Category: Speeches

  • John Sentamu – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Baron Sentamu)

    John Sentamu – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Baron Sentamu)

    The tribute made by John Sentamu, the former Archbishop of York, in the House of Lords on 10 September 2022.

    My Lords, I was three years old when, in a little village in Uganda called Masooli, we all gathered round a very small transistor radio and listened to the broadcast from the abbey of the Coronation of Queen Elizabeth. From then on in every school in Uganda on Empire Day we sang “God save the Queen”. We continue to do it; some still do it now. I stand here as somebody who is quite surprised that this little boy out in Uganda would today be part of the Accession Council and the confirmation of King Charles III. I have mixed emotions.

    I want first to echo the words of the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of York, because on Thursday, as soon as we heard the news that Her Majesty had died, I put on Twitter this message:

    “Today Churches Celebrate the Birthday of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Death of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II on this day is a great shock & Mary’s Magnificat should be our response: MY SOUL DOTH MAGNIFY THE LORD: & MY SPIRIT HATH REJOICED IN GOD MY SAVIOUR; REGARDED & MAGNIFIED HER”.

    I have stood, on a number of occasions, near Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth as she sang the Magnificat. She did not need the words; she knew them. In a real sense, that was her song too. She sang it from the heart because it expressed who she was. Her true greatness was her deep humility in knowing that the Lord in many ways “regarded” her “lowliness” and, by divine providence, made her Queen. For her, being Queen was an act of nobody but God.

    Humbleness was, for her, born out of having Jesus Christ at the centre of her living, her thinking and all her goals, her rejoicing and even in moments of sadness. She knew the holy scriptures well and sang many hymns without needing to look at the words. She really imbibed the whole tradition. Therefore, it was also comforting to hear our new King say the same thing about the services that shaped him.

    When in her presence, you were the person who mattered when you spoke to her. She never looked around. It was as if you were the only person in the room, and until that conversation ended her eyes were fixed on you and your smile.

    Forgive this testimony. I had an audience with her to ask for her permission to step down from my role after an extra year. Her response was, “The decision is yours and yours alone—not me, not anyone else. Give me the date and so it shall be.” I took that to be a command. There was a matter that was causing me great heartache. I told her, and I asked for her prayers. I knelt down and put my hands together. She put hers outside mine. There was this deep moment of silence. I think it lasted about two to three minutes. It was ended by Her Majesty saying, “Amen.” I got up and, friends, whatever burdens I had come with were lifted. It was as if I was with my grandmother, who had a similar effect on me. If you want to know more, you have to wait until my autobiography is published next year. You will get a bit more story because permission has been given to me to write some of those words down.

    Her hospitality was amazing. I stayed at Sandringham and at Windsor. I will tell your Lordships a bit about Windsor. At Windsor on her birthday, after dinner she and Prince Philip guided us to the library. They had already arranged with the archivist the section on Uganda. The books were opened and copies were made so that we could take some of this material with us. The thing that most surprised me was to see writing dictated by King Muteesa I requesting Queen Victoria to send missionaries to Uganda, and subsequently a request that Uganda became a protectorate. Those documents are there. I was speechless, really. We ended up in the restored chapel at Windsor. Again, there were silent prayers. I cannot remember how long.

    The death of Queen Elizabeth has left all of us with mixed emotions. I want to end with the experience of our eight year-old granddaughter, Abigail. When she saw the news that the Queen had died she cried, uncontrollably and inconsolably. When she calmed down, she said, “I will never see a queen in my lifetime”. She then said, “Long live the King”. Queen Elizabeth rests in glory. Long live King Charles III.

  • Vicky Ford – 2022 Comments on Ethiopia

    Vicky Ford – 2022 Comments on Ethiopia

    The comments made by Vicky Ford, the Minister of State for Development in the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, on Twitter on 5 October 2022.

    Just met with Ambassador Teferi.

    Very disappointed that the Ethiopian Govt has asked me to postpone my visit this week to raise profile of terrible regional drought.

    But encouraged at commitment to peace talks and urge all parties to seize chance to end the conflict.

  • Aaron Bell – 2022 Comments on the Prime Minister’s Conference Speech

    Aaron Bell – 2022 Comments on the Prime Minister’s Conference Speech

    The comments made by Aaron Bell, the Conservative MP for Newcastle-under-Lyme, on Twitter on 5 October 2022.

    Great speech from the PM!

    A global economic crisis is completely the wrong time to be raising taxes on businesses that create wealth. Liz’s growth focused approach will mean British businesses have the freedom to grow and invest – creating jobs and boosting prosperity for all.

  • Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Comments on the “Anti-Growth Coalition”

    Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Comments on the “Anti-Growth Coalition”

    The comments made by Nicola Sturgeon, the Scottish First Minister, on Twitter on 5 October 2022.

    Ranting about an imaginary ‘anti growth coalition’ is just an attempt to obscure the hard reality that the biggest brake on UK growth is Brexit – and that’s on the Tories.

