Tag: Speeches

Greg Hands – 2016 Speech on the UK and Algeria

Greg Hands

Below is the text of the speech made by Greg Hands, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, in Algiers on 22 May 2016.

Ministers, Lord Risby, Ambassadors, distinguished members of the business community, ladies and gentlemen:

It is a great pleasure to be here with you today in Algiers.

Aside from being a government minister, I’m the Member of Parliament for Chelsea and Fulham – not just MP for two famous football clubs, but two thriving and lively parts of London, home to 80,000 people. But at the moment, I am in the shadow of the MP for Leicester after their amazing Premiership win.

As you heard, I am also Chief Secretary to the Treasury in the British government.

That means I am No 2 in the team of Ministers, led by George Osborne, whose task is to pull out all the stops for economic growth and greater prosperity.

Indeed, I manage a portfolio of some 740 billion pounds’ worth of spending – although, unlike some of my former colleagues in the City, my objective is not to make that number bigger!

This is my second visit to Algeria after being here for 10 days in 2006.

I had already met President Bouteflika in London, at the inauguration of the UK-Algeria Parliamentary Friendship Group.

So I was delighted to have the chance to visit, as part of a Parliamentary delegation 10 years ago, Algiers, Oran and Constantine. I was struck by the great heritage of this country, including Tipasa and Djemila. I very much enjoyed your wonderful hospitality.

And, as I stared across the Gorges du Rhumel in Constantine, I was able to reflect on the way in which different cultures and eras – including, of course, the 21st century – had each, in turn, made their mark.

So when I was given the opportunity to revisit Algeria, this time as a member of Her Majesty’s government, I leapt at the chance.

The Prime Minister has told me what an excellent, informative visit he had here in 2013, when he had a most productive discussion with His Excellency the President of the Republic. And he warmly recalls his meeting with you, Prime Minister, at No 10 Downing Street in December 2014.

The Prime Minister’s visit in 2013 was, of course, the start of something significant.

President Bouteflika asked David Cameron to help project the partnership with Algeria into the 21st century.

Together, they agreed that the partnership needed to acquire 3 strong components: first, close security co-operation; second, the increased participation of the United Kingdom in the Algerian economy; and third, to support Algeria’s efforts as it increases the use of the English language.

Before I turn to business issues, let me say a very few words about the first two components.

The security issue is fundamental to our joint success. The attack at In Amenas in 2013 made this clear. Vital Algerian and British interests were attacked; and I am proud of the way in which we stood firmly together to tackle the terrorists.

Progress since then has been strong. We had our sixth bilateral session of talks just last Thursday, in Algiers, which took further steps forward in what is an increasingly close relationship. This is an area where we will continue to work together over the coming years.

On the use of the English language, I am delighted that the British Council is reaching millions of Algerian schoolchildren through its work with the Algerian Education Ministry; and thousands of others directly, through their Teaching Centre, and through courses run for, and in, businesses in Algiers.

I say this as a keen linguist myself: knowledge of foreign languages is one of the most important skills that can be taught. And English, in particular, equips people to succeed throughout the world. Where there is an appetite for people to learn it, we will strive to meet that appetite.

But it is, of course, the business relationship that brings me here today.

For too long – and excuse me for being blunt – the UK didn’t attach enough importance to Algeria.

That’s now changing; since the Prime Minister’s visit, and the appointment of Lord Risby as the Prime Minister’s Envoy for Economic Partnership, we’ve seen important partnerships forged, as together, we explore the opportunities Algeria has to offer.

Over 120 British companies have now come here today. And an even larger number from the Algerian business community are here to meet them. That proves to me that the message – that there is good business to be done here – is truly sinking in.

So I hope you have the chance to talk to each other and to establish strong links.

And I hope you continue to build those links after this forum as well. London and Algiers are not very far away from each other – indeed, Algiers is the nearest capital to London, outside Europe. And there are so many sectors in which Algeria and the United Kingdom can work together, for the joint benefit of our businesses and our peoples.

Oil and gas is of course a given. BP and Shell are long established here and our Ambassador hosts trade missions from the oil and gas supply chain every few months.

But with the fall in the price of oil over the last two years, I know that you, Prime Minister, have recognised that Algeria has to develop its portfolio beyond hydrocarbons.

You are right. There is a vast untapped resource here. Renewable Energy, for example, can be really significant, and I want the UK to get more involved.

But alongside developing the links sector by sector, we need to offer practical assistance to our business communities.

So I want to talk today about 3 separate projects which are going to make a difference for all of us.

The first is the Double Taxation Treaty, which will ensure that tax isn’t charged on the same income in both countries – levelling the playing field for UK businesses active in Algeria.

I am delighted that ratification has now been completed. It has entered into force, and will have effect in Algeria on the 1 January 2017, and in the UK in April 2017. I’m sure you’ll all be very pleased to hear that!

The second is establishing a UK-Algeria Chamber of Commerce. This has long been a stated desire of our Embassy here, and of the Embassy of Algeria in London.

The Embassy here has, of course, offered advice and services for several years, but it makes sense for these efforts to be supported by a business-run forum, where Algerian and British companies can develop the habits of joint working.

So I am pleased to say that plans are now being developed to establish a chamber here in Algiers.

This is very much work in progress. It could provide a workspace for visiting businesspeople. It should be a hub for information for those Algerian businesspeople seeking partners or seeking to invest in the UK. But whatever shape it ends up taking, its success will depend on your input.

So I want as many of you as possible who are here today – from both countries – to register your interest by simply leaving your business card at the Embassy’s Stand in the foyer outside. You’ll then find yourself automatically included on Ambassador Noble’s updates as his team keep you all informed.

The third ground-breaking project is to open a British International School in Algiers. The plan is to offer education in English working to the UK and Algerian curriculums. The objective is to open in 2018.

No-one likes to leave their family behind when working overseas, so this will be another great incentive to companies who want to invest in Algeria.

This all goes to emphasize that the United Kingdom doesn’t see Algeria just as a market, but as a place to invest in: and one with a great deal of potential.

There are 28 million people under 30 years of age here: they are the future of the country, together with its other resources.

I’ve heard of the changes recently made to the Constitution, and know that work has now begun on the new Investment Code.

Your new Economic Model, Prime Minister, is eagerly awaited and I hope that, in improving the business environment, it will play an important role in growing the Algerian economy and British participation in it.

So although my visit here is brief this time around, I am already looking forward to visit number 3!

I hope that the roundtables this afternoon will help you all in finding new ventures to pursue.

My government’s global objective is to help 100,000 British companies start exporting by 2020 – and this Forum today should certainly play a role in achieving that.

Let me close by once again thanking you, Prime Minister, for joining us here today; and I look forward to seeing the relations between our two nations grow ever closer and stronger.

May 27, 2016
Adrian Bailey – 2016 Speech on Coal Authority Compensation

Below is the text of the speech made by Adrian Bailey, the Labour MP for West Bromwich West, in the House of Commons on 26 May 2016.

I rise to discuss the case of my constituents, Mr and Mrs King of No. 61 Myrtle Terrace, Tipton, Mrs Freeman of No. 59, and Mr and Mrs Shaw of No. 57, all of whom purchased their homes between 1975 and 1980. Prior to purchasing their homes, and as a condition for receipt of a mortgage, they were required to have a search for mine shafts in the immediate vicinity of their properties. It was conducted by the National Coal Board, which is now known as the Coal Authority.

All of the searches confirmed that the properties were “clear” of any mine shafts. I have a copy of the letter sent to Mr and Mrs King’s solicitors from the NCB surveyor. It is dated 12 November 1980 and states clearly that

“the property is clear of disused mine shafts and adits as shown on our records.”

Fast forward to 2011: the Coal Authority wrote to the owners of these properties, indicating that it wished to carry out an inspection for old mine workings in the immediate vicinity. Imagine their surprise and horror when, following the inspection, it was confirmed that Mr and Mrs Shaw had a mine shaft immediately under their kitchen floor and that both of the other properties had shafts very close by in their gardens. It is fair to say that it was most homeowners’ worst nightmare. I reassure the street’s other residents by emphasising that the inspection identified no other mine shafts in the immediate locality.

It appears that the location of the shafts was identified on maps from 1870—I have a copy of one myself. The Coal Authority and its predecessor body, the NCB, had maps with these locations in their possession, certainly since 1936. It would appear that when the surveyor certified the location as clear from mine shafts, they totally failed to identify them from the records that they had in their possession.

My constituents have had extensive correspondence with both the Department of Energy and Climate Change and the Coal Authority, neither of which will accept responsibility for the inaccuracy of the original NCB report, and they have been met with nothing more than an evasive smokescreen designed to obscure the relative level of their culpability.

When confronted with such evidence, the usual tactic of the Coal Authority has been to give reassurances on safety and to point to compensation schemes that are available in the event of damage or subsidence arising from instability. That ignores completely the stress arising from the doubt and uncertainty caused by these revelations and the wider financial implications of purchasing a house with mine shafts underneath or in the immediate vicinity. Those concerns were not helped by the fact that in 1999, which is in most people’s recent memory, a house in nearby Moxley disappeared down a mineshaft and, I believe, subsequently a considerable number of adjacent properties had to be demolished.

The safety of the houses is not the only concern; residents are also worried about the reduction in the resale value of their properties. The Department of Energy and Climate Change, in correspondence with the residents, has suggested that the Coal Authority has no responsibility in relation to property devaluation and that its responsibility is limited to subsidence claims, which may, in some cases, result in the loss of value. To counter that, the residents obtained an independent evaluation, in which the surveyor suggested that

“usually the likelihood of subsidence problems related to old mine shafts is remote, and consequently the location of a mine entry should not significantly alter the value of a property.

However, the public’s perception of properties located within the zone of influence of a mine shaft is usually negative, and this is often the case with their surveyor and solicitor, upon whose advice the public rely.

From a logical perspective the value of the property should only be marginally affected. However the public perception is not always based on logic and it is likely that one will find with a resale of a house within the zone of influence of a mine shaft will prove more difficult than would normally be the case”.

