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Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Leo Docherty – 2023 Speech at the UN Conference on Disarmament

    Leo Docherty – 2023 Speech at the UN Conference on Disarmament

    The speech made by Leo Docherty, the Minister for Europe, in Geneva on 27 February 2023.

    Every member state of this Conference has the responsibility to work towards a more peaceful and stable world, through disarmament. For the vast majority represented here, that is indeed our shared objective.

    But all too often, we see some States doing the opposite.

    It is over a year since Russia launched their illegal invasion of Ukraine.

    It is an unprovoked, premeditated and barbaric attack against a sovereign democratic state.

    And an egregious violation of international law and the UN Charter.

    We continue to see mounting evidence of horrific acts committed by Russia’s forces against civilians.

    The UK and our allies will continue to support the Ukrainian government in the face of this assault on their existence.

    Russia’s announcement last week that it has suspended participation in the New START treaty further shows their willingness to undermine strategic stability.

    We continue to urge Russia to immediately return to full compliance of the Treaty and engage constructively with the USA on this matter.

    We will continue to explore every diplomatic avenue to uphold international law, and strengthen our collective disarmament architecture.

    In addition to major nuclear armed states willing to flout international norms of behaviour, we collectively face a range of challenges.

    We face continuing proliferation concerns about the activities of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran.

    We are concerned with DPRK’s continued escalation of its nuclear and ballistic missile programmes. We condemn these tests which are in clear breach of United Nations Security Council Resolutions.

    We face Assad’s willingness to use chemical weapons.

    And emerging threats posed by new and disruptive technologies.

    To overcome these we must refresh our thinking, and redouble our commitment to build on the foundations of our common disarmament and non-proliferation institutions.

    The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty – or NPT – remains the cornerstone of international nuclear security. And the only pragmatic route to a world without nuclear weapons in our current security environment.

    The UK remains firmly committed to the NPT, and to fulfilling our obligations under all three pillars of the Treaty.

    We remain committed to the long-term goal of a world without nuclear weapons.

    And firmly believe the best way to achieve this is through gradual multilateral disarmament, negotiated within the framework of the NPT, including in this Conference.

    Collectively we have the ability to create a safer and more stable world, where countries with nuclear weapons feel able to relinquish them.

    However, the deteriorating security environment means we must remain realistic about what can be achieved in the short term.

    The UK is focused on preparing the ground for what can pragmatically be achieved over the next NPT review cycle and beyond.

    We are working with other States on the verification and irreversibility challenges, which will need to be addressed as part of final disarmament.

    We will continue to play a leading role on transparency, within the limits placed by our non-proliferation obligations and our overarching national security concerns.

    We will continue to develop concrete initiatives on reducing the risk of the use of nuclear weapons.

    And we will continue to press for the entry into force of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

    And the beginning of negotiations, in this Conference, on a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty – the logical next step along the road to a world without nuclear weapons.

    Mr President,

    We only have to look to President Putin’s assault against Ukraine…

    and Assad’s on his own people…

    and the lives blighted by the illicit trade in small arms and lights weapons across the world…

    to realise that the use of conventional and chemical weapons remains a present, real and urgent threat.

    The diversion and misuse of conventional weapons – particularly small arms and light weapons – costs hundreds of thousands of lives every year…

    destroys security and sustainable development…

    and fuels conflict, crime and terrorism.

    The effective control of conventional weapons and ammunition should therefore be a goal that unites us all.

    The United Kingdom was proud to sign up to the Political Declaration on Explosive Weapons in Populated Areas in Dublin in November. I warmly commend the Government of Ireland for its leadership in this endeavour. As Putin’s missiles rained down on Ukrainian homes and civilian infrastructure, the Declaration is a powerful commitment to strengthening the protection of civilians in urban warfare under International Humanitarian Law.

    The UK will continue to play a leading role in tackling the scourge of landmines, cluster munitions and other explosive remnants of war, including as a result of the conflict in Ukraine.

    We must also do more work together to counter IEDs, and prevent non-State actors and violent extremists from obtaining the components to make them.

    The United Kingdom condemns Syria’s use of chemical weapons in Douma and in multiple other attacks.

    It is time for the disarmament community to move from severe condemnation to severe consequences, for those that use them.