  • Gordon Brown – 2022 Comments on the Conservative Party Conference

    Gordon Brown – 2022 Comments on the Conservative Party Conference

    The comments made by Gordon Brown, the former Prime Minister, on Twitter on 5 October 2022.

    A message from Tory conference:

    Don’t get sick

    Don’t be disabled

    Don’t be on low pay with kids to feed

    Don’t rely on Universal Credit or public services

    If you do, get ready to pay for £43bn in tax cuts that benefit the wealthiest the most.

    Liz Truss and minister after minister have refused to honour Rishi Sunak’s promise to uprate benefits in line with inflation.

    This would leave millions in desperate need and the number of children in poverty hitting 5 million for the first time in a generation.

    As millions of families suffer sleepless nights worrying whether they can pay their bills, Tory Party Chair Jake Berry simply channels Norman Tebbit and tells people to cut consumption or get a new job.

    Even after receiving the maximum help of £1200, people on Universal Credit are nearly £30 a week worse off than last year.

    If the Chancellor abandons the link with inflation, they could end up over £2000 a year worse off, all to help pay for tax cuts and help for the wealthy.

    After a study estimated over 330,000 excess deaths linked to austerity, can the government really allow another, more brutal round of cuts?

    It’s time for another U-turn to help the millions on the breadline not the millionaires in the boardroom.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Conservative Party Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Comments on Conservative Party Conference

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on Twitter on 5 October 2022.

    People across Britain are worried about rising bills, rising mortgages, rising costs.

    Yet the Tories still refuse to abandon their kamikaze budget that crashed the economy.

    Labour would do things differently because we know real growth comes from working people and businesses.

  • ASCL – 2022 Letter to Kit Malthouse Over “Hanging on to Mediocrity” Comments

    ASCL – 2022 Letter to Kit Malthouse Over “Hanging on to Mediocrity” Comments

    The letter sent by the Association of School and College Leaders (ASCL) to Kit Malthouse, the Secretary of State for Education, on 5 October 2022.

    (in .pdf format)

  • Patrick Cormack – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Lord Cormack)

    Patrick Cormack – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Lord Cormack)

    The tribute made by Patrick Cormack, Lord Cormack, in the House of Lords on 10 September 2022.

    My Lords, it is always a great pleasure to follow the noble Baroness, Lady Andrews. When she was talking of her role as a receiver of distinguished foreign visitors, I immediately thought of one of the most unforgettable Members of your Lordships’ House who often did a similar job and told hilarious stories about the encounters that she had. That was, of course, Baroness Trumpington, of whom we all have such affectionate memories.

    It has been an extraordinary period since Thursday lunchtime, when that difficult news came through. We all knew from the first moment that we had to expect the worst. I must say that I felt a great privilege in being a Member of your Lordships’ House yesterday. There were some very moving and splendid speeches, as there have been today. I have never, in my nearly 12 years in your Lordships’ House, nor in my 52 years in Parliament, heard better Front-Bench speeches than I heard yesterday in this House. However, the most moving moment for me was when we assembled informally in your Lordships’ Chamber to listen to the first words of our new King, who spoke with a quiet, moving dignity, suffused with deep affection for a wonderful mother.

    Not being privileged to be a member of the Privy Council, I had to watch this morning’s Proclamation on television, as did most of us. The King spoke again and he used a few words that I want to dwell on for a moment:

    “Even as we grieve, we give thanks.”

    That is very important indeed. We are mourning the departure of a Christian monarch who believed in the afterlife. We are mourning the departure of one of the most remarkable women who ever lived, but who died in really wonderful circumstances, in the place that she loved, surrounded by people whom she loved, having just accomplished constitutional duties with panache and good humour, in instituting her last Prime Minister.

    We have a lot to be thankful for. Having such a respectable bevvy of Bishops on the Benches, I appeal to them. Of course, what happens in 10 days’ time will be a great state funeral, but can it not also be designated on the service sheet as a service of thanksgiving, since that is what we will be doing? We will be not just mourning but giving thanks for someone who has done her duty better than anyone I can think of.

    We have been talking of personal memories. I cannot pretend that I knew Her Majesty, but I had the very great good fortune to meet her on a number of occasions. Two stick in my memory. The first was in 2002. I was the treasurer of the CPA, the senior Opposition position in the CPA. We decided that we would have a conference of Commonwealth parliamentarians. We had an immediate affirmative answer from the Palace that Her Majesty and Prince Philip would be delighted to come, and they came. We met in Lancaster House.

    I had two duties. One was to take round Prince Philip while the chairman took round the Queen. Then we all four gathered. I had the job of making a presentation to Her Majesty of a wonderful paper knife, crafted by perhaps our finest female silversmith. The knife had the mace at the end of it. She wielded it and said, “By Jove, that’s got a very good feeling.” Before the end of the day, I had a letter from her office saying that she was already using it and much enjoying it.