That is a masterpiece of understatement. The surveyor went on to say that, from their 25 years’ experience, the location of a mine entry under a property with no records of it being filled could deduct 30% from the resale value of the property, and potentially up to 50%.

That does not deal with the added issue of mortgage lenders, who are often reluctant to lend on properties with mine shafts nearby. That is not altogether surprising, because I cannot believe that anyone would pay the full asking price for a house with a mine under the kitchen. I would not; perhaps the Minister would like to confirm whether she would. If she would, I am sure that my constituents would be interested.

My constituents have been left trapped in houses that could be sold at only a fraction of the asking price of properties of similar size in the area. They are effectively denied the option normally available to people of their generation of selling their house and moving to suitable accommodation that might be more appropriate to their needs as they get older. The devaluation of my constituents’ homes was accepted by the listing officer when the properties were revalued for council tax purposes in December 2013. The properties were revalued downwards to reflect what had happened.

By failing to provide my constituents with proper, sound advice, the NCB denied my constituents the opportunity to make an informed choice about the initial purchase of their homes. Not only would they probably not have proceeded with the purchases, but even if they had wanted to, it is unlikely that their mortgage provider—the then Midshires building society—would have given them mortgages on those properties. The residents believe that the actions of the negligent surveyor sentenced them to spending the next 25 years paying a mortgage on properties that they could never hope of selling at prices comparable with those of unaffected properties.

Residents’ demands for compensation were met with complete indifference by the Coal Authority, which resorted to a breath-taking abuse of logic to justify this indifference. The Coal Authority claims that because the information was available in 1980 to the surveyor, who failed to identify it within the time limit, but was only revealed in a subsequent inspection 31 years later, they could not claim because the time had expired. In effect, the residents are excluded from claiming because they failed to identify an error made by the National Coal Board when the only evidence that could be used to identify the error was in the hands of the National Coal Board and its successor, the Coal Authority. The only other way in which they could have satisfied that particular demand was to have taken their own initiative and to have dug up their kitchen floor or back garden to identify whether there were any rogue mineshafts.

My constituents took their case to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration. The ombudsman’s report confirmed maladministration in the way the Coal Authority handled their complaint, and it recommended a small sum of compensation for each complainant. It also confirmed that DECC is responsible for any errors in NCB mining reports, and criticised the Coal Authority for failing to advise the complainants of that fact. However, the ombudsman’s remit was confined to adjudicating on the process of dealing with the complaint, not on the merits of the complaint itself. Therefore, the substantive issue of compensation for my constituents is still unresolved. They are still condemned to living in houses they cannot sell at a realistic market price, as a result of mistakes made by the NCB and which are now the responsibility of DECC.

Mine searches are a vital part of the process of purchasing properties. They allow the purchaser to make an informed decision about whether they want to proceed on a property. A positive or negative search vastly affects the value of a property. My constituents paid full price for their property, based on the assumption made by the National Coal Board—the experts—that the property was clear of mines. This was clearly negligent because the surveyor clearly did not access the correct records to make the informed decision on which my constituents relied.

My constituents have done everything right. They have worked hard, got on, paid taxes and bought homes. Now, however, because of an oversight over 30 years ago by a professional specifically employed to avoid such a situation, they are unable to enjoy the fruits of their labour and are trapped in properties they have no hope of selling for their normal market value. My constituents have no way and no process by which they can have their case heard and adjudicated without recourse to a court of law. It is unjust that people of their age and financial circumstances have to invest in what might be an expensive legal process to obtain justice.

I ask the Minister and DECC to ensure that the Coal Authority treats sensitively any future complainants with issues of this nature and give them appropriate guidance about how they can best get redress for their particular concerns, as the Coal Authority clearly did not do in this case. To do that, there needs to be a change of culture and a change in the ownership of responsibility for these issues. I also ask the Minister to set up a tribunal and an adjudication service within DECC, to which people affected by such an issue—there may be many others now or in the future—can take their complaint, and have it assessed by experts and adjudicated on, so that they do not have to suffer in the way that my constituents have suffered.

Not only were my constituents denied the right to make a properly informed decision when they brought their homes, but they are now being denied the right to receive compensation for an error that was not of their making and was beyond their control, and which will have a significant impact on their finances for the rest of their lives.

May 27, 2016
Jo Johnson – 2016 Statement on Business Department’s Future

Below is the text of the statement made by Jo Johnson, the Minister for Universities and Science, to the House of Commons on 26 May 2016.

Today the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills has announced its decision to create a combined BIS headquarters and policy function in London to deliver a simpler, smaller Department that is more flexible and responsive to stakeholders and businesses by 2020. This involves basing all policy roles in London by 2018 and closing the St Paul’s Place office in Sheffield.

Everyone affected will be able to stay in post in their current location until January 2018 and if they choose to take up a post in London there will be financial assistance for travel available for the first three years.

Anyone choosing to leave will benefit from the best exit terms currently available in the civil service. The support package on offer will include money for re-skilling, career coaching, and time off to look for other jobs.

The executive board and ministerial team take the future of staff affected by this decision, and the contribution they have made, very seriously. We are aware this decision will directly affect people’s lives, livelihoods and families and it has therefore not been taken lightly. Support for staff has been and remains our priority.

This unanimous decision has been reached by the BIS executive board after the Department conducted a consultation with staff and with the departmental trade unions which closed on 2 May. Inevitably it has been a period of uncertainty for staff but the consultation period has enabled the executive board to reflect on its proposal, to hear from staff, to take into account the equality analysis, and to consider the alternative business models which have been put forward.

Following the recent spending review, BIS has set itself the target of becoming a more flexible and efficient Department, as well as reducing its cost to the taxpayer. We have committed to deliver reductions in the Department’s operating expenditure which equate to around £350 million by 2020. Savings of this magnitude can only be delivered by fundamentally changing the Department’s overall business model in a way that works for a smaller workforce with more streamlined structures in a demanding service and policy environment.

BIS 2020 is the transformation programme to deliver that new business model—creating a Department that is simpler, smaller, and better for users by 2020. As a transformation programme it is ambitious. It means reducing our operating costs and associated headcount by 30% to 40%; more than halving our 45 public bodies; and rationalising customer support, grant giving and digital service delivery. It also involves reducing our locations from around 80 sites to seven business centres plus a regional presence across the country. These business centres will each focus on a key area of business activity bringing together expertise and helping us to build our capability.

One of these business centres will be a combined BIS headquarters and policy function in London. Crucial to this decision was bringing together BIS’ policy capability which is currently dispersed across 14 offices, and locating it near Ministers, Parliament, and other Government Departments in Whitehall.

Over the course of this Parliament our policy function will reduce from around 2,000 roles to around 1,500 roles, reflecting the size of the Department’s pay bill on our operating expenditure. As we get smaller we need a simpler structure that allows staff to interact easily and to respond rapidly and flexibly to Ministers, Parliament and other stakeholders. Being more flexible, agile and re-deployable enables us to respond to the challenging demands of modern Government. The steel crisis is a recent example of where we have had to urgently re-deploy large numbers of staff to address an urgent priority.

Operating split site and split team working as we become smaller would put an increasing strain on our organisational effectiveness which is why the executive board has concluded that a combined headquarters and policy function is the most effective model to continue to serve Ministers and stakeholders flexibly, effectively and sustainably.

May 27, 2016
David Blunkett – 2016 Speech on Britain in the EU

Below is the text of the speech made by David Blunkett, the former Labour Home Secretary, on 26 May 2016.

The 23 June referendum could be and still might be, the opportunity to demonstrate the gritty grasp of reality which is surely the hallmark of the British people. A reality which has been displayed time and time again, in the glories and the tragedies of the past. In creating and developing alliances, in making sacrifices on behalf of others and yes, calling on others to rally to our defence in times of need.

Forty years ago I voted ‘No’ to staying in the European Union. So what has changed? The simple answer is “the world”. The dramatic change of the last four decades can be summed up in one word, “power”. Who exercises it, on whose behalf and how those without wealth and influence can use democratic politics to have their voices heard, their needs met and their rights and wellbeing protected.

From the school playground through to international negotiations, strength lies in numbers. From the emergence of the United Kingdom, to the development of the Trade Union movement, men and women understood that combining together provided power that individuals could never exercise alone.

In today’s world this has never been more apparent. Global companies exercise enormous power over the world economy; the lives, the jobs and the wellbeing of individuals and families across the world. From finance to modern communication, it is the global giants who exercise sway over our lives.

Some have compared the Googles and Amazons to the Roman Empire, and the collection of tribute and the exercise of cultural hegemony, whatever and wherever the nation state they touch.

Why is it that these giants, including companies like Apple, are prepared to do entirely different deals with China than other parts of the world, including on issues such as personal privacy? The answer is of course simple – 1.2 billion people provide a market which any international company would wish to get its hand on.

This is an example of a highly populated and increasingly powerful nation-state being able to “do a deal” with extraordinarily powerful forces in the private sector. It is about the reality of political power confronting market forces.

In or out of the European Union we are affected by decisions taken collectively by other European nations. In or out of the European Union we are directly affected by how the rest of the world perceive the United Kingdom, its economy, its potential trade, its standing in relation to influence in international affairs and decision making outside its own boundaries.

Hence the announcements of the International Monetary Fund, the view of the Credit Rating agencies, the opinion of the President of the United States, senior statesmen and women past and present really do matter. They matter because we are in a global economy, affected by decisions made collectively in relation to trade, to the handling of the threat and insecurity posed by terrorism, and of mass people movements across the world.

None of this can be dealt with or understood sensibly, with belligerence and bluster. The buffoonery of Boris Johnson is no substitute for rational thought or an assessment of and counterweight to, the reality of power. I have over recent weeks come to wonder whether the BBC should be renamed the Boris Broadcasting Corporation. Not a day goes by without some mention made by our main broadcaster of the increasingly irrational and almost irrelevant remarks of this newly converted politician, to leaving the European Union.

But this decision is not about individuals, it’s not about a contest for the leadership of the Conservative Party, it is not about the Conservative Party. This is a decision about the future of the United Kingdom, the future of our children and grandchildren, and above all facing the reality of life in a very changed landscape.