    The UK will continue to work for a world free from chemical and biological weapons, and we urge all states to play a constructive part in this process.

    As the Biological Weapons Convention nears its 50th year in force, the UK will strive to make the most of the process we all agreed at last year’s Review Conference to bolster our implementation of this Convention. It represents a once-in-a-generation opportunity to meet the evolving threats from biological weapons in the 21st century. We must seize it and endow the Convention with the scientific and technical advice it needs, and explore ways in which new technologies can help assure compliance with its obligations.

    Mr President,

    Just as the threats we face in the nuclear, biological, chemical and conventional domains have evolved, so it is in outer space.

    We are pleased to see progress in the Open-Ended Working Group on reducing space threats through norms, rules and principles of responsible behaviours.

    All of our societies and economies rely on a cooperative approach to the use of technologies in space.

    So we encourage all states to engage constructively and work towards a consensus report, that can inform next steps in the UN General Assembly.

    This Conference also has a vital role to play in negotiating agreements on preventing an arms race in outer space, whether legally binding or otherwise.

    To conclude, Mr President.

    The UK is firmly committed to playing a full role in advancing the international disarmament agenda.

    And we are grateful for the cooperation of all partners who approach these thorny issues constructively, and with integrity.

    Let me point out that many of those partners are not members of this Conference, and are being barred from taking up their rightful seats as observers by the Russian delegation. We deplore this obstructionism, and call for all UN Member States to be allowed to participate in the work of this Conference as has long been our practice.

    The challenges facing our collective work are monumental.

    We must take a constructive and open-minded approach to finding new solutions to old problems.

    But we must also stand by the frameworks and agreements that we have so painstakingly built.

    And hold all states accountable to agreed norms and standards, and the commitments they have made.

    Thank you.

  • Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on the Turkey and Syria Earthquakes

    Andrew Mitchell – 2023 Statement on the Turkey and Syria Earthquakes

    The statement made by Andrew Mitchell, the Minister of State at the Foreign Office, in the House of Commons on 1 March 2023.

    With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will make a statement on the situation in Turkey and Syria. I know that the House will join me in offering sincere condolences to all those affected by the recent earthquakes.

    Last week when I visited Turkey, I witnessed at first hand the terrible scale of human suffering. I also had the opportunity to speak to Syrian partners and the United Nations about their work on the immediate response. I pay tribute to the hundreds of British personnel engaged in specialist health, humanitarian and rescue work in Syria and Turkey. I saw for myself the outstanding work that Britain is doing on the ground to save lives and support those who are suffering. Throughout these events and our responses, there has been excellent co-ordination across the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Defence and the Department of Health and Social Care.

    Today, the death toll across Turkey and Syria stands at more than 48,000, and at least 118,000 people have been injured. Approximately 25 million people have been affected, with homes, businesses and key infrastructure destroyed. The further earthquakes on 20 and 27 February, which have tragically led to additional deaths, show that the danger has not passed. In Syria, this disaster adds to years of turmoil inflicted by conflict, striking hardest in the very place that has borne the brunt of Assad’s war machine.

    I turn to the initial response. Turkey requested international support immediately after the earthquakes. The UK Government delivered aid as swiftly as possible, working closely with Turkey, the United Nations, international partners, non-governmental organisations and charities. That included deploying a 77-strong search and rescue team in Turkey, along with state-of-the-art heavy equipment. We also quickly announced £4.3 million in new support to Syria Civil Defence—the White Helmets—who have carried out search and rescue operations in 60 villages, helping thousands of civilians. The British Government rapidly engaged with the Turkish Government at the highest level, and the Foreign Secretary, my noble Friend Lord Ahmad and I immediately spoke to the senior UN humanitarian officials to ensure a rapid and co-ordinated response in Syria.

    As part of the immediate response, the Ministry of Defence and the Foreign Office set up a field hospital in Türkoğlu, including an emergency department and a 24/7 operating theatre. I saw for myself 150 UK-Med and Ministry of Defence personnel working side by side with Turkish medics to save lives. I was deeply impressed and moved during my visit by the lifesaving work that those teams are doing. Together, they have treated more than 5,000 patients so far.