    We were talking to her about the Commonwealth. As has been mentioned many times—particularly movingly today by the noble Lords, Lord Robertson and Lord Boateng—in a sense she lived for the Commonwealth. From going round with the two of them and talking to Commonwealth parliamentarians, I saw that there was not a country that they had not been to. They knew the intimate history of many of the people who were there and they both manifested a love for this greatest of international organisations.

    My other memory is a very personal one. On 20 April 2010, I was at a farewell party at Windsor Castle for the Surveyor of the Queen’s Pictures. The Queen was there, mingling with us. Of course, the next day she was due to be 84. I said what I thought were some appropriate words and also said, “My grandson is six tomorrow and is very thrilled that he shares your birthday.” “Please give him my warmest wishes”, she said. Edward thought this was an extraordinary leg-pull when I rang him up and told him, but it was just typical of her ability to relate not only to significant Commonwealth parliamentarians but to a little boy whom she certainly never met. She cared about her family, as has been said so often.

    How do we best thank her and how do we best encourage our new King? We do it, as was touched on last night in a very interesting and powerful speech by the right reverend Prelate the Bishop of Worcester, by trying to demonstrate the sort of unity for which she always stood. We have a particular responsibility in your Lordships’ House, where party politics is not as acerbic as it is in the other place. She was a person who brought others together. It is clearly the manifest desire of our new King to do the same. We must play our part in doing that.

    I end on a note that I never thought I would end on this year, in emphatic agreement with Boris Johnson. He said, in some very remarkable words the other day, that he thought she should go down in history as Elizabeth the Great. I endorse that and I hope that, in due course, that will come to pass. God save the King.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Liz Truss – 2022 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    The speech made by Liz Truss, the Prime Minister, in Birmingham on 5 October 2022.

    My friends, it’s great to be here with you in Birmingham.

    It’s fantastic to see the cranes across the skyline building new buildings…

    …the busy trams coursing down the streets…

    …and the bull standing proudly at the heart of Birmingham.

    My friends, this is what a city with a Tory Mayor looks like – it’s positive, it’s enterprising, it’s successful.

    And Andy Street is a human dynamo, delivering for the people of Birmingham.

    And our Teesside Mayor Ben Houchen is also delivering new jobs and investment.

    This is what modern Conservatism looks like.

    Let’s get Tory mayors elected in London, in Manchester, in West Yorkshire and right across the country.

    We gather at a vital time for the United Kingdom.

    These are stormy days.

    Together, we have mourned the death of Queen Elizabeth II, the rock on which modern Britain was built.

    We are now in a new era under King Charles III.

    We are dealing with the global economic crisis caused by Covid and by Putin’s appalling war in Ukraine.

    In these tough times, we need to step up.

    I am determined to get Britain moving, to get us through the tempest and put us on a stronger footing as a nation.

    I am driven in this mission by my firm belief in the British people.

    I believe that you know best how to spend your own money, to get on in life and realise your own ambitions.

    My friends that is what Conservatism is about.

    It is a belief in freedom, in fair play and the great potential of the British people.

    So, I’m not going to tell you what to do, or what to think or how to live your life.

    I’m not interested in how many two-for-one offers you buy at the supermarket, how you spend your spare time, or in virtue signalling.

    I’m not interested in just talking about things, but actually in doing things.

    What I’m interested in is your hopes and fears that you feel every day.

    Can you get a good job locally?

    Is it safe to walk down the high street late at night?

    Can you get a doctor’s appointment?

    I know how you feel because I have the same hopes and fears.

    I want what you want.

    I have fought to get where I am today.

    I have fought to get jobs, to get pay rises and get on the housing ladder.

    I have juggled my career with raising two wonderful daughters.

    I know how it feels to have your potential dismissed by those who think they know better.

    I remember as a young girl being presented on a plane with a “Junior Air Hostess” badge.

    Meanwhile, my brothers were given “Junior Pilot” badges.

    It wasn’t the only time in my life that I have been treated differently for being female or for not fitting in.

    It made me angry and it made me determined.

    Determined to change things so other people didn’t feel the same way.

    I remember growing up in Leeds, where I saw too many children being let down.

    Let down by low expectations.

    Let down by a Labour council who were more interested in political correctness than they were in school standards.

    But I was lucky to have been brought up in a family that cared about education.

    They taught me the value of hard work and enterprise.

    And I stand here today as the first Prime Minister of our country to have gone to a comprehensive school.

    That taught me two things.

    One is that we have huge talent across the country.

    And two, that we’re not making enough of it.

    This is a great country.

    I’m so proud of who we are and what we stand for.

    But I know that we can do better and I know that we must do better.

    And that’s why I entered politics.

    I want to live in a country where hard work is rewarded…

    …Where women can walk home safely at night.…

    …And where our children have a better future.