So, let me address two central issues that the Out campaign constantly say are upper most in people’s minds. Namely, security and immigration.

As Home Secretary in the period covering the attack on the World Trade Centre on the 11 September 2001, and at a time of enormous upheaval and instability leading to large scale people movements across the world at that time, I think I can claim to have some understanding of how decisions are made, and the impact that collaboration offers to achieving a successful outcome.

Fifteen years ago, I was in partnership with the then Interior Minister of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, later to become President. He and I got to know each other precisely because we were working together on what was then the Justice and Home Affairs Council of the European Union. Both of us were opponents of the grinding bureaucracy that we sought to change. Yes, there is bureaucracy, there is enormous need for continuing reform but I make the point entirely to demonstrate that we are not the only people within the European Union, who believe in progressive change. The notion that only the plucky Brits are against bureaucracy, against overbearing centralism and the top down edicts of the Commission is frankly insulting to the rest of the democratic world!

We worked together with other partners including the then Interior Minister of Germany Otto Schilly, to get the right decisions made and to ensure that they were practical, workable and relevant to the key threats that existed at the time.

The benefits arising from enhanced co-operation and collaboration within Europe – rather than on a bilateral basis – apply equally to countering the threat of terror and dealing with the major challenge of the movement of people across the world.

In both cases we are talking about a global threat, not solely a breach of our own borders. On the one hand, the perverted ideology and interpretation of the world which leads to a threat to our life and economic wellbeing is nurtured and propagated on a global scale. Whilst it is true that the European Union is only one part of a multiplicity of collaborative processes for information gathering, data collation and sharing, it is an important element in ensuring common cause.

This is not simply (and this is true of so much of what we are dealing with in relation to our future in Europe), a matter of what we can “get out of” other countries including the European Union machinery. It is about what we are able to contribute in both helping and improving the ability to collaborate, with other countries. In other words, being part of the process is essential both in terms of workable practical measures but also the overall direction, relevance and competence of what is done by all those in a position to contribute. We should be asking ‘what can we do for you’, as well as ‘what can we gain from you?’

Yes, we are in a fortunate position that we are trusted by and able to work extremely closely with the United States on intelligence gathering, analysis and action. But it is extremely silly and beneath those who should know better to suggest that this somehow “trumps” if I dare use such expression these days, wider co-operation against terrorism on our doorstep.

The meetings we held at the Justice and Affairs Council, at a Europe-wide level after 11 September, were illustrative of the importance of the ability to work quickly and effectively with all those who were then part of the Union.

The European Arrest Warrant, the data sharing improvements, the use of biometrics and yes, improved collaboration on the wider European border all demonstrate the importance of what we call the European Union. In simple terms, if we had not had the EU, we would, on these issues, have had to invent it.

Suggesting that this amounts to some conspiracy for a “European State” and analogies with the intent of Hitler are not only dangerous and risible but illustrate the lengths to which the Out campaign will now go to distort reality in attempting to frighten people in a way that they claim to be a hallmark of the In campaign.

Actually, it is collaboration across Europe, building alliances with both historic friends and neighbours with the United Kingdom and new entrants from the East that ensure a balance of power within the Union. Power being one theme of my contribution to this debate, should to any intelligent human being, equal ensuring that no one nation or two nations working together can dominate not just the structures and decision-making processes of the European Union but of Europe as a whole. Remembering that in or out, decisions taken in Europe, the balance of power within Europe, the economic, social, cultural and wider influences, all impact on this, our nation off the geographic coast of mainland Europe.

We understood this in relation to the debate as to why it was important that Scotland remained within the United Kingdom. The same argument apply equally to the debate about the future of Britain in Europe. For it is about the future of Europe as a whole and not just the future of Britain, that should determine our vote on 23June.

Which brings me to immigration. The agreement that Nicolas Sarkozy and I reached in 2002, which saw the closure of the Sangatte camp outside Calais in 2003 was mutually beneficial. Both of us recognised that this was not a matter that either nation on their own could deal with nor for that matter was solely about France and the United Kingdom. This was about people being trafficked by organised criminals across the world, attracted by both a better life as well as in many cases, escaping from death and torture.

To reach the United Kingdom by land and water, involved having arrived in the European Union through its outer borders. The Out campaign talk as though what we are dealing with is “fortress Britain” where we erect on our own soil mechanisms to stop people actually arriving, touching our soil and therefore becoming entitled under international – not European – treaties, to claim asylum. Or, to disappear into the sub-economy to work and operate below the radar. This is frankly nonsense. The best way of illustrating why collective action can be effective and is important in terms of dealing with global displacement is the agreement, temporary or otherwise, between the bulk of the European Union and Turkey. The dramatic stemming of those breaching the European borders and flowing across Europe is a remarkable example of how you have to negotiate together. We are as much beneficiaries of the agreement and the steps taken as those who initiated these measures.

But as Nicolas Sarkozy and I recognised 14 years ago, you have to ensure that those seeking a better life realise exactly what will happen when they make their way across the European continent, and that this will impact on countries in the pipeline as well as those countries to whom the migrants aim to settle.

That is why in closing the camp, it was necessary to reach agreement on immigration, security and customs personnel, to be located on French soil. Effectively and for the French, counter-intuitively, to move the UK border to northern France.

I am absolutely clear that this agreement could not have been reached had we not built an understanding, worked together as part of and understood that our future was in, the European Union. Why would the French in other circumstances wish to prevent people reaching Britain? What measures do the Out campaign believe they could implement that would return those reaching our soil were we not to have this zone on French soil, which would enable them to return such individuals to France? Eurostar checks in Paris and Brussels, the double-lock of both French and UK officials on French soil dramatically reducing illegal entry into Britain is possible because we are part of the European Union.

Let me be clear. The fact is that having our security service representatives on French soil in Calais, at Paris Gard de Nord and Brussels Midi is a major safeguard that we have grossly underestimated in recent years. Were the French to decide to revoke the agreement, which leading French spokespeople have indicated, it would be a calamity for robust and rational border controls. This in practice means that we couldn’t use these immigration and security controls to stop people reaching our country. This would lead to an increase in asylum claims from people who came to our shores and the disappearance of tens of thousands of people into the illegal economy.

And to illustrate the point still further, and to lay aside the misunderstanding about “free movement”, it is worth just recalling that 40 per cent of those who declared themselves as applicants for the right to work when the E8 countries fully joined the EU in May 2004 were already in the country. I repeat, they were already here.

I have heard no one of any stature suggest that we would prevent people coming on holiday to the United Kingdom.

Once people are here they can so easily disappear into the sub-economy, as I have already illustrated. Our current mechanisms for electronic data processing, does not allow us to ensure accuracy in terms of those who leave our borders (embarkation) as well as those arriving. As the Home Secretary who initiated the E-borders programme, I am as frustrated as anyone else that over a decade has past and we are still not in a position to fully implement a secure and reliable system scheme.

It is in no way to dismiss the genuine fear that many people have in this country about too rapid and large scale immigration, to indicate that working together to tackle the causes, to reduce the flow and to manage what is inevitable, must be the only rational way of proceeding in a world which cannot be wished away, and where global events have to be dealt with on a global scale.

When the coalition government in 2010 abolished the Migrant Impact Fund, they undermined the proper preparation for and investment in new arrivals and the communities bearing the biggest challenge. With the introduction of net migration targets, which included full time graduate and post-graduate legitimate students, the Government set an impossible hurdle. Failing to reach it added to the sense that we were not in control of our borders. We are!

And here’s a thought. Were we to be Italy or Greece, or in the past Spain, finding 100,000’s of migrants seeking to enter the European Union through our shores, would we not expect and wish for help from the European Union as a whole? Would we quite rightly point out that we were carrying an enormous burden in circumstances where those entering our country wished to settle elsewhere? Germany and Sweden in particular, have taken decisions over the last three years to welcome extraordinarily large numbers of those fleeing from death and torture.

So, whether on countering terror and improving our security, or rational policies to reduce unmanageable immigration inside or from outside the European Union, we are able to use appropriate opt-out mechanisms when it is right for Britain to do so. This places us in a highly favourable situation in terms of cooperation and collaboration when needed, and separate national policies when required.

In a world of global markets, people movements and global blocks, we need each other more than ever before. In terms of finance and business, in terms of the nation state and democratic politics, the challenge in front of us is blindingly obvious. To have power, we need to be able to work together.

To gain that power, you need critical mass. The capacity and the clout go with scale, and with understanding the nature of globalisation.

That is why the strength, the innovation, and the talent present in the United Kingdom provides leverage beyond our capacity to deliver in isolation. By joining instead with others of like mind who want a better Europe, a less bureaucratic and corporatist Europe, but who also understand that we can only achieve this and our wider goals, by working together, a vote to stay in on 23 June is self-evidently the right thing for our future.

May 26, 2016
Theresa May – 2016 Speech to Association of Police and Crime Commissioners

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Home Secretary, at the Association of Police and Crime Commissioner Meeting on 24 May 2016.

Thank you. I am delighted to be at this first Association of Police and Crime Commissioners (APCC) general meeting since the elections in May.

As I look about the room, I can see some familiar faces. But some new faces as well. Together you represent policing in towns, cities, villages and rural areas across the country and you represent a broad spectrum of views and a range of parties. So I am delighted to be with you all here today – and I look forward to hearing about your plans for ensuring the police can continue to cut crime and keep communities safe.

Now first of all, I want to begin by saying congratulations to you all. You put yourselves forward to stand as police and crime commissioners on 5 May and the public went to the polls and placed their votes at the ballot box. They elected you to represent their interests; to reflect their policing and crime priorities; and to hold their police force to account on their behalf.

And that is an immense privilege and a great responsibility. Whether you are new to the role or have just been returned for a second term, I am sure that you will take that responsibility seriously, and bring new perspectives and new leadership to policing in your area.

New perspectives and leadership

Now 2 weeks ago, I attended an event which clearly demonstrated the value of new perspectives and leadership in policing – and that was the graduation ceremony for the first cohort of Direct Entry superintendents.

