existential pressure, when survival overtakes everything else and for the industry partners out there, when winning overtakes the requirement to make profit.

    And at the same time, you can see we were not moving fast enough. Too often, we were preparing for the last war, not the next one.

    And I came to a simple view, if we did not change a pace, we would fall behind, and that is one of the reasons I indeed am stood here today.

    Drone and uncrewed systems now dominate the battlefield. It’d be remiss of me at the London Defence Conference not to delve into some detail, especially the audience we have here today.

    Now, data, in my mind, is the new gun power, fuelling kill webs and targeting systems across the front line in Ukraine. Now, large conflicts are often measured in statistics, and in some cases, we’re falling into the same trap in Ukraine as a whole.

    But industry is now producing millions of drones. More than 90% of all casualties are linked to drone warfare. 85% of those systems are made in Ukraine.

    Russia is trying to out manufacture Ukraine 7 million drones a year. Just think about the just think about the size and the shape, 7 million drones.

    Now, let me put these figures into a little bit of perspective, because I think it’s useful. Tactics are one thing, but industry and common economics are another.

    On the way back from Ukraine, I was sat in a plane, sort of dabbling with statistics and maths, which is dangerous being an ex Marine, but the rough analysis starts to show the scale of change that we have to go through.

    In Ukraine, one drone equates to a lethality of 22 artillery rounds. Lethality in action, 22 artillery rounds. Now, if you scale that logic up and think not only about the kill chain, but the supply chain behind it, the implications are profound, even more significant beyond the front line, perhaps behind it.

    At the height of the counter offensive, which I mentioned earlier, in 2023 Ukraine, was far between 16 and 18,000 rounds a day in artillery. That’s about 900 tons of metal every day flying through the air.

    An overly simplistic calculation suggests you would need around 57 truckloads of your average truck a day just to move the shells for one day.

    Now, some people will be sceptical about one drone to 22 artillery round stats, and that’s fair enough. Equivalence is never exact, and there are a lot of factors at play, so let me have it. Let’s be fair to some of those individuals.

    At one to 11, you would need 1637 drones to generate the equivalent battlefield effect. That’s two truckloads, not 57. Now for the military people amongst us, think of the logistics behind that. Follow that logic across every part of the battlefield, and you begin to grasp the scale of the challenge that is now required, not tomorrow, but now.

    So what? There are still those who say we will fight differently, that Ukraine offers, in some cases, false lessons, that fifth and sixth generation capability will prevail. In some cases, they’re right, but I would argue they’re also wrong. We will have no choice but to adapt. But it’s not either, either or. It’s a blend. It’s a high, low mix.

    We must continue to learn, but increasingly we must begin to act. My simple vignette and simple maths demonstrate the impact innovation has on logistics.

    But what does that mean for every other factor in the battlefield, our industry, our innovation moves, our supply chains, they all need to see the new reality and adapt now.

    If Ukraine is the teacher that has taught us economics of modern warfare, Iran is the headmaster that’s just hit us with the ruler and told us to listen.

    The economics of warfare matter, and we must learn and act now and act together. The consequences of ignoring these lessons will be grievous.

    In the future, if Russia looks over a NATO, a JEF or an allied border and sees a force that has not adapted to the lessons of Ukraine, it will not see deterrence.

    It will see opportunity. Deterring a country that has taken over a million casualties, more casualties in America took in the entire Second World War, is a challenge, and I’m unsure that we collectively can comprehend what that means.

    Part of that is not viewing resilience just about military capability, something Ukraine has learned, but defining how a country understands its strength.

    Indeed, resilience is much more multifaceted. And we often talk about defence – bombs, bullets, ships, planes – but the reality is the economy, the NHS and education, we often talk about being separate. Well, they are not.

    You can spend billions on defence, but if families are struggling in the economy is under strain, you’re kidding yourself about how strong this country really is.

    And here I speak as a lad from Aberdeen who joined up pretty much straight out of school with a mum who fought hard to bring me and my brothers and sisters up in some pretty bleak times.

    Understanding that is part of what defines me as a politician and my approach to leadership as a Minister in the Ministry of Defense.

    Because strength is not just what sits on the front line. It’s what sits behind it, and indeed underneath it.

    And what this period is exposing us is that parts of that underlying system are more fragile than we’ve been prepared to admit.

    If families are one bill away from trouble, the country is not stable. And in a more volatile energy environment, those pressures can increase quickly.

    If the NHS is not working, people cannot work. If families come under pressure, growth slows. If young people do not have real roots into skills at work, we weaken over time.

    Ukraine shows us the other side of that equation, a country under immense pressure, where the cost of living has surged, where infrastructure has been damaged, and yet where resilience holds.

    We should not assume we would respond in the same way, unless we build that resilience now.