    To deliver this, we need to get Britain moving.

    We cannot have any more drift and delay at this vital time.

    Let’s remember where we were when I entered Downing Street.

    Average energy bills were predicted to soar above £6,000 a year.

    We faced the highest tax burden that our country had had for 70 years.

    And we were told that we could do nothing about it.

    I did not accept that things had to be this way.

    I knew that inaction would be unconscionable.

    Families would have been unable to heat their homes.

    Businesses would have gone bust.

    Jobs would have been lost.

    And we would have had worse public services, including the NHS.

    I could not allow this to happen.

    I refused to consign our great country to decline.

    That is why I promised on entering Downing Street to act.

    Now later on in my speech my friends I am going to talk about the anti-growth coalition.

    But I think they arrived in the hall a bit too early, they were meant to come later on.

    We will get onto them in a few minutes.

    But what we did is we acted.

    We made sure that the typical household energy bill shouldn’t be more than around £2,500 a year this winter and next.

    We followed up with immediate action to support businesses over the winter.

    We are determined to shield people from astronomically high bills.

    So much so, that we are doing more in this country to protect people from the energy crisis than any other country in Europe.

    Our response to the energy crisis was the biggest part of the mini-Budget.

    It was the biggest part for a good reason – because we had to do it.

    But it’s not the only challenge that we face.

    For too long, our economy has not grown as strongly as it should have done.

    I know what it is like to live somewhere that isn’t feeling the benefits of economic growth.

    I grew up in Paisley and in Leeds in the 80s and 90s.

    I have seen the boarded-up shops.

    I have seen people left with no hope turning to drugs.

    I have seen families struggling to put food on the table.

    Low growth isn’t just numbers on a spreadsheet.

    Low growth means lower wages, fewer opportunities and less money to spend on the things that make life better.

    It means our country falling behind other countries, including those who threaten our way of life.

    And it means the parts of our country that I really care about falling even further behind.

    That is why we must level up our country in a Conservative way, ensuring that everywhere everyone can get on.

    Conference it is wrong to invest only in places which are thriving, as economic models often have it.

    We need to fund the furthest behind first.

    And for too long, the political debate has been dominated by the argument about how we distribute a limited economic pie.

    Instead, we need to grow the pie so that everyone gets a bigger slice.

    That is why I am determined to take a new approach and break us out of this high-tax, low-growth cycle.

    And that is what our plan is about: it is about getting the economy growing and rebuilding Britain through reform.

    The scale of this challenge is immense:

    War in Europe for the first time in a generation…

    …A more uncertain world in the aftermath of Covid…

    …And a global economic crisis.

    That is why in Britain we need to do things differently.

    We need to step up.

    As the last few weeks have shown, it will be difficult.

    Whenever there is change, there is disruption.

    And not everyone will be in favour of change.

    But everyone will benefit from the result – a growing economy and a better future.

    That is what we have a clear plan to deliver.

    I have three priorities for our economy: growth, growth and growth.

    Growth means more money in people’s pockets it means businesses creating jobs.

    Growth means people can feel secure and they can plan for their future.

    Fundamentally, growth helps people fulfil their hopes and their dreams.

    That is why our dynamic new Chancellor and I will be taking action in three areas.

    First of all, we will lower our tax burden.

    Over the summer, we had a robust debate.

    The Conservative party will always be the party of low taxes.

    Cutting taxes is the right thing to do morally and economically.

    Morally, because the state does not spend its own money. It spends the people’s money.

    Economically, because if people keep more of their own money, they are inspired to do more of what they do best.

    This is what grows the economy.

    When the government plays too big a role, people feel smaller.

    High taxes mean you feel it’s less worthwhile working that extra hour, going for a better job or setting up your own business.

    That, my friends, is why we are cutting taxes.

    We have already cut Stamp Duty, helping people on the housing ladder – especially first-time buyers.

    We are reversing the increase in National Insurance from next month.

    We are keeping corporation tax at 19%, the lowest in the G20.

    We are helping 31 million working people by cutting the basic rate of income tax.

    We need to be internationally competitive, with all our tax rates attracting the best talent.

    Cutting taxes helps us face this global economic crisis, putting up a sign that Britain is open for business.

    The fact is that the abolition of the 45p tax rate became a distraction from the major parts of our growth plan.

    That is why we are no longer proceeding with it.

    I get it and I have listened.

    Secondly, we will keep an iron grip on the nation’s finances.

    I believe in fiscal responsibility.

    I believe in getting value for the taxpayer.

    I believe in sound money and the lean state.

    I remember my shock opening my first paycheque to see how much money the taxman had taken out.

    I know this feeling is replicated across the country.

    And that’s why we must always be careful with taxpayers’ money.

    It is why this Government will always be fiscally responsible.

    We are in extraordinary times.

    It would have been wrong not to have proceeded rapidly with our energy and tax plan.