Now there are only 8 of them in the first year, but they represent something that is ground-breaking in policing. They are the first senior leaders recruited from outside policing in the modern era, they’re bringing with them skills and experiences from the worlds of finance, the military, the civil service and industry. In the process, they are opening up a career that for too long meant starting as a constable and working your way up, they’re disrupting a culture which too often respects time served over skills gained or results delivered.

And I think those skills and experiences are breathing new life into police leadership. As one police constable (PC), whose testimony was shared at the event, made clear, their Direct Entry superintendent had inspired them to carry on in the job. After years of having their ideas rejected and being told that “this was just the way things are”, the constable was ready to quit policing. But the Direct Entry superintendent, herself frustrated by the system but committed to changing it, convinced the PC to be part of that solution. As she said, policing needs people like that constable – people with new ideas and the energy to follow them through – if it is going change for the better.

And the same is true of course of Police Now, which is a flagship scheme to bring the brightest and best university graduates into policing. It was just 2 years ago that I announced some seed funding for Police Now at the 2014 Police Federation conference but last summer, 69 graduates from some of the UK’s top institutions left university and entered the first Police Now summer academy. Within 6 weeks, they were on the beat as dedicated ward officers in neighbourhood teams, and the early results are extremely positive.

It has proved so popular that this year nearly 2,500 students applied for the 100 places available, with 7 police forces signed up. Of those who are expected to start their training in July, 55% are women and 21% are from a black and ethnic minority (BME) background, compared to 30.9% and 9.3% respectively for regular recruitment schemes. And with the help of Home Office funding, Police Now has now spun out of the Metropolitan Police to become a national social enterprise, available to all police forces in England and Wales.

It was only when I sat listening to the story of that Direct Entry superintendent, and when I met the outstanding group of individuals graduating Direct Entry, that it truly struck me. The tired, closed culture of policing is being opened up for the first time in its history. Innovative thinking is being injected into police practice and new leadership are being marshalled in the fight against crime, and I think it is benefiting existing police officers as much as the new recruits themselves.

So I hope each of you will encourage your forces to take up these schemes and accelerate that pace of change. Because, as police and crime commissioners, you also embody new leadership in policing, and you bring with you the new perspectives, skills and expertise that has been lacking for too long.

The importance of police and crime commissioners

Six years ago, when I first became Home Secretary and set about the task of introducing police and crime commissioners (PCCs), there were many who denied the need for new leadership. I was met with criticism, scepticism and doubt, and, looking back, it is easy to forget the strength of feeling we faced at the time.

There were those who claimed that the system of governance back then – police authorities – was working just fine. Others claimed that a single, directly-elected individual would lead to relationships with chief constables that were either too close or too adversarial. And many argued that politics had no place in policing and threatened the sacred principle of operational independence.

But the system was broken, and it had to change. And police authorities were not only unaccountable and invisible committees who no one knew existed; they were also ineffective. In 2010, only 4 of the 22 police authorities inspected by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC) were judged to have performed well in 2 of their primary functions – setting strategic direction and ensuring value for money for taxpayers.

Chief constables held too much power and were not robustly held to account and I challenge any of you to find a chief constable formally dismissed for poor performance in the two decades prior to 2010. And politics of the worst kind plagued policing – through the system of distorting targets and bureaucratic requirements imposed on local police forces by the Home Office.

I introduced police and crime commissioners to change that. To properly hold chief constables to account for how well they are cutting crime and keeping communities safe. To ensure that each force’s priorities reflected the concerns of local people, not the whim of Whitehall. And to reinforce the British model of policing by consent through direct, democratic accountability.

And today when we consider how far we have come, I think we can say that many of the benefits are plain to see. And for me personally, I have to say that today it is tremendous to see how an idea – long in the making and hard fought to deliver – is now flourishing and bearing fruit.

This May around 9 million people went to the polls to elect you as their police and crime commissioners. Overall turnout was 27.4% across England and Wales, according to provisional analysis of police area returning officer certificates. The Electoral Commission will obviously confirm turnout later this summer, but it indicates a clear increase on the first elections in 2012, when 5.5 million votes were cast, and turnout was 15.1%. Now of course this year your elections were held alongside other local elections, but even in force areas where there were no other elections turnout increased. And I think these figures can – and should – improve in future years.

The achievements of PCCs so far

Police and crime commissioners have brought real democratic accountability, leadership and engagement to local policing in a way that never existed before. You’ve presided over a fall in crime of over a quarter since 2010, according to the independent Crime Survey for England and Wales. You have made efficiencies, which have helped us save hundreds of millions of pounds for the taxpayer and put this country’s finances back on a sustainable footing. You have increased the proportion of police officers on the front line, and brought new impetus to police volunteering freeing up police officers for roles only they can do.

And the achievements of PCCs in their first term demonstrate just what is possible in the second.

PCCs have engaged the public in ways that police authorities could never have imagined. Collectively your offices will receive upwards of 7,000 pieces of correspondence every month, and your websites are being visited by over 85,000 people, every month. Through webcasts and public accountability meetings, PCCs have involved the public in the practice of holding the chief constable to account. And in Sussex last year, Katy Bourne’s Youth Commission gathered the views of more than 2,000 young people from across the county to inform, support and challenge the priorities set out in her police and crime plan.

PCCs have relentlessly pursued efficiencies, not just to save money for the taxpayer but also to deliver operational benefits for officers. Some of you have invested in technology, like Martin Surl’s work with BAE Systems to analyse local data to identify ‘at risk’ children and young people; or Graham Bright’s work in Cambridgeshire to give thousands of officers mobile technology and to move to paperless policing to save time, money and improve the officers’ experience.

Others have driven much closer collaboration with other forces, both through the back office and in front line specialist teams. Warwickshire and West Mercia; Surrey and Sussex; Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire and Bedfordshire; Durham and Cleveland – a constellation of partnerships has sprung up in the last 4 years which I think we must build on in the future.

And of course some PCCs have used their mandate to drive change across other local services, despite not having direct oversight or budgetary control. In Staffordshire, Matthew Ellis has created a tri-service neighbourhood centre at the site of the existing fire station, with specific space for each service plus a shared service area. The project will enhance the effectiveness and integrated nature of the local emergency services provision while delivering cash and organisational benefits for each of their service partners, which equates to £1.18 million worth. While in Greater Manchester, Tony Lloyd has worked with the Ministry of Justice to commission probation services to deliver intensive community orders over the next 18 months.

So these are just some of the examples, the positive examples, of what has been achieved in three and a half years under police and crime commissioners. But policing is not always positive. The issues you will deal with can be tough. The behaviour of officers and staff can be shameful. And the crimes you will have to contend with can be abhorrent. So I have been pleased that PCCs have not shied away from the difficult decisions either.

None more so than the recent verdict of the Hillsborough inquests. It was a momentous day for the families and campaigners who have fought for too long, in the face of hostility and obfuscation, for justice. As I said in my statement to Parliament, the conclusions of the inquests were clear on the role of South Yorkshire police officers on that day and the force must recognise the truth and be willing to accept it.

And I therefore welcome Alan Billings’s determination to take action and I am similarly heartened to see that he has been working with other policing leaders to find solutions that work for the people of South Yorkshire. I would like to pay tribute to Julia Mulligan, whose decision to allow chief constable Dave Jones to take temporary command of South Yorkshire Police has ensured that both forces have strong leadership in the interim. I continue to stand ready to support this process, and to help South Yorkshire Police confront the mistakes of the past and regain the confidence of their community.

Reform in the last Parliament

So police and crime commissioners have proved themselves. You have proved yourselves. And PCCs have been at the heart of the reforms I have put in place in policing since 2010. Because 6 years after the government was first elected, we now have a framework of institutions and processes to ensure policing is more accountable, more effective, and more professional than ever before.

The comprehensive annual inspection regime to scrutinise forces’ efficiency, effectiveness and legitimacy, run by Her Majesty’s Inspectorate which is truly independent of the police and not afraid to ask difficult questions on your and the public’s behalf.

The College of Policing, to act as a proper professional body for police officers and staff, and to oversee training, create an evidence base of what works, and set clear professional standards, as I told the federation conference last week.

A National Crime Agency with the resources, international reach and powers to direct the fight against serious and organised crime, at home and abroad, and work with local forces on strategic threats.

A reformed National Police Chiefs’ Council, held to account by you – police and crime commissioners – with a much stronger emphasis on operational coordination.

A modern and independent evidence based process for pay and conditions.

A strengthened and reformed Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) being resourced so that it can take on all serious and sensitive cases, and, through the Policing and Crime Bill given the powers and structure to deliver it.

And a Home Office that no longer believes it runs policing and which no longer imposes targets and unnecessary bureaucracy on your forces.

So in the last Parliament, we rebuilt the institutions of policing and vested in them the powers, the clout and the legitimacy for them to work effectively. In the next 4 years, we will put you – PCCs at the heart of reform once again.

Putting PCCs at the heart of future reform

So in the Policing and Crime Bill that is currently going through Parliament, we are already taking steps to give you greater scope to reform policing locally, and drive improvements in the service to the public.

Over the last three and half years, many of you and your predecessors invested time, energy and resources in making the emergency services work better together locally, with impressive results. So we will help you go further, by legislating to enable PCCs to take on responsibilities for fire and rescue services locally, where a local case is made, and to place a statutory duty on all three emergency services to collaborate.

As I said yesterday at Reform, speaking largely to fire and rescue service chiefs, these reforms are central to a programme of reform in fire and rescue that I hope will be as urgent and as radical as that in policing since 2010.

We will help you reconnect your forces with the public by radically reforming the police complaints system, so that you – PCCs – can take a more active role in handling low-level complaints and appeals. Because as Vera Baird in Northumbria has shown, PCCs are well placed to deal with the public and ensure that the service they receive is more customer focused, responsive and accountable.

But, because the Home Office no longer believes it runs policing, I am not imposing these changes on you. I am not mandating you take on fire or all new functions regarding police complaints. You are in charge, and you can decide where the opportunities lie for your area and your communities.