    Meanwhile, the UK has delivered 465 tonnes of relief items to Turkey and Syria through civilian and Royal Air Force flights. That includes tents and thermal blankets for families made homeless in freezing conditions, as well as solar lanterns, water purification tablets and hygiene kits. On 15 February, we announced a further £25 million in funding to bolster our humanitarian response. That is supporting the work of the UN and aid agencies on the ground in Syria, helping communities ravaged by war, as well as by this natural disaster. It also continues to support the recovery effort in Turkey, led by its Government.

    Beyond our support to the White Helmets, UK-funded charities and NGOs in northern Syria have cared for the injured through mobile medical teams and health centres. The UN has distributed food and other essential items, to which the UK has contributed. Further assistance will be delivered in the coming days as part of the UN’s Syria cross-border humanitarian fund, to which the UK is one of the most significant donors. The fund has already allocated $50 million to scale up the response. There is a particular focus on displaced families, the elderly, women, children and people with disabilities.

    The UK has also supported and bolstered the response through our existing support to key multilateral organisations that are helping in Turkey and Syria. The UN’s global fund, Education Cannot Wait, announced a $7 million grant for Syrian children affected by the earthquake, and the Global Partnership for Education will provide $3.75 million to support the emergency education response. The UK is one of the most significant donors to both funds.

    We are also a long-standing partner and donor to the World Bank, which announced $1.7 billion to assist Turkey, and the United Nations central emergency response fund, which has released $50 million for the crisis. Most significantly, our constituents—the British public—have demonstrated extraordinary generosity through the Disasters Emergency Committee appeal, raising more than £100 million. That figure includes £5 million from the UK taxpayer in matched seed funding.

    His Majesty the King visited Turkish diaspora groups and members of the British Syrian community at Syria House, a donation point in Trafalgar Square, on 14 February. My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary visited Syria House on 16 February.

    It is clearly vital to ensure that humanitarian aid reaches those who need it as efficiently as possible in Syria. I will continue to engage with the United Nations to ensure maximum access for as long as is required. We welcome the accelerated pace of United Nations deliveries and are monitoring the situation closely in the Security Council in New York.

    The House will understand that the scale of this tragedy is immense. The UK will continue to stand in solidarity with Turkey and with the people of Syria during these most testing of times. I commend this statement to the House.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2023 Speech at Munich Security Conference

    Rishi Sunak – 2023 Speech at Munich Security Conference

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, in Munich on 18 February 2023.

    The United Kingdom will always be on the side of freedom, democracy and the rule of law.

    And the security of our European continent will always be our overriding priority.

    Now there’s no greater example of those commitments than our response to the war in Ukraine.

    Just this year we became the first country in the world to provide tanks to Ukraine – and the first to train pilots and marines.

    We gave £2.3 billion last year – and we will match or exceed that in 2023.

    Now other allies can tell a similar story – and our collective efforts are making a difference.

    But with every day that passes, Russian forces inflict yet more pain and suffering.

    Now the only way to change that is for Ukraine to win.

    So we need a military strategy for Ukraine to gain a decisive advantage on the battlefield to win the war, and a political strategy to win the peace.

    To win the war, Ukraine needs more artillery, armoured vehicles and air defence.

    So now is the moment to double down on our military support.

    When Putin started this war, he gambled that our resolve would falter.

    Even now, he is betting that we will lose our nerve.

    But we proved him wrong then.

    And we will prove him wrong now.

    Together we’re delivering as much equipment in the next few months as in the whole of 2022.

    And together we must help Ukraine to shield its cities from Russian bombs and Iranian drones.

    And that’s why the UK will be the first country to provide Ukraine with longer-range weapons.

    And it’s why we’re working with our allies to give Ukraine the most advanced air defence systems, and build the air force they need to defend their nation.

    Now of course, the UK stands ready to help any country, provide planes that Ukraine can use today.

    But we must also train Ukrainian pilots to use the most advanced jets, and that’s exactly what Britain is doing…

    So that Ukraine has the capability to defend its security for the long term.

    But to win the peace we also need to rebuild the international order on which our collective security depends.

    First, that means upholding international law.

    The whole world must hold Russia to account.

    We must see justice through the ICC for their sickening war crimes committed, whether in Bucha, Irpin, Mariupol or beyond.

    And Russia must also be held to account for the terrible destruction it has inflicted.

    We are hosting the Ukraine Recovery Conference in London this June.

    And we should consider – together – how to ensure that Russia pays towards that reconstruction.