    I am clear we cannot pave the way to sustainable economic growth without fiscal responsibility.

    So we will bring down debt as a proportion of our national income.

    We are seeing rising interest rates worldwide in the wake of Putin’s war and Covid.

    The Federal Reserve has been hiking rates in America and has signalled more rises to come.

    Inflation is high across the world’s major economies.

    We will do what we can as a government to support home-owners, such as cutting stamp duty.

    But it is right that interest rates are independently set by the Bank of England and that politicians do not decide on this.

    The Chancellor and the Governor will keep closely co-ordinating our monetary and fiscal policy.

    The Chancellor and I are in lockstep on this.

    Thirdly, we will drive economic reforms to build our country for a new era.

    We are taking a new approach based on what has worked before.

    Previously, we faced barriers to growth like militant unions, nationalised industries and outdated City regulation.

    Now, we must breakdown the barriers to growth built up in our system over decades.

    Decisions take too long.

    Burdens on businesses are too high.

    Infrastructure projects get delayed for years, and years and years.

    As a result, we have seen economic growth choked off.

    Houses have not been built where they are needed and wanted.

    We have become averse as a nation to doing things differently.

    I love business.

    I love enterprise.

    I love people who take responsibility, start their own businesses and invest.

    They generate profits, they create new jobs and they power our success.

    I want to see more of that.

    That is why we will back businesses to the hilt.

    We are cutting taxes and simplifying red tape to help businesses realise their ambitions.

    This is what our new investment zones will do, helping us level up across the country.

    We will be inspired by the great hubs of industry like Bournville, here in the West Midlands.

    That is what zones in places like here and around the country will deliver.

    We want to create the zones in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

    Now is the time to harness the power of free enterprise to transform our country and ensure our greatest days lie ahead.

    This is the United Kingdom at its best, working together and getting our economy growing.

    And we will face down the separatists who threaten to pull apart our precious union our family.

    Next year, we will host the Global Investment Summit.

    This will show the world’s top investors there is nowhere better to invest than the UK.

    And we are seizing the new-found freedoms outside the European Union.

    We are the party who got Brexit done and we will realise on the promise of Brexit.

    We are building an economy which makes the most of the huge opportunities Brexit offers.

    By the end of next year, all EU-inspired red tape will be history.

    Instead, we will ensure regulation is pro-business and pro-growth.

    Leaving the EU gives us the chance to do things differently.

    And we need more of that.

    That is why over the coming weeks, my team of ministers will set out more about what we are going to do to get Britain moving.

    We will make it easier to build homes, to afford childcare and to get superfast broadband.

    We will help you set up your own businesses and get a mobile phone signal wherever you are in the country.

    We are in tough times.

    But I want you to know that day in, day out, I’m thinking about how we get this country moving.

    I’m working flat out to make sure people can get through this crisis.

    So let me be clear, we have your back.

    That is why the Government took decisive action to tackle the energy crisis.

    It is why we are pushing ahead with our plan for growth.

    Economic growth makes life better and easier for everyone – and it will level up our country.

    I know that is what people want to see.

    Economic growth will mean we can afford great public services such as schools, the police and the NHS.

    Our fantastic Deputy Prime Minister and Health Secretary will deliver for patients so they can expect a GP appointment within two weeks.

    She will ensure that those who need urgent care will be seen on the same day.

    And she will get ambulances out there faster and she will improve A&E.

    And she will bust the Covid backlog.

    That is not all and she will bolster social care so that everyone gets the care they need.

    We are working to put this country on the path to long-term success.

    That means ensuring we are safe and secure.

    One of the reasons we are facing this global crisis is because collectively the West did not do enough.

    We became complacent.

    We did not spend enough on defence.

    We became too dependent on authoritarian regimes for cheap goods and energy.

    And we did not stand up to Russia early enough.

    We will make sure this never happens again.

    So we are taking decisive action to reinforce our energy security.

    We are opening more gas fields in the North Sea and delivering more renewables and nuclear energy.

    That is how we will protect the great British environment, deliver on our commitment to net zero and tackle climate change.

    We are also taking decisive action by strengthening our borders by beefing up our Border Force and expanding the Rwanda scheme.

    Our brilliant new Home Secretary will be bringing forward legislation to make sure that no European judge can overrule us.

    And while she is acting meanwhile, the Labour Party has absolutely no plan to tackle illegal migration.

    But my friends we cannot have security at home without security abroad.

    That is why our tough Foreign and Defence Secretaries are updating the Integrated Review to make sure we can face down these threats.

    It is why we are increasing defence spending to 3% of GDP by the end of the decade.

    This will ensure that our Armed Forces are ready to tackle new and emerging threats.

    We are working with our friends and allies to support Ukraine in the face of Putin’s brutal war.

    The brave Ukrainian people aren’t just fighting for their security but for all our security.

    This is a fight for freedom and democracy around the world.