Where you have an appetite for further devolution and greater responsibility, I am committed to working with you to deliver it. As I said in February, I have been working with the Justice Secretary, Michael Gove, on what role PCCs could play in the wider criminal justice system. That’s something that I have long believed in and which a number of PCCs have shown an interest in. There is, after all, a reason why we included the words ‘and crime’ in PCC’s titles all those years ago.

This work is not yet complete, but I hope that in the coming months we can work with you to shape these proposals. So that PCCs can bring about direct accountability to the criminal justice system in the same way that you have for policing, and to further cut crime and improve rehabilitation in the process.

The Police Transformation Fund

So I am doing my bit to give you the powers for you to effect change at a local level, if you want them. But the real challenge is yours. As I told many of you last December, the next stage of reform is not something I will impose on you. It is something you must design and deliver for yourselves, using the fact that overall police spending will increase by up to £900 million in cash terms over the Spending Review period and this will include hundreds of millions of transformation funding.

And in doing so, you must be willing to act collectively and do so in the interests of what is best for policing as a whole, not just for your own force. Because as I said then, the debate in policing is no longer about structures, it is about which capabilities are needed in policing, where they best sit and how they are best delivered. That is not something I can prescribe; it must come from you – from PCCs – and chief constables, through the Police Reform and Transformation Board.

And that board is now up and running and I hope you will start proposing areas where funding is needed to deliver new and improved capability, following the decisions to improve police capability in firearms and digital policing which announced at the Spending Review. And I am grateful to Sara Thornton for the momentum that she has injected into this programme of work and for bringing chief constables together around common objectives for the future of policing. It is also absolutely right that the case for operational capability is developed by those with the operational expertise. Chief constables are the professionals, and there is no escaping the essential role they play in establishing what is needed and how it might be delivered.

But I know there have been some concerns that the process is overly reliant on chief constables and that PCCs have been squeezed out. I understand those concerns, and to some degree I share them. Police transformation and the investment in new capabilities cannot and should not happen without the input of police and crime commissioners. Collectively you are accountable for local policing, and I am clear that you should have a say on how this money is spent. At times you will all also need to look beyond your own force boundaries and your own force interests to work together to deliver it in the best interests of law enforcement as a whole. And I will not accept proposals that do not have the support of PCCs. But you must also take much greater ownership of the Police Reform and Transformation Board (PRTB) yourselves. There is a reason the board has as many PCCs on it as chief constables, and that the chair rotates between the APCC and the NPCC. You are equal partners, and you have an equal opportunity to shape it.

And to support you do that, I agree to the allocation of a small proportion of transformation funding to help support PCCs on the board. This role would coordinate oversight of the work of the PRTB on behalf of PCCs, link into your offices and provide day-to-day oversight of delivery to time and budget, reporting through the APCC chief executive of the APCC board. But I am only doing that because the APCC has requested this on your behalf. Because it’s your money, not mine. Determining how to use it to deliver transformation in policing is best done by you– policing as a whole – and not by the Home Office.

Conclusion

And if I could offer one message, one word of advice, to hold with you over the next 4 years, it would be this.

Do not seek permission. Don’t look to the Home Office. Do not rely on the words of ministers or the Home Secretary to justify your actions or provide cover for what you want to do. You’ve been elected to represent your constituents, not to represent the Whitehall view. Your police and crime plans should reflect their priorities, not mine.

Where I can help, I will do so. Where you believe the law needs to be changed, I will listen. When the Home Office or other parts of Whitehall are getting in your way, I will work to clear your path. But I gave up the power to appoint chief constables for good reason. Just as I ended the system of Home Office targets for good reason. Because policing and crime should be properly accountable to the communities they serve.

Police and crime commissioners are here to stay. You have the potential to safeguard the historic principle of policing by consent and restore the link between the public and the police and I look forward to working with you to do just that.

May 26, 2016
John Morris – 1959 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

Below is the text of the maiden speech made by John Morris, the Labour MP for Aberavon, in the House of Commons on 3 November 1959.

It is with considerable trepidation that I rise to intervene in such an important debate. I stand in the same place as other young men have done in the past, and I can only hope that they did not do so with as much trepidation as I do. I hope that the House, in putting me in the balance and weighing me, will not find me unduly wanting.
Like my hon. Friend the Member for Gower (Mr. I. Davies), I should like to mention my predecessor, Mr. W. G. Cove, who, while the political tides ebbed and flowed, for 30 years represented Aberavon in this House, and before that he represented Wellingborough. While the tides ebbed and flowed Aberavon stood firm, even in 1931, when Mr. Cove’s predecessor, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, stood in another light and, of course, for another constituency.

I should like in the few minutes at my disposal to deal with that part of the Gracious Speech which concerns the development of a sound system of communications throughout the country and the Government’s intention to press forward with their policy of building new highways and improving existing roads. It would be presumptuous of me, as a new, young and inexperienced Member, to try to paint a broad picture of the country’s system of road communications. I shall try to devote myself to a part of the problem with which I have tried to the best of my ability to familiarise myself in the last few years, and that is the transport system of South Wales, and, in particular, of Port Talbot.

In recent years the problem of who will do something for the Port Talbot by-pass and for the inner relief road scheme for the town has been a burning question in South Wales. This is not a mere constituency matter. It affects the prosperity of the whole of South Wales. Indeed, whenever there is an international match in Cardiff, every sportsman in Wales has his own epithets for describing the Government of the day when he is held up at the Port Talbot bottleneck.

The Minister of Transport said yesterday that he was appalled at the standard of driving on the new M.1 road from London to Birmingham. My sincere hope is that he is equally appalled at the hourly chaos which exists at the Port Talbot bottleneck. Here is one of the greatest bottlenecks in the country. Hour after hour private vehicles and the great vehicles of industry are held up there, causing a tremendous waste of fuel, time and money. I shudder to think of the annual amount of wastage caused by that single bottleneck. The worst period is between five o’clock and six o’clock in the evening. It has been reported that on a recorded occasion 1,278 vehicles crawled through that bottleneck between those hours.

The significance of the bottleneck is that while there is traffic from east and west, there is also traffic from north and south, and a railway crossing across that great highway. In the period between five o’clock and six-thirty it has been estimated that on recorded occasions the railway crossing gates have been shut for no less than thirty-five minutes. In any system of road communications I think that is a considerable time for the road between east and west to be closed.

No doubt the Minister is aware of the controversy which has existed regarding which of two proposed improvement schemes should be carried out, an outer scheme of relief, involving the demolition of 260 to 270 houses, or an inner scheme. It has been stated that the schemes concerning Port Talbot have had a “chequered career,” but it has appeared to me to be more like a game of snakes and ladders, with no one winning. Even though the Minister decided as far back as November, 1957, that the outer scheme should be carried out first, not a single brick has been laid up to now and not a single inch of tarmacadam has been put down.

Local authorities have done their best to assist the Minister in this matter. I wish to stress that at the inquiry in November, 1957, the Minister did not decide against the local authority’s scheme for inner relief; he merely said that he would not alter his order of priorities and that he intended to carry out the outer scheme first. But the problem of inner relief for the town still remains. On 10th March this year the local authority and the Glamorgan County Council resubmitted a scheme for the inner relief of the town. Even on the most optimistic prophecy the outer scheme will not be completed before 1965, and, even so, it will deal only with 30 per cent. of the traffic which now comes through the bottleneck at Port Talbot.

Traffic is increasing year by year by 10 per cent. I shudder to think what a tremendous bottleneck will exist in 1965 even with the construction of the outer scheme. It is absolutely vital that the Minister should decide to do something at the earliest possible moment regarding the inner road. In May of this year the local authorities requested a joint meeting with the Minister, but he regretted that the future of the inner relief scheme must remain in abeyance until after the election, as he did not consider that he should take a decision which would commit a future Administration. Now that the joustings at the hustings have been completed, I hope that the Minister of Transport will see his way clear to meet the local authorities in this matter at the earliest possible moment.

There is also the question of re-housing the people whose homes are involved in the carrying out of the scheme. I said earlier that 260 to 270 houses will be demolished. I am informed that the Ministry has not encountered a demolition problem of this magnitude before, but the problem is one which eventually will affect the whole of the country. There are no houses for sale in this area.

The majority of my constituents are steel workers and at the moment they are members of the most prosperous community in Britain. Many of these people are old and their houses are worth only £700 or £1,000. Where are they to find equivalent accommodation with which to replace their present homes? Those who are tenants will be re-housed by the council which will get a subsidy in order to do that. But the problem of where owner-occupiers will go still remains. Will the council have to re-house these people? Will it get a subsidy to enable it to rehouse owner-occupiers who cannot find other accommodation?

This is a basic problem involving people who have worked all their lives and saved up to buy their house. Are they to be compensated with sums of money which will not be sufficient to provide them with another house? There are no such houses available in modern housing developments. The cost of a new house would far exceed any amount of compensation which they might receive. Even were they re-housed in council houses, the £700 or £1,000 compensation which they might receive would soon be whittled away if they had to pay the economic rent of a council house, which amounts to £2 17s. a week. If they came within the differential rent scheme for council houses and the council received a subsidy for re-housing them, they would still have to pay a weekly rent of £1 6s.

It is no consolation to speak of National Assistance for such cases; indeed it would be tragic, because these people would have to use up the compensation they had received before getting any aid at all. There is a basic principle involved here because the life of a whole community is at stake and if we continue with great plans of road development, in a few years other people will be put in jeopardy in the same way. It will need the wisdom of Solomon to dispense justice in such circumstances.

How can we compensate people who have spent all their lives in a house of a certain type which cannot be replaced under modern housing conditions? Local authorities are anxious to obtain some indication of the attitude of the Government to these problems. Some of these houses are to be demolished as early as next March. The occupants are under notice, but the local authority has not yet been informed whether it is supposed to re-house those people.

There is a tremendous backlog of road work to be done in the country. In Great Britain there are 29 motor vehicles for every mile of road. We have the most congested roads in the world, and if the number of vehicles continues to increase at the present rate it is estimated that by 1962 there will be no fewer than 10 million vehicles on our roads. This means that there will be a motor vehicle for every 35 yards of public road or street.