    Now second, the treaties and agreements of the post-Cold War era have failed Ukraine.

    So we need a new framework for its long-term security.

    From human rights to reckless nuclear threats, from Georgia to Moldova, Russia has committed violation after violation against countries outside the collective security of NATO.

    And the international community’s response has not been strong enough.

    As Jens Stoltenberg has said, “Ukraine will become a member of NATO.”

    But until that happens, we need to do more to bolster Ukraine’s long-term security.

    We must give them the advanced NATO-standard capabilities that they need for the future.

    And we must demonstrate that we’ll remain by their side, willing and able to help them defend their country again and again.

    Ukraine needs and deserves assurances of that support.

    So ahead of the NATO summit in Vilnius we will bring together our friends and allies to begin building those long-term assurances.

    And our aim should be to forge a new charter in Vilnius to help protect Ukraine from future Russian aggression.

    Now let me conclude with one final thought.

    What’s at stake in this war is even greater than the security and sovereignty of one nation.

    It’s about the security and sovereignty of every nation.

    Because Russia’s invasion, its abhorrent war crimes and irresponsible nuclear rhetoric are symptomatic of a broader threat to everything we believe in.

    From the skies over North America to the suffering on the streets of Tehran, some would destabilise the order that has preserved peace and stability for 80 years.

    They must not prevail. And we need not be daunted.

    As President Zelenskyy said when he addressed the UK Parliament last week, we are marching towards the most important victory of our lifetime. It will be a victory over the very idea of war.

    And we could have no greater purpose than to prove him right.

  • Brendan O’Hara – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    Brendan O’Hara – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    The speech made by Brendan O’Hara, the SNP MP for Argyll and Bute, in the House of Commons on 9 February 2023.

    The right hon. Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith) is absolutely right that the Government have handed a propaganda gift to Beijing.

    In 2020, the Uyghur tribunal found that, beyond any reasonable doubt, China is responsible for crimes against humanity and the crime of genocide, yet today we find that someone at the heart of those crimes is coming to the UK next week—a man accused by the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China of playing a central role in the persecution of the Uyghurs.

    As we have heard, the Government’s position on China has been appallingly weak and goes no further than to urge the Chinese authorities to change their approach. Given that, hitherto, they have failed to move Beijing one iota in its treatment of the Uyghur people, why does the Minister believe that allowing this man to come to the United Kingdom and to meet FCDO officials will suddenly change things? Will it not be exactly the same message that they have given before, and will the Chinese not treat it with exactly the same contempt? Given that that is what will happen, why does the Minister honestly believe that meeting this man will make the slightest difference to Beijing’s approach?

    Leo Docherty

    The hon. Gentleman is questioning the utility of this kind of diplomacy, and it is a reasonable question, but our judgment, institutionally, is that opportunities to send strong messages to these sorts of individuals are useful and will be taken heed of by the state apparatus. I think the expectation of officials was that an invitation should be extended to Uyghur human rights groups in the UK to enable them to engage with this individual directly and send that strong message. I think that was at the core of the judgment that was made.

    Sir Desmond Swayne (New Forest West) (Con)

    Thank you, Mr. Speaker, for making it absolutely clear that this man is not getting in here, even if the Minister is going to give him space in the office. But I ask you this, Sir: is not the very fact that an announcement of his intention to travel has been made—in the language habitual to the Government of China—“a provocation”?

    Mr Speaker

    That is more for the Minister to answer, even though I am tempted.

    Leo Docherty

    I think this is an opportunity to send a robust message from our side about everything we judge completely outrageous and unacceptable in Xinjiang. We therefore judge that there is utility in the prospect of officials meeting this individual.

    John Cryer (Leyton and Wanstead) (Lab)

    Is this the best we can do? This country used to have a tradition—on both sides of the House, in both major parties—of standing up to tyrants, butchers, fascists and great persecutors. That seems to have been abandoned. Is not the only conclusion to be drawn in Beijing from the actions of this Government that we will do nothing to stand up to them?

    Leo Docherty

    We have stood up to China when it comes to Xinjiang. We have sanctioned individuals, and we continue to make the strongest possible representations. That is in line with our policy of robust pragmatism. We will be robust, but we will also engage and send a strong message when opportunities arise.

  • Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    The speech made by Alicia Kearns, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, in the House of Commons on 9 February 2023.

    I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith) on securing this urgent question but, Minister, I am afraid this is simply not good enough.

    In Xinjiang, women are being forcibly sterilised and children are in concentration camps. There are forced labour camps and systematic rape, yet the Minister has just confirmed from the Dispatch Box that Ministers approved of this visit by one of the masterminds of this genocide. Worse, a Cabinet Office Minister claimed this week that the complicity of Chinese state-run companies, such as Hikvision, in Xinjiang is “contested.” Exactly what position are this Government taking? There is no legitimate reason to allow this man, Erkin Tuniyaz, into our country. The only meetings with him should be in a courtroom.

    Will the Government now sanction Erkin Tuniyaz, as well as Chen Quanguo, the butcher of Xinjiang? We have to refuse to meet them. Like-minded EU countries have already announced that they will not meet this man when he comes to Brussels. We should not only refuse to meet him, as our like-minded friends have, but we should deny him a visa.

    Will we now introduce a sanctions regime specifically for Tibet, where we are seeing the exact same thing? Millions of children have been kidnapped from their parents and put into concentration camps so that they can be assimilated and so that genocide can be committed against their culture. This is wrong. I am sorry, but the Government have to get a grip on China issues. We let Chinese officials flee this country, having given them a week’s notice, and now we are inviting them into the halls of Westminster. It is not good enough. We have to get a grip.

    Mr Speaker

    I do not think they will be coming to Westminster, as we would have to give permission. Let us not open that debate.

    Leo Docherty

    Thank you, Mr Speaker.

    I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Rutland and Melton (Alicia Kearns) for her long-standing interest. She rightly mentions the suffering of women and children, specifically in Xinjiang, which has moved us all. Our judgment is that Erkin Tuniyaz is not travelling because of an invitation from the Foreign Office. Given that our expectation is that he is travelling on a diplomatic passport and will be here, because he is not sanctioned—

    Sir Iain Duncan Smith

    Yes—he is not sanctioned. Why is he not sanctioned?

    Leo Docherty

    Because he is not sanctioned, we therefore judge that this is a useful opportunity to deliver an extremely strong message to this individual. Of course, colleagues will note that there is a differential approach with regard to the US sanctions regime.

    Mr Speaker

    Order. I am in the Chair. Members are meant to speak through the Chair, not face towards the back of the Chamber.

    Leo Docherty

    The judgment of Ministers is that such opportunities are useful in offering a chance to express a very forthright condemnation of the outrages in Xinjiang. I think this reflects the Government’s policy of robust pragmatism when it comes to China, which is at the heart of our wanting to continue such dialogue.

  • Catherine West – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    Catherine West – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    The speech made by Catherine West, the Labour MP for Hornsey and Wood Green, in the House of Commons on 9 February 2023.

    I thank the right hon. Member for Chingford and Woodford Green (Sir Iain Duncan Smith) for bringing this urgent question to the House. The issue of Xinjiang has been debated in both Chambers of this Parliament, and following a Back-Bench motion, Members of this House voted that genocide had occurred in this area of China.

    In September last year, the UN high commissioner for human rights said that the treatment of the Uyghurs may constitute crimes against humanity, and this House has made clear its view that the treatment of the Uyghurs amounts to genocide. It is therefore deeply worrying to learn of the planned visit to the UK of the governor of the very province in which these outrageous and systemic acts have taken place. Has the Minister made an assessment of the relationship between Chen Quanguo, who is an international pariah, and this particular individual?

    I am acutely aware of, and in principle agree with, the general points that the Minister has made about engagement. However, we have to be very robust with regard to human rights. Is the meeting essential to UK-China relations? I do not think it is. I fear that this planned visit to the UK highlights the serious lack of political leadership at the Foreign Office. The Minister knows the views of this House and should have made it clear that this meeting was ill-judged and inappropriate.

    When were Ministers first made aware of the planned visit, and did it receive personal approval from the Foreign Secretary? What assessment has been made of the moral injury that this would cause to the Uyghur minority in this country, who have come to the Houses of Parliament to tell us of their suffering? Has this decision been informed by the moral injury that it will cause? Finally, will the invitation to visit the UK now be rescinded? What action will the Foreign Office take as a result of this urgent question?