    Putin’s illegal annexation of Ukrainian territory is just the latest act in his campaign to subvert democracy and violate international law.

    We should not give in to those who want a deal which trades away Ukrainian land.

    They are proposing to pay in Ukrainian lives for the illusion of peace.

    We will stand with our Ukrainian friends however long it takes.

    Ukraine can win, Ukraine must win, and Ukraine will win.

    I know that President Zelenskyy and the people of Ukraine will welcome our solidarity with them at this very very difficult time.

    To take on Russia and other authoritarian regimes, free democracies need strong economies.

    Economic growth makes us strong at home and strong abroad.

    We need an economically sound and secure United Kingdom.

    And that will mean challenging those who try to stop growth.

    I will not allow the anti-growth coalition to hold us back.

    Labour, the Lib Dems and the SNP…

    …The militant unions, the vested interests dressed up as think-tanks…

    …The talking heads, the Brexit deniers and Extinction Rebellion and some of the people we had in the hall earlier.

    The fact is they prefer protesting to doing.

    They prefer talking on Twitter to taking tough decisions.

    They taxi from North London townhouses to the BBC studio to dismiss anyone challenging the status quo.

    From broadcast to podcast, they peddle the same old answers.

    It’s always more taxes, more regulation and more meddling.

    Wrong, wrong, wrong.

    We see the anti-growth coalition at work across the country.

    Keir Starmer wants to put extra taxes on the companies we need to invest in our energy security.

    And his sticking plaster solution will only last six months.

    He has no long-term plan and no vision for Britain.

    Mark Drakeford in Wales is cancelling road-building projects and refusing to build the M4 relief road.

    Nicola Sturgeon won’t build new nuclear power stations in Scotland to solve the energy crisis in Scotland.

    Have these people ever seen a tax rise they don’t like?

    Or an industry they don’t want to control?

    They don’t understand the British people.

    They don’t understand aspiration.

    They are prepared to leave our towns and cities facing decline.

    My friends, does this anti-growth coalition have any idea who pays their wages?

    It’s the people who make things in factories across our country.

    It’s the people who get up at the crack of dawn to go to work.

    It’s the commuters who get trains into towns and cities across our country.

    I’m thinking of the white van drivers, the hairdressers, the plumbers, the accountants, the IT workers and millions of others up and down the UK.

    The anti-growth coalition just doesn’t get it.

    This is because they don’t face the same challenges as normal working people.

    These enemies of enterprise don’t know the frustration you feel to see your road blocked by protesters, or the trains off due to a strike.

    In fact, their friends on the hard Left tend to be the ones behind the disruption.

    The anti-growth coalition think the people who stick themselves to trains, roads and buildings are heroes.

    I say the real heroes are those who go to work, take responsibility and aspire to a better life for themselves and their family.

    And I am on their side.

    We will build roads, rail, energy and broadband quicker.

    We will be proudly pro-growth, pro-aspiration and pro-enterprise.

    That is how we will forge ahead on our long-term path to national success.

    In this new era, we are taking a new approach.

    My friends, we are focused on boosting growth and opportunity across our country.

    This mission will be difficult but it is necessary.

    We have no alternative if we want to get our economy moving again.

    I am ready to make hard choices.

    You can trust me to do what it takes.

    The status quo is not an option.

    That is why we cannot give in to the voices of decline.

    We cannot give in to those who say Britain can’t grow faster.

    We cannot give in to those who say we can’t do better.

    We must stay the course.

    We are the only party with a clear plan to get Britain moving.

    We are the only party with the determination to deliver.

    Together, we can unleash the full potential of our great country.

    That is how we will build a new Britain for a new era.

  • Claude Lancaster – 1967 Speech on Aberfan Inquiry

    Claude Lancaster – 1967 Speech on Aberfan Inquiry

    The speech made by Claude Lancaster, the then Conservative MP for South Fylde, in the House of Commons on 26 October 1967.

    I do not intend to comment on the speech of the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. S. O. Davies) because I have a number of things to say and I know that many other hon. Members wish to speak. A fortnight ago the Annual Report on accidents at mines was published. It is a very encouraging Report. Last year, deaths from accidents totalled 160—the lowest figure ever. But Mr. Stephenson, Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector, said that in view of advances in engineering technique applied in recent years, we should not be complacent about that.
    The Aberfan disaster was not reportable under the Mines and Quarries Act, 1954. Nevertheless, Mr. Stephenson says that the disaster will have a world-wide impact. I was abroad when it occurred, visiting the Trucial States. Immediately on my return, I happened to have a conversation in the Lobby with the hon. Member for Bedwellty (Mr. Finch), who has given me permission to refer to it.

    The hon. Gentleman asked me what I thought and I said that I knew no more about it than what I had read in the newspapers abroad. He inquired what my opinion was of the possible cause of the disaster and I replied, “I fancy that you will find that it was a trickle of water”. I shall refer to that later.