Compared with twenty-five years ago the yield from motor taxation has gone up nine times, but the expenditure on roads today, even taking into account the present plans, is running at only three-and-a-half times more. The fact that we have three times more traffic on our roads today than we had in 1939 is, in my opinion, convincing evidence of the growing dependence of our social and economic life upon road transport, and it has been estimated that road congestion already costs the country no less than £500 million a year. That amount accrues from delays, wastages, wear and tear and accidents.

South Wales, and South-West Wales in particular, has suffered some hard knocks regarding unemployment in recent years. Industrialists—and who can blame them?—shy away when faced with the tremendous transport problems which exist in South Wales.

After years of talk, of inquiries, of consultations and of conferences, the people of South Wales will hardly believe their eyes when the first part of any scheme for Port Talbot is completed. Good roads are the arteries of our economic existence. The developments at Milford Haven and Swansea and the bringing of new industries to Pontardawe and Llanelly are dependent on the development of a new life link to South Wales. The prosperity of the whole community of South and South-West Wales depends on a good system of communications.

May 25, 2016
John Morris – 2016 Speech on the Loyal Address

Below is the text of the speech made by John Morris, Baron Morris of Aberavon, in the House of Lords on 25 May 2016.

My Lords, as a presumptuous new MP, I commented in the Queens’s Speech debate in 1959 on the need for a bypass to serve the area of Port Talbot steel and the south Wales economy generally. I return in tonight’s debate to a greater issue: the whole future of the steel industry in Port Talbot, which is a vital part of the economy in south Wales. I am glad that the Business Secretary has found time to be present in Mumbai today, when fateful decisions may be taken, with whatever support Her Majesty’s Government are able to give. That is in contrast with the role of union leaders and my successor but one as MP, Stephen Kinnock, who were aware of the importance of the last board meeting in Mumbai. They are to be congratulated. They observed the first rule of Welsh politics: be there. The Minister’s advisers seemed not to be aware of the speed of the developments revealed, or the Minister, regrettably, put his own diary and convenience first. I welcome very much the change in his priorities, and the presence of Carwyn Jones, the First Minister.

As a junior Minister, I supervised the writing of the White Paper to bring steel into public ownership. The main reason for public ownership was the cyclical nature of the market for steel, with years of plenty followed by years of famine, as in the Bible itself. Stability was essential for British steel production.

The first question for the Government to answer is: do they believe in the need for a British steel industry? Many years ago, believe it or not, this was challenged in the Economist magazine. If we do believe in that need, what should be the basis of decisions to ensure that British steel production continues in its various forms, and who should take them?

Secondly, how have we come to a position where the whole future of steel-making in Port Talbot is under threat? Is it because of Chinese dumping, the extra costs that British steel has to bear for energy, business rating, or some other reason? Has the Commission in Brussels acted too leisurely to meet the challenge of Chinese dumping which has developed over the years, or has there been lack of direction and rigour on the part of the British Government in making representations? How does the action taken in Brussels and here compare with that of the United States, which, we are told, has increased tariffs by more than 500% and doubled those on cold rolled steel from China? How significant is the EU’s 16% provisional tariff? The Business Secretary is reported as saying that it would not be right for the EU to scrap the lesser duty rule. There it is. How do we compare with the States?

I wish the proceedings in Mumbai today well. I hope that we get something significant from them. But the problem of dumping will remain. What Port Talbot needs is a level playing field. Is it true that the Government have offered to pump in hundreds of millions by way of a loan and a 25% stake in the industry to avoid Port Talbot closing before referendum day? I marvel at how the approach of the referendum and the Government’s need not to make enemies now is having such wide repercussions, including, mercifully, the emasculation of the Trade Union Bill.

One question of general significance remains: how do major companies—this is not the only one—amass huge unfunded pension liabilities without inhibition? This particular pension deficit seems to be a stumbling block for buyers. I welcome the reported comments of Community Union that there needs to be swifter and more robust action by the EU. I tried in this House, by way of a Question, to find out when the Government first took action. The replies were unimpressive. I was told:

“The government makes regular representations to the … Commission”.

The pleas of high energy users such as the steel and paper industries were not listened to in the past. How far is a balanced view being taken of a fair energy policy for high energy users, coupled with our obligations to prevent climate change? Surely the danger of destroying whole industries should not be ignored.

Lastly, how far has a business rate for Port Talbot steel militated against its economic survival? I thought the rating for the new harbour, the basis of Port Talbot’s survival, had been fixed years ago. What happened in the intervening years? I hope the Minister will expand on his answers by letter to me, and will place that in the Library.

May 25, 2016
Christine Hardman – 2016 Maiden Speech in the House of Lords

Below is the text of the speech made by Christine Hardman, the Lord Bishop of Newcastle, in the House of Lords on 25 May 2016.

My Lords, the theological understanding of grace is of the love and mercy given to us by God because God desires us to have it, not because of anything we have done to deserve it. In these early days in your Lordships’ House, it is grace that I have experienced—wonderful kindness and a warmth of welcome from your Lordships, the staff and all who work in this place. It has been entirely undeserved but a truly heart-warming experience. It will be no surprise to your Lordships that one of the loveliest and warmest welcomes came from the late Lord Walton—a fine and godly man, and a distinguished son of the north-east.

I grew up in the 1950s on a large London overspill council estate. In those large sprawling estates there were precious few community facilities and the school I attended had two classes of 45 children in each year group. The life chances of many growing up on that estate were very limited. Out of the 90 children in my year group, only 10 went to grammar school.

Two things were key in supporting me through those childhood years. The first was to be fortunate enough to be born into a loving family and the second was to be blessed by some truly inspirational, vocational teachers, who gave so generously of their free time to expand our horizons above and beyond the ordinary. One of those teachers was Mrs. Boyd, who started a debating society at our school. She had a passion for the art of debating and wanted us to catch that passion. Her sister, the late Lady Birk, had just been introduced to the Lords as one of those pioneering early women life Peers. Through Lady Birk’s good offices, Mrs Boyd brought our little debating team to this place to inspire us by witnessing debating at its best. How could I have imagined, as a 16 year-old girl up in that Gallery, that one day I would find myself making a maiden speech in your Lordships’ House?

I have the privilege of being the 12th Bishop of Newcastle. I would like to pay tribute to my predecessor, Bishop Martin—a fine Bishop and one of the longest-serving Bishops in your Lordships’ House. I will do my best to be a worthy successor, with the important exception that I will probably spend slightly less time in the smoking shed.

My diocese stretches from the River Tyne in the south to the River Tweed in the north and encompasses the city of Newcastle, North Tyneside and the county of Northumberland, together with a very small area of eastern Cumbria and four parishes in northern County Durham. Newcastle diocese is wonderful, with extraordinary contrasts: from the vibrant regional capital of Newcastle upon Tyne, with two world-class universities and 50,000 students, to the remote hill farms, some still without mains electricity and water; from the Northumberland Church of England Academy with 2,500 students in Ashington, to our smallest Church of England school on Holy Island with just four children. We have the stunning Dark Skies at Kielder and the bright lights of the big city, alongside places of pilgrimage such as Holy Island—or St James’ Park. The beauty of my diocese takes my breath away.

The gracious Speech emphasised the importance of increasing life chances for the most disadvantaged, supporting economic recovery, creating jobs and apprenticeships, and creating the kind of infrastructure that businesses need to grow. All these issues are absolutely key to economic and human flourishing in the north-east. The issues around the development of the northern powerhouse are also of great significance. I therefore warmly welcome the commitment from the noble Lord, Lord O’Neill, earlier in this debate to regional growth in the north and the Midlands.

The people of the north-east are warm, hospitable, proud and resilient. Our workforce is famed for its loyalty, with a very low staff turnover. The north-east is not a problem to be solved by the rest of the country but an asset to be valued. We are one of the very few parts of the UK with a surplus of both water and energy. Rather than transporting these vital resources to other parts of the country, we should be looking to relocate water-and energy-intensive businesses to the north-east. We are the only region in the UK with a consistent positive balance of trade and we export nearly a third of everything we make and do.

As I have journeyed around the diocese in my first five months, I have seen more signs of hope than I have time to talk about. Let me give just one example— Port of Blyth. Blyth, on the coast in the south-east corner of Northumberland, is one of the most deprived areas in the whole of England. With the closure of the Alcan Lynemouth aluminium smelter in 2012, the future of the port looked bleak. But with great leadership, a determination to find new trade and a policy of recruiting local young people who stay, Port of Blyth is now facing an increasingly optimistic future. It has just announced record results for 2015, with a doubling of pre-tax profits to £1.2 million.

Human flourishing in all its forms, including economic flourishing, depends above all on our most precious resource: our people. If these signs of flourishing are to be sustained and grow, we need the commitments in the gracious Speech to be made real in everyday lives. The most important of these commitments is to our children. There are many areas of poverty in the north-east, Blyth among them, where children’s life chances will continue to be curtailed without the determination and ambition to give such children the start in life that they deserve.

As I experienced so powerfully in my own early life, education can be absolutely transformative. Northumberland is the most sparsely populated county in England, so it is not surprising that our schools are inevitably among the smallest in the country. I therefore warmly welcome the commitment in the education White Paper to provide sparsity funding for every single small rural school, but I hope that this will not be at the expense of schools in urban areas. We need to support schools in all disadvantaged areas if the commitment to life chances is to be realised. That is made very clear in the report on northern schools issued this week by the IPPR North and Teach First, where the gap in secondary education for disadvantaged children is particularly highlighted.

The northern powerhouse will be anything but unless there is a 100% commitment to adequate funding—funding for education, apprenticeships and the infrastructure that the north-east needs. It would be this kind of vision and commitment that would make a real difference.

May 25, 2016
Hugo Swire – 2016 Speech on the EU and the Commonwealth

Below is the text of the speech made by Hugo Swire, the Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, at Chatham House on 25 May 2016.

Introduction

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for that kind introduction. I am delighted to be back at Chatham House. Given that Her Majesty the Queen is your Patron and Baroness Scotland is one of your Presidents, it is particularly appropriate that I am speaking to you today about the Commonwealth – and about why being in the EU complements our membership.