    Leo Docherty

    I am grateful for the constructive tone and characteristic interest that the hon. Lady shows. Is this meeting essential? We judge that this might be an opportunity to send a very strong message to someone who is involved in the governance of Xinjiang. That is at the heart of the judgment that was made about this opportunity.

    The hon. Lady asked when Ministers were aware. I know that Ministers were aware in the usual, routine way and made a judgment that, on balance, it was useful to endorse the prospect of officials engaging with this individual.

    The hon. Lady makes a good point about the risk of moral injury. It is important to say that, with regard to this specific proposition, FCDO officials were keen to invite Uyghur human rights groups in the UK so that they have an opportunity to express their views to this individual as a means of delivering a very strong message of condemnation. That judgment was at the heart of the decision, but she makes a good point about moral injury.

    The hon. Lady asked whether the invitation will be rescinded and, of course, it is not an invitation. The FCDO did not invite this individual. Our expectation is that he is travelling on a diplomatic passport. I am grateful to have been able to answer these questions, and I am grateful for her constructive spirit.

  • Iain Duncan Smith – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    Iain Duncan Smith – 2023 Speech on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    The speech made by Sir Iain Duncan Smith, the Conservative MP for Chingford and Woodford Green, in the House of Commons on 9 February 2023.

    I find that response from my hon. Friend, for whom I have the highest respect, to be a very weak turn from the Foreign Office. The Uyghur region in north-west China has been the site of severe human rights violations, crimes against humanity and genocide for more than six years. In 2017, satellite imagery confirmed that a network of internment camps had been set up throughout the region. Throughout this time, Erkin Tuniyaz has been responsible for the murderous and repressive policy, alongside its architect, Chen Quango.

    Testimony from camp survivors—who are absolutely appalled to hear that a Foreign Office official will meet this individual—and leaked official Chinese Government documents, satellite images and drone footage indicate that the camps are sites of severe mass arbitrary detention and severe human rights abuses, including systematic sexual violence against women, torture and the forced sterilisation of many women. Reports of cultural and religious oppression, mass digital in-person surveillance, forced labour, mass sterilisations and abortions and a system of mass criminalisation and arbitrary detention are also completely documented.

    The weak response from the Foreign Office hides something. It is not that it has invited him here, but it has made it clear that when he comes, he will be welcome to see officials. Whether or not the Foreign Office is tough, this is a propaganda coup for the Chinese Government. Governor Tuniyaz has defended the use of mass detention centres and doubled down and expanded their use. During his tenure, more than 1 million Uyghurs and other people from predominantly Muslim minorities have been detained in Xinjiang. A man who declares that nothing is going on is hardly likely to be bothered by a Foreign Office official telling him, “Now, now, you’ve got to stop this.”

    I remind my hon. Friend the Minister that in 2021, the House of Commons in this United Kingdom declared for the first time that genocide is taking place against the Uyghurs and other minorities in the Xinjiang region of China. Let us compare our response with that of the United States. The UK has sanctioned only three rather junior people. The US has introduced 107 punitive sanctions, five new laws, 11 specific investment bans and 10 sanctions on individuals, including Chen Quanguo and Erkin Tuniyaz. I call on the UK Government to rescind this invitation and sanction Erkin Tuniyaz and Chen Quanguo for their role in this crime against humanity and genocide. The place to deal with these individuals is in a tribunal or court of law, not in the quiet office of a Foreign Office official.

    Leo Docherty

    I appreciate sincerely the long-standing interest of my right hon. Friend in this issue, and he speaks with great sincerity and power. He draws a comparison with the sanctions regime in the US. The numbers might be different, but that reflects our desire and approach to use these opportunities to deliver a very strong and robust message. It is institutionally the judgment of the FCDO that we are better off not denying ourselves the opportunity to send extremely robust and strong messages of condemnation of the brutality that has been carried out by the Chinese state in Xinjiang. He alluded to that difference of approach, but we are confident in its utility.

    My understanding is that, in advance of the suggestion of this meeting, the invitation was extended to human rights groups in the UK to afford them the opportunity to send a very strong message to this individual about their view of repression in Xinjiang. That was at the heart of what was judged to be useful about the prospect of such a meeting.