    In its first-class Report, the Tribunal puts the cause of the disaster on a breakdown in communications both horizontal and vertical. I suggest another dimension —the psychological. It was endemic in the formation of the National Coal Board, which was hurriedly put together in 1947, that it should take on an over-centralised aspect. I am certain that if the right hon. Member for Easington (Mr. Shinwell) were here he would be the first to say that, with the passage of time, it needs seriously overhauling.

    Unfortunately, the only important inquiry, the Fleck inquiry, did nothing to bring about any decentralisation. Indeed, the Board solidified something which was already too over centralised. The result has been that, progressively, all decisions have come to be made at Hobart House.

    Hobart House is responsible for every aspect of mining, including the administration of coal production. Thus, there has arisen a tendency for the men in the regions to look to Hobart House for decisions in all sorts of directions, be they the shape of shafts or the use of props at the coal face. There was, there-for a tendency not to give the soil tips the attention that the problem deserved.

    It is true that there were no regulations about coal tips before Nationalisation, but in the East Midlands there was a common practice, which I believe was fairly general throughout the coal industry—I do not think that we were any more enlightened than anybody elsewhere the control of tips was a regular feature of the day’s work. Soil tips are a necessary evil. For every ton brought out of a pit almost a quarter of that weight goes on to the coal tip. It is the difference between the run of mine coal and saleable output. It was necessary to take considerable precautions to settle on a piece of land which was not unduly soft or broken ground and had no previous encroachments and to have very careful regard to the type of debris being tipped.

    As an example, a change-over from dry slag to effluent, or what is now called tailings, could have a definite effect on the angle of repose. Therefore, the matter had to be watched very carefully and, above all, it was against all tradition to site a tip either on a spring or in the vicinity of a stream.

    There was normally a gang of men working on the tip and they were responsible for whatever mechanical devices were being employed. Over that gang was a man called a chargehand and among his various duties were two very important ones. One was to report any unusual movement of the tip, and certainly he had to report any signs of water emerging from the base of the tip. He made his report either to the surface manager or, in a smaller pit, to the surface foreman who in his turn reported it to the colliery manager. The colliery manager went up every three or four weeks and had a good look at the tip, decided where the tipping for the next period would occur, and drew the charge-hand’s attention to any aspect of the tip which was giving him cause for concern.

    These precautions were carried out in the East Midlands not because life was at stake—at least we hoped not—but because undue spreading of the tip involved compensation to farmers for destroyed buildings and the like in the vicinity.

    1933In South Wales, the need for precautions on the sides of hills with a 60 in. rainfall is all the greater. It would be presumption on my part to talk about South Wales, but it so happens that a few years after nationalisation two of my original staff went there. One was chairman of the South Wales district and the other was the chief mechanical officer. I used to go down and talk to them, so, although I never talked about tips, I have some familiarity with what went on down there.

    That is all I have to say about tips in general. As has been said, it is essential that we take a fresh look at these matters and do everything possible to rectify this appalling situation, more particularly in South Wales.

    I come now to Lord Robens’ part. Lord Robens has been a very distinguished Chairman of the National Coal Board. He has been there since 1961 and has proved himself a supreme salesman and a doughty fighter on behalf of the coal mining industry. I think that his greatest contribution was restoring the morale of the industry after the setback from a seller’s to a buyer’s market after the year 1958. He restored confidence to the industry. Moreover, as regards pits being closed and redundancy, he has acted with a great sense of imagination and charity.

    I have had a number of discussions with Lord Robens and I have accompanied him up and down the coalfields visiting pits and the like. He is a friend of mine. Therefore, what I have to say is the more invidious.

    I consider, first, that his public image has been immensely spoiled by this tragedy. He should have gone down there on the first day. Years ago, when I was first learning something about coal mining—I had no executive position—I went away on a Saturday and the colliery manager rang me that night and said that there had been an over-wind in the shaft, two men had been killed, and I must come back straight away. He was a wise old man. He said. “You must be here because you are the boss class.”Today, Lord Robens and the people around him are the boss class, and they should have been there if for no other purpose than showing their sympathy at that moment with the bereaved.

    The second thing I must say about him is that he was most unwise to make any comment about the cause or otherwise of the tragedy. He is wholly untechnical. He was bound to make mistakes, and he did so. He would have been much wiser to have said nothing about it.

    Thirdly, and most important, he should have gone to the Tribunal when it was set up and should have said not only, “I will put all the resources of my organisation at the disposal of the Tribunal”, but,” I have two or possibly three men I would like to nominate whose evidence you should take. It is up to you, the Tribunal, to call whom you wish, but I have two or three men I would like particularly that you should call. I think that they can give you great help.”The Tribunal, in its early days, said, and said rightly, that it wanted no delay in its proceedings, it wanted no evidence which in any way would mislead it, and it wanted a ready acknowledgement of mistakes that there had been.