Today I want to debunk a myth. The myth that UK membership of the EU somehow limits our engagement with the Commonwealth. I will argue that it enhances it. Some believe that if we left the EU, UK-Commonwealth trade would increase and migration flows rebalance in favour of Commonwealth countries. I maintain this is wishful thinking. Others suggest that we should choose between the two institutions. I maintain that they are complementary. It is not an either-or choice. The UK needs and can have both.

Importance of the Commonwealth to the UK

This Government has made clear that the Commonwealth is of immense importance to the United Kingdom. No matter how you look at the relationship – historic, cultural, or our personal ties – our connection with the Commonwealth is stronger now than ever. The fact that Commonwealth citizens resident in the UK have the right to vote in the forthcoming referendum shows just how close that connection is.

Our commitment to the Commonwealth is clear. A large part of the UK’s aid budget is spent in Commonwealth countries – £1.88 billion in 2013-14. We remain the largest contributor to the Commonwealth Secretariat. And we are looking forward to hosting the first ever meeting of Commonwealth trade ministers in 2017 and the next CHOGM the year after that.

And the Commonwealth itself is thriving. From eight member countries in 1949, it has grown to 53. It now covers nearly a quarter of the world’s land mass and more than a third of its people. It boasts a combined Gross National Income of $10.7 trillion. The Commonwealth thrives because of its great diversity. Whether large or small, developed or developing, frozen ice or tropical heat – the Commonwealth has it all. But it also thrives because, at heart, we have so much in common. Trade, for instance, is on average 19% cheaper between Commonwealth countries due to similarities in our legal systems and language. Being a core part of it is clearly in our national interest.

Could Brexit benefit the Commonwealth?

So, if we value the Commonwealth, and know that it is going from strength to strength, does this mean we should focus on it – to the exclusion of the EU? Let’s examine the arguments.

Migration

First, there’s the argument on migration. Some argue that leaving the EU would allow greater migration from the Commonwealth. Frankly, I believe it is naïve to think that the same people campaigning for Brexit would welcome this.

And what possible basis do they have for making such an assertion? Because – let’s remember – it is up to the UK, not the EU, to decide who is allowed to come to this country from outside the EU. Our membership of the EU does not prevent Commonwealth citizens from coming to the UK. Anyone suggesting that it would be different or easier is just raising false hopes by suggesting we would water down those criteria. It is frankly irresponsible, misleading and unhelpful.

Nor should we forget that, if we did leave the EU, keeping full and meaningful access to the Single Market would also mean accepting significant trade-offs, including the continued free movement of people. No other country has managed one without the other.

Trade

Secondly, there is the creeping narrative promoted by the Brexiteers that somehow the Commonwealth can replace the EU as the UK’s major trading partner. That is a leap of faith with no basis in fact. Access to the Single Market is a cornerstone of the UK’s prosperity. 44% of what we export goes to the European Union, with 3 million jobs in the UK dependent in some way on trade with the Single Market.

And it ignores what our EU membership does to facilitate trade with the Commonwealth. Access to the Single Market doesn’t just matter to UK businesses and the UK’s economic future. It matters to the Commonwealth too.

As businesses up and down the country will attest, we are a gateway to trade with the EU, as well as an important market in our own right. It’s the reason why Australia is a disproportionately large investor in the UK for the size of its economy. India too sees this gateway role as vital. Prime Minister Modi during his visit to the UK last November said “As far as India is concerned, if there is an entry point for us to the European Union that is the UK”. And the head of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry agreed, adding that: “we firmly believe that leaving the EU would create considerable uncertainty for Indian businesses engaged with the UK and would possibly have an adverse impact on investment and movement of professionals to the UK.”

A third argument centres around the idea of a Commonwealth Free Trade Area. It is certainly a fine aspiration. Ultimately, as a Conservative, I believe that free trade is the engine of global growth – and that a rising tide lifts all ships. But it is quite wrong to suggest that Commonwealth trade might be a substitute for the EU Single Market.

UK Influence within the EU

Rather than turn back the clock to the days of Imperial Preference, we should remind ourselves why the Commonwealth benefits from our close relationship with the EU. Our seat at the EU table gives the Commonwealth a voice – and it is a voice which brings results. UK membership of the EU is creating jobs and driving growth, in Britain and across the Commonwealth. That’s why our Commonwealth allies want us to stay in the EU.

But don’t just take my word for it. A host of Commonwealth leaders have come out and said so. Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has said that Britain’s clout is “obviously amplified by its strength as part of the EU”. New Zealand Prime Minister John Key has said: “We see Europe as an extremely important continent that needs strong leadership. We think Britain provides that leadership”. Whilst his Australian counterpart Malcolm Turnbull said: “Britain’s involvement in the European Union does provide us – and Australian firms particularly, many of whom are based in the UK – considerable access to that market. From our point of view it is an unalloyed plus for Britain to remain in the EU”.

Trade

Let’s look at the reasons why they feel so strongly. Beginning with trade. Today, the EU has, or is negotiating, trade deals with over 80% of Commonwealth countries. The benefits to the Commonwealth of these deals are significant – Canada is expected to benefit to the tune of £5.5 billion a year from CETA – the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement with the EU.

The United Kingdom has been at the forefront of efforts to deepen the EU’s trading relationships with Commonwealth countries. We were instrumental in getting the Commission’s agreement to begin negotiations on FTAs with Australia and New Zealand. We continue to push for an ambitious Free Trade Agreement with India. And the UK has consistently advocated a pro-development trade policy, arguing for generous market access to the EU market for developing countries in the Commonwealth and beyond.

We strongly supported the granting of GSP+ status to Pakistan – which reduces duty on exports in exchange for progress on governance and human rights; Pakistan’s exports to the EU rose by 20% in the first year of this scheme.

The UK is working with our EU partners to successfully conclude Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations in West Africa and with the East African and South African Development Communities. The EU is Ghana’s 2nd largest trading partner after China. And in South Africa the EU accounts for a quarter of total exports, and is its largest foreign direct investor, with 2,000 EU firms credited with creating 350,000 jobs.

And 14 Commonwealth Least Developed Countries benefit from the EU’s “Everything but Arms” arrangement, which gives them duty-free and quota-free access to the EU for – as it says on the tin – all exports but arms and ammunition.

Just think of the overall leveraging effect of all these deals – this isn’t just access to the UK, but to the whole EU, for all 2.1 billion citizens of the Commonwealth.

Development

And the benefits of our influence go well beyond trade.

The EU is the world’s largest aid donor, promoting stability, human rights and good governance. The UK is seen by EU Member States as the expert on development, which gives us significant influence over EU development policy. We have used the powerful voice this gives us to shape EU development programmes and reinforce our own support for our Commonwealth partners. You only have to look at the numbers to see what this means in practice.

The EU is one of the biggest development partners in Nigeria, with nearly €700 million committed under the last five year development programme, a further half a billion euros under the regional programme, and millions more to support peacekeeping, elections, vaccination programmes and communities affected by Boko Haram violence.

In Kenya, it spends about €80m a year to support job creation and governance. It is South Africa’s main aid partner, accounting for 70% of development assistance and it complements our own cooperation, tackling climate change and sustainable development.

In South Asia too, the EU reinforces UK human rights objectives – lobbying in Bangladesh on child marriage and restrictions on the media and civil society, and in Sri Lanka on the death penalty and LGBTI rights.

In Australia, EU funding has helped UK researchers to collaborate with Australian and South African counterparts on the Square Kilometre Array radio telescope, worth €5 million. The EU recently established dialogues with Australia on Counter Terrorism and peacekeeping.

Climate Change

On climate change too the UK has used its influence within the EU to the benefit of the Commonwealth. Adapting to and preventing climate change is, of course, a core development issue. It is also an existential threat to some members of the Commonwealth. You only have to look at some of the Pacific island states like Tuvalu, Kiribati or Vanuatu to see how vulnerable they are to global warming.

The EU has been at the forefront of action on climate change – and the UK has been at the forefront of the EU, helping to ensure greater momentum on the issue and a better outcome at the Paris conference. We led the way with climate legislation in 2008 and have blazed a path for others to follow – between 2000 and 2014 UK GDP grew by 27%, while carbon dioxide emissions fell by 20%.

Acting as part of a 500 million-strong EU bloc increases our global influence. This benefits the entire Commonwealth, in particular Commonwealth Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States.

So it is clear that, right across the Commonwealth, the EU is deploying its significant resources to good effect. And it is just as clear that the UK has played and continues to play a vital role in pivoting the EU towards the Commonwealth. All these examples demonstrate what our Commonwealth partners have to gain from the UK remaining an active member of the EU: defending open markets and pushing for effective action on poverty, climate change and other shared challenges.

Voter registration

So the outcome of the referendum will affect the lives and futures not just of British citizens, but of Commonwealth citizens too. Those of them with leave to remain in the UK have the right to vote in the referendum, and a say over that future. So my message to the 200,000 South Africans and Nigerians, the 160,000 Jamaicans and the 126,000 Australians – not to mention the more than 3 million members of our British South Asian communities – my message to you is: this referendum matters to you as well as to us. Your vote will make a difference: unlike in a general election, every vote will have equal weight. Please exercise your right. Please get out and vote.

Conclusion

To sum up, the UK is, and has always been, a nation of traders, reaching out to all corners of the world. The Commonwealth is a vibrant, impressive institution, with 2.1 billion people and enormous potential. The EU is a global trading powerhouse, with significant economic muscle. Our Commonwealth allies know that the UK – together with the other Commonwealth members of the EU – Malta and Cyprus – are influential partners within a powerful organisation. This has been reinforced to me throughout my travels across the Commonwealth. We are their voice on the inside.

I have the words used by the Roman statesman Cicero inscribed on my pen: cui bono – who benefits? And here I readily admit that I leave myself open to accusations of pretentiousness but it is useful to pause and think before signing anything. And so I am here to ask you – would the Commonwealth benefit if we left the EU? The answer, to me, is a clear No. Because far from conflicting, these two great institutions are complementary. Far from solving problems on trade and migration, leaving the EU would create them. Far from having to make a compromise – we should be in both. As I have said many times – there is no need to choose.