  • Leo Docherty – 2023 Statement on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    Leo Docherty – 2023 Statement on the UK Visit of Governor of Xinjiang

    The statement made by Leo Docherty, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, in the House of Commons on 9 February 2023.

    We understand from the Chinese embassy that the governor of Xinjiang may visit the UK next week. To be very clear, he has not been invited by the UK Government or the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, and we have no confirmation that he will, in fact, travel. Our expectation is that he will travel on a diplomatic passport, and therefore he has not yet been granted a visa. If he does visit, I assure this House that under no circumstances will he be dignified with a ministerial meeting.

    China’s actions in Xinjiang are abhorrent and we will not legitimise them in any way. However, robust engagement to challenge human rights violations and to stand up for the rights of the oppressed is at the core of the UK’s diplomatic work around the world. We must be prepared to use diplomatic channels to achieve that end, hence officials would be prepared to offer him a meeting. In line with that principle, there is only one reason why such a meeting would take place—to make absolutely clear the UK’s abhorrence of the treatment of the Uyghur people and to say that we will not relent from exposing the horrors to which they are subject. That point needs to be set out clearly to China. It is only right that people responsible for human rights violations are confronted on these issues.

    The UK has played a leading role in international efforts to hold China to account on Xinjiang. In 2019, we became the first country to step up to lead a joint statement on China’s actions in Xinjiang at the UN. Since that first statement, which was supported by 23 countries, we have worked tirelessly through our global diplomatic network to broaden the caucus of countries speaking out. Our leadership has sustained pressure on China to change its behaviour and consistently increase the number of countries speaking out. Most recently, our diplomatic effort helped to secure the support of a record 50 countries for a statement on Xinjiang at the UN third committee in October.

    We have imposed sanctions on four individuals and one entity in Xinjiang, and have introduced robust measures to tackle forced labour in supply chains. We have consistently raised our concerns at the highest level in Beijing. Let me be absolutely clear that we will continue to emphasise at all levels that the world is watching what China’s authorities say and do in Xinjiang. They cannot hide their abuses. The UK and our allies will not turn away.

  • Jane Hutt – 2023 Statement on the Turkish and Syrian Earthquake

    Jane Hutt – 2023 Statement on the Turkish and Syrian Earthquake

    The statement made by Jane Hutt, the Welsh Minister for Social Justice, on 7 February 2023.

    In the early hours of 6 February 2023, a 7.8 magnitude earthquake hit Türkiye (Turkey) and Syria. This was followed by another earthquake soon afterwards and over 60 aftershocks.

    The scale of destruction is vast and details are still emerging but it is clear that a great many have lost their lives, are injured and have been displaced.

    I have today sent a message of sympathy and support to the Turkish Ambassador and extend my thoughts in particular to all of those affected including Syrian and Turkish people living in Wales who have families and friends in the earthquake zone.

    Our thoughts too are with the brave search and rescue teams and people from across Wales who are already offering all manner of support. The emergency response is expected to include water and sanitation, shelter and food support as well as longer-term rehabilitation and reconstruction.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Keynote Speech at the UK-Italy Pontignano Forum

    James Cleverly – 2023 Keynote Speech at the UK-Italy Pontignano Forum

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in Rome, Italy on 8 February 2023.

    Buonasera a tutti.

    We meet sadly at the time when Turkey and north Syria are responding to a series of huge earthquakes that have so far claimed over ten thousand lives and left many thousand homeless.

    I know Italy and the United Kingdom have expert teams on the ground, demonstrating our work together to respond with help and common humanity to this appalling situation.

    But as the ambassador just said, three members of the British cabinet are in Rome today.

    And we are here with one overarching purpose: to demonstrate Britain’s commitment to Italy and to take our bilateral relationship to a new, higher level.

    Because, as my colleague, Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani puts it, we are at a turning point in our relationship.

    And this is a world that we must face together.

    Because galvanised by the war in Ukraine, we have, I am pleased to say, already started to do just that.

    But we can invest even further in our relationship. And I will say more about that in a moment.

    I want to begin, however, with a thank you.

    A thank you to the Pontignano conference and to our chair today, Lord Willetts, for advocating the strongest possible relationship between our two countries.

    And I hope that we can use this special 30th anniversary to launch a new era in British-Italian cooperation.

    Now, the ties between Britain and Italy go back a very long way.