    There are three men I have in mind. One has been mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Hereford (Mr. Gibson-Watt), Mr. Kellett, the Chairman of the South-West District. I have met him. He is a man of high reputation and very well respected. Many chairmen happen to be administrative men, but he is a technical man. He was the man responsible for that district and he should have been one of the men to give evidence.

    The second man who I suggest should have been called at the earliest moment is Mr. Harry Collins, who was the Director of Production and a Board Member. Mr. Sheppard, who was called, was not a Board member. Mr. Harry Collins is a man of great experience who has held a number of very high posts. If the right hon. Member for Easington (Mr. Shinwell) were here he would confirm that when Mr. Collins was in charge of our coal production in Germany after the war he gained the confidence of the German coal mining industry, which is not an easy thing to do. He gained it because he was a man of great competence himself and they responded to him. I went to Essen on two occasions to spend some little while with him and I also was most impressed with the reputation that he gained for himself.

    If an additional witness was required the Deputy Chairman of the Coal Board, Sir Humphrey Brown, could have been called. He gained his reputation originally in the old Manchester collieries as a planner. He made a good name for himself when he was Chairman of the West Midlands Division and he is the foremost technician on the Coal Board.

    What, in fact, happened? Mr. Sheppard became the spokesman for the Coal Board. It is not for me to question Mr. Sheppard’s competence, but I cannot feel that he can look back on his evidence with any feeling of satisfaction whatever. After all, the Chief Inspector of Mines in the South-West Area said of his evidence that it was “astonishing”. Additionally to that, the Tribunal said that nothing it had heard in evidence at Aberfan in any way confirmed a single syllable of the minute of the statement of the Coal Board committee set up by Mr. Sheppard.

    None of the stipulations which the tribunal made—that there should be no delay, that there should be no attempt to confuse the issue and that there should be a ready acceptance of responsibility—was met either by Mr. Sheppard or, I am sorry to say, by Lord Robens in his evidence. Indeed, as we have already heard from my hon. Friend the Member for Hereford, counsel for the Coal Board had to ask the Tribunal to ignore Lord Roben’s contribution to the Tribunal’s considerations as being of no value.

    Can anybody imagine that either Mr. Kellett or Mr. Collins would agree to that approach? The Coal Board put forward a statement denying blame for what had occurred at any level. These two men would not have lent their names to such a statement. These two men would not have delayed proceedings or mystified the Tribunal, and these two men would have been the first to acknowledge what had gone wrong, because they would have been only too clear about what had gone wrong.

    It has been suggested that this was a very complex geological problem; it was not. Tips are not complex geological problems and advice about the movement of earth and the science of soil mechanics was available from any private engineering firm. If any hon. Member would like to see something comparable to Aberfan he can do so within five miles of Parliament at Dawson Hill, in South-East Camberwell, where very much the same thing has happened. The corporation had been tipping rubbish for a generation; there was water and about 40 houses were swept away, luckily with no loss of life, and three streets have been at risk at the bottom of the hill. In the light of what had happened at Aberfan, Southwark Council very sensibly called in a geological concern—and I must declare an interest, because I have worked with that concern for the last 20 years—and the council has put the matter right in a reasonably short time.

    However, in the Press and elsewhere it has been suggested that there were imponderables and the like about the tip at Aberfan. There are not such things about tips, which do not represent a complicated geological problem. They represent a problem which the average colliery manager can perfectly well handle and in which he is perfectly well versed.

    I join with my hon. Friend in saying that we must ask the Minister to give us the reasons why Mr. Kellett and Mr. Collins were not called. I am sure that the Minister has read the typescript of the evidence and must be appalled by the evidence put forward by Mr. Sheppard and Lord Robens. I do not think that either wilfully set out to mislead the Tribunal and I am sure that they are both honourable men. It was because of the standard of their competence, because they were second-class men in the sense of their technical or general abilities. They went there on behalf of the Coal Board and yet the Tribunal had firmly put responsibility not on the lower or middle echelons of men whom eventually it condemned in its final report, but squarely on the Coal Board, and it was up to the Coal Board to give every assistance it could and to send its best men. It did not do so.

    I find myself in the position of not agreeing with my hon. Friend. Lord Robens has done a fine job. He has served the State in a number of distinguished positions. He did the honourable thing by resigning. I feel that the Minister should not have asked him to take back his resignation. I know that the right hon. Gentleman may produce all sorts of reasons, but the underlying position still remains that he ought not to have asked him to take back his resignation.

    Aberfan will not be quickly forgotten I can assure the Minister that the Tribunal’s Reports will have been read in Pennsylvania, in Lens, in Brussels, in the Ruhr and in the Donbas. In a strange way the mining world is quite small and follows what happens up and down the mining world very closely. Unless we do what I have suggested, it will be said that we have dropped our standards. For me this is a sad day, because my heart is in the coal industry, but this is something which we shall not forget for many a long day.