Ladies and Gentlemen, some have suggested that Brexit is a patriotic cause. And to argue for the UK to remain in the EU is somehow unpatriotic. I reject that entirely. I, as Britain’s Minister for the Commonwealth, believe that the patriotic thing to do is what is in our country’s long term interests. And I believe these interests are best served by re-committing to the Commonwealth and to a reformed EU.

Thank you.

May 25, 2016
Andrea Leadsom – 2016 Speech on Shale Gas

Andrea Leadsom

Below is the text of the speech made by Andrea Leadsom, the Minister of State at the Department of Energy and Climate Change, on 18 May 2016.

Introduction

Shale is a fantastic opportunity for the UK. It will create a significant number of local jobs meaning financial security for hard working people and their families, boost our economy and strengthen our energy security. But let me be clear, safety is absolutely my priority.

The UK’s regulations are some of the strongest in the world, and with over 50 years of successful and safe onshore and offshore oil and gas extraction; I am confident that the protections in place for the environment and for people are totally rigorous.

Shale will only ever be developed in a safe way – for people and the environment – and will only take place in appropriate locations.

A few months ago, I visited a conventional gas drilling site in the countryside which, while not a fracking site, was very similar to how one would look in the future.

I talked at length to local residents to find out what they thought about the site. They told me that while they had concerns when the site was proposed, in reality it was “practically invisible” and very quiet. Having visited the site I saw this for myself.

You could walk along a nearby pathway and have no idea that this site was even there. The drill heads were only six feet high, very quiet and the entire site, which is gravelled, was only about the size of two football pitches.

This site was welcomed by the local community because it was providing real benefits.

As well as being a reliable site of home-grown gas for the UK; it was also providing skilled, long term jobs for local individuals – helping to boost economic growth and local investment.

This gas site, while conventional, clearly illustrated the benefits a shale industry can bring to the UK in the future.

Need for Gas

Gas currently accounts for over 60% of household energy use. We use gas in our homes for heating and cooking, and it’s also used in factories up and down the country to produce products like soaps, paints and textiles for clothes, as well as the plastics found everywhere from our mobile phones and computers to sterile medical equipment.

The choice the UK faces is not whether we want gas or don’t want gas. The choice we face is how much we want to rely on gas from abroad – some of which may or may not be reliable. Or whether we would prefer to extract more from the UK.

Need for Shale – Energy Security

Britain used to produce so much gas that we sold it to other countries. But today we are forced to import much of what we need, and that share will continue to rise unless we make the most of our home-grown energy supplies.

Our energy security is absolutely vital.

But it is also vital that our energy supply is safe, low cost and low carbon.

Low Carbon Bridge

The UK is currently dependent on coal for around 30% of our electricity needs. This is unsustainable if we want to move to a lower carbon world. We are therefore making a significant move away from coal in the coming years, aiming to remove it entirely from the mix by 2025.

We will have to replace this energy capacity with lower carbon sources.

Gas is the cleanest fossil fuel and shale gas can provide an effective “low Carbon Bridge” while we move to renewable energy.

Jobs and Growth

As a home grown energy source, shale gas will also provide a significant opportunity to create jobs in communities across Britain.

Ernst & Young has estimated a thriving shale industry could mean 64,500 jobs nationally, with more than 6,000 highly skilled jobs on shale gas pads themselves.

But we are not just talking about jobs for geologists, drilling specialists and chemical engineers.

We are talking about jobs for construction workers, truck drivers, water treatment experts, and people working in local retail and service industries.

Jobs that will make a real difference to local areas and provide new opportunities for communities.

It is clear to me that the UK’s shale resources have the potential to bolster our energy security, create jobs and provide a bridge to a greener future. But to do this, two things are critical.

Pre-requisites to a successful industry – Safety

Firstly – safety. This must always be – and will always be – absolutely paramount.

The UK has decades of experience in safely regulating oil and gas exploration and we are bringing this experience to bear on shale. We have world-class independent regulators who will not allow any operations which are dangerous to local communities or the environment.

The Environment Agency will not grant operators a permit if the risks to the environment or groundwater are unacceptable. They will impose strict conditions to make sure there is proper protection of the environment, and to prohibit all activities which pose unacceptable risks.

The Health and Safety Executive will make sure operations are safe – they will scrutinise well design and monitor its progress to make sure the operators manages risks effectively throughout the whole life cycle of operations.

And now, through the Infrastructure Act, we are putting in place a range of further measures to provide the public with confidence that this industry is being taken forward in a balanced way, including measures on protected areas, environmental impact assessments and groundwater monitoring.

Government has taken clear action to protect our most valuable areas.

We have passed regulations to ensure that hydraulic fracturing cannot take place within 1,200 metres beneath the surface of National Parks, the Broads, Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty, World Heritage Sites and areas that are most vulnerable to groundwater pollution.

We are also committed to ensuring that hydraulic fracturing cannot be conducted from wells that are drilled at the surface of our most valuable areas, and have formally consulted with industry on how best to implement this commitment.

Strong controls are also in place to mitigate seismic risks. Operators must monitor seismic activity – in real time – before, during and after operations. If a tremor of magnitude 0.5 is detected (which is similar to a door slamming) all operations will halt.

I would like to stress that we have a very strong regulatory regime in place for exploratory activities and we will look to continuously improve it as the industry develops.

I urge industry, academia, local authorities and NGOs to continue to work with us to develop world class protections that will make sure that shale is developed safely.

Public Engagement

But having a world class regulatory regime is not enough.

We need to challenge the misinformation about the industry which is being spread, and clearly explain that shale exploration will always be conducted safely.

Therefore the second critical factor in developing a successful UK shale industry is public engagement.

The public need to receive objective and scientific information which explains how fracking occurs, how it is being regulated, and what it means for them. There is a role for everyone here today in providing this information.

Government needs to provide scientific and objective information to the general public, which will inform the debate and allow individuals to form evidence-based views on shale. We are working hard to do this, regularly attending public meetings across the country to better understand local issues and where additional information would be helpful.

Industry needs to engage early and often with local communities, answering questions and providing reassurance. I am therefore very pleased to hear that the industry body, UKOOG, has established a Community Engagement Charter where operators will engage local communities, residents and other stakeholders at each of three stages – exploration, appraisal and production. This is additional to the public consultation which is required through the planning application.

Regulatory bodies need to continue to clearly explain the strong regulations which have been set up to make sure that the industry is developed in a safe way – for people and for the environment. I am pleased to hear that the major regulatory bodies have been visiting communities where shale applications have been lodged, and have been working with local authorities and industry to better communicate the regulatory regime.

Local communities are at the heart of the developing shale gas operations which will bring benefits for the whole nation.

We must all continue to engage with the general public about the actions we are taking to enable shale development, and to challenge the myths and misconceptions about shale.

What we’ve done

But this Government isn’t just talking about shale gas. We are taking action to make sure that the industry has the right conditions to succeed.

Planning

With the potential for shale gas to support our energy security and to help create jobs and growth, the Government is understandably keen to press ahead and get exploration underway so that we can determine how much shale gas there is and how much we may be to use.

Doing this requires close partnership working between planning authorities, the industry, regulators and local communities.

In August 2015 my Department and the Department for Communities and Local Government issued a joint policy statement stating that planning authorities should deal with applications for shale within the statutory time-frame of 16 weeks or risk being identified as underperforming.

The Communities Secretary will actively consider calling in applications to make a decision if the local council does not do it within the timeframe, and all appeals for shale development will be prioritised and dealt with as quickly as possible.

We need to tackle the issue of extensive planning delays head on if we are to reap the benefits which shale gas offers to our energy security, jobs and wider economy.

And firms that want to explore for shale need to be confident that their applications will be processed in a timely way and examined purely on a planning basis.

The new measures we’ve introduced will help make this happen. We are addressing a problem that causes unnecessary delays and benefits no-one.

This does not change the processes that a shale application has to go through. There will still need to be strict environmental and health assessments. This is just about speeding up the initial stage.

All this is on top of measures already in place to make sure that the UK has the most competitive tax regime in Europe for shale gas.

Operators or potential operators have the regulatory and fiscal environment they need to enable developments.

Community benefits & Shale Wealth Fund

But while we make sure the shale industry has the tools it needs, we must also make sure that those that most affected by shale gas activities see benefits too.

We strongly believe that communities hosting shale gas developments should share in the financial returns they generate.

The Government welcomes the shale gas companies’ commitment to make set payments to these communities, which could be worth £5-10m for a typical 10-well site, and we want to go further.

As announced by the Chancellor in the 2014 Autumn Statement, we are determined to make sure that local communities share more of the proceeds and feel more of the benefits, using a proportion of the tax revenues that are recouped from shale gas production.

We will running a consultation later in the year on how this Shale Wealth Fund will be designed.

And don’t forget that councils will also be able to retain 100% of the business rates – doubling the 50% rate retention previously allowed – which could be worth up to £1.7m a year for a typical 12 well site. It will be directly funded by central Government.

Current status

We know the shale industry is eager to press forward and the Government shares this desire for action.

A clear demonstration of this enthusiasm can be seen in the results of the 14th Onshore Oil and Gas Licensing Round, where the Oil & Gas Authority announced that 159 onshore blocks, incorporated into 93 licenses were being formally offered to successful applicants.

Around 75% of those 159 blocks offered relate to unconventional shale oil or gas.

This is in addition to a number of companies which have existing licences in place and are in the process of seeking permissions to drill exploratory wells.

Some 7,300 square miles of Great Britain is already under licence, including significant areas likely to contain shale.

Conclusion

To conclude, home-grown gas can secure our energy future in a time when our traditional sources are in declince and we are seeking to move away from expensive foreign imports.

It can provide jobs for our people and tax revenues for our society.

And it can help the UK to decarbonise while we move away from coal to lower-carbon energy sources.

Secure energy.

Economic growth and job creation.

A bridge to a greener future.

Unlocking the shale gas deep underground is too big an opportunity to pass up. It must be done safely and securely, but we can’t throw that opportunity away.

Thank you very much.

May 25, 2016