    So when we talk about readiness, we need to think more broadly. Yes, it’s about capable Armed Forces, and of course, supporting Ukraine with 4.5 billion in military assistance over the last year. On NATO’s eastern flank, in the high north and, of course, across the Middle East.

    But readiness today and resilience today is about how quickly we can also adapt, how quickly you can learn, and whether you can scale when it matters.

    And I keep coming back to Ukraine, because there are so many lessons, drones account for the largest proportion of battlefield effects.

    The first time since the First World War, artillery has been overtaken as the major contributor to casualties, where relatively cheap systems can destroy high value exquisite targets, where innovation cycles are measured in weeks, not months, definitely not years.

    This is not niche capability. This is the future of warfare. This is why we’re investing 4 billion in uncrewed systems, why we’re building an integrated targeting network, and why we’re working directly with Ukraine.

    Because readiness is not just what you buy, it’s how fast you learn. The battle space now includes infrastructure, energy networks, data communication, supply chains and the digital layer that sits across it.

    And what we’re seeing now is that disruption is one part of the system does not stay contained. It moves, it compounds and it takes time to work through.

    And in some cases, the second order effects of disruption are more far more consequential than the initial shock. Damage to production, processing and transport infrastructure does not resolve quickly, even when the immediate crisis passes, the effect continues to be felt.

    Too often we assume systems will snap back nice and quickly, back to where they were. Well they rarely do, which means resilience is not just about absorbing the first shock, it’s about sustaining through what follows next.

    That has implications for how we think about energy security, about domestic capability, and about how much risk we’re prepared to carry on critical parts of the system.

    Industry and capital and the state cannot do this alone. We need private capital at scale to build capability and capacity to drive innovation and to accelerate delivery.

    Because in the end, wars are not won on paper. They’re won by what you can produce and indeed how quickly you can produce it.

    Now there’s one thing worse than working with allies, and that’s working without them, and our alliances remain decisive.

    Russia remains the primary threat to European security, further underlined by the Defence Secretary on Thursday who exposed just their latest hostile naval activity.

    And we have to be clear, the war in Ukraine, the tactics used by Iran are separate. They are connected through shared technology, through shared and aligned interests, and through pressure they place on our economics and energy systems.

    Our response is clear. It’s NATO first, but not NATO only. We lead with allies across Europe, across the JEF and beyond, because readiness is a collective.

    And for those of you here from the United States, let me say this, the UK and US relationship is not measured in commentary.

    It is measured in what we do and what we have done, in the depth of our integration, in the intelligence and operations we have shared, and indeed in our history, in the capabilities we developed together, and in the access and support we provide from the North Atlantic to the systems that underpin the very foundations of modern warfare.

    Friends can disagree. We’ve been here before: Vietnam, the Falklands. In reality is our cooperation is continuous. It’s deeply embedded across our economy, our industry, our culture and our militaries, and it will take more than a year or two to pull that apart. The answer is, united, we are stronger. That’s the reality.

    And finally, but perhaps the most important point: people.

    You can have the best equipment in the world, but if people do not feel valued, you will not get the best out of them. That’s why pay matters. Housing matters.

    Families matter because readiness is about sustaining a force, not just generating one. And we’re seeing the results: recruitment up, outflow down.

    Because if you want a ready force, you have to build a country that supports it. So let me finish, perhaps where I started.

    Our people are ready. They are capable. They are delivering.

    But readiness is not a fixed state. It is something you build, and you have to rebuild it continuously over time. It runs through everything we do in our Armed Forces, yes, but just as much in our economy, our infrastructure and indeed, the resilience of our society.

    You can spend billions in defence, but if the country underneath is not strong, it will not hold.

    Our job in this government is to build both and a country that is secure and a country that is strong enough to sustain the security. That is what readiness and resilience really mean.

    And if we get this wrong, if we fail, we increase the chances of war. Let’s be absolutely clear, we increase the chances of conflict by not being ready, and we will, if we don’t get it right, find ourselves on the wrong side of history. Thank you.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2026 Comments on Péter Magyar’s Victory in Hungarian Elections

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2026 Comments on Péter Magyar’s Victory in Hungarian Elections

    The comments made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 12 April 2026.

    Hungary has chosen Europe.

    Europe has always chosen Hungary.

    A country reclaims its European path.

    The Union grows stronger.

    Hungary has chosen Europe.

    Europe has always chosen Hungary.

    A country returns to its European path.

    The Union grows stronger.

  • Ed Davey – 2026 Comments on JD Vance

    Ed Davey – 2026 Comments on JD Vance

    The comments made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 12 April 2026.

    Has anyone noticed that wherever JD Vance goes, he just makes a mess.

    In Munich he insulted European allies. In Greenland he turned everyone against Trump. And now he’s helped Viktor Orbán lose re-election.

    Maybe better to spend more time on the couch Vice President?