    Just a few metres from here in the garden of this residence runs a Roman aqueduct.

    The construction was begun early in the reign of Emperor Claudius, who in his spare time, when not building major Roman infrastructure, was invading Britain.

    And it was nearing completion in AD61 under the then-Emperor Nero.

    Just as a particular feisty young woman from my part of Britain, from East Anglia, was launching a rebellion and Queen Boudica was attacking the Roman garrisons in East Anglia in and around Essex, including, of course, Colchester.

    And after her defeat, it was decided to build a fortified settlement.

    And after a number of name changes, that settlement is now Braintree, the main town in my constituency.

    So I am very glad to be here, although I suspect Boudica might have been less enthusiastic taking part in this bilateral conference.

    But much more recently, British forces played a central role in the liberation of this country.

    And as we approach the 80th anniversary of the landings in Sicily this summer and at Anzio or the Battle of Monte Cassino next year, I want to tell you how touched I am by the regard paid by Italians to commemorating our fallen across the length and breadth of this country.

    Today our ties are modern.

    They are strong and they are vibrant. Weaving a rich tapestry between our countries and our people.

    Born of one simple fact: we Brits and Italians rather like each other.

    And wherever you look, you can see evidence of that.

    And you can see those ties in the here and now, whether it be through fashion, or culture, or cooking or sport.

    Indeed, legend has it that football was imported to Italy by a British expat living in Genoa.

    Cricket, however, has still yet to make the international transfer. I’d rather like to keep it that way, so at least there’s one sport where we have a fighting chance of beating Italy at.

    But I think that it is family ties and the ties of deep friendship between our peoples that count the most.

    And we are very proud that the UK is home to around 600,000 Italians and the contribution that they make every day to British life and to British economy is something that we should celebrate.

    Now, over 30,000 Brits call Italy their home and we are very grateful for the warm welcome that you give to them.

    And nowhere was our mutual affection summed up better than in Italy’s reaction to the death of our late Queen in September of last year.

    We will never forget how the President came straight from the airport, from a foreign visit to sign the condolence book here in the residence, or how many Italians queued to sign the condolence book at our embassy.

    And we thank you deeply for that.

    Now, rooted in those strong foundations, we must look to the future.

    And as we do so, we must equip ourselves to deal with the world as it is, not as we would wish it to be.

    Because as we sit here tonight, in the warmth and in the light, tens, perhaps hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians are sheltering in cellars in the cold, in the dark, wondering what horrors the night or the morning may bring.

    In a little over two weeks, we will mark with our Ukrainian friends the solemn anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on the 24th of February, a date which, to echo President Roosevelt, will live on in infamy.

    On that date, everything changed.

    Our security as freedom-loving European nations changed because we recognised we had an aggressor in our midst.

    The security of our energy supplies changed.

    The security of our economies changed.

    The security of global food supplies, particularly those to poorer countries, changed.

    But some things did not change at all.

    The need for allies and democracies to protect each other, the need for strong defence to deter war, the need for common sense to diversify our supply chains and to protect those supply chains.

    The need for unity. For friends to come together. And to stick together as allies in times of danger.

    And above all, the need to stand up for what we believe in.

    To stand up for democracy, for justice, for liberty, for freedom, for the rule of law, and for the international order.

    Because I know that these are Italian values and these are British values.

    These are our values, and they deserve to be protected.

    Looking ahead, I see five areas where the UK and Italy need to work far more closely together.

    The first, of course, is on Ukraine and the consequences of Russia’s invasion.

    We need to do everything in our power to make sure that Ukraine prevails in this struggle between might and right.

    A message heard loud and clear in Westminster today when we heard from President Zelensky in a personal, powerful speech to parliamentarians in Westminster Hall on his visit to Britain today.

    From day one, Italy’s response to that invasion has been robust on sanctions, on seizing assets, on delivering humanitarian aid, on supplying weapons, on welcoming refugees or making plans to support Ukraine’s rebuilding. Italy has at every stage done the right thing.

    And let me pay tribute to Prime Minister Maloney and to PM Draghi before her.

    Mr Tajani said to me in our first phone call, and he was right.

    He said, you can count on Italy.

    And I’ve seen that repeatedly, and I can assure you, so have our mutual friends in Ukraine.

    And to anybody who harboured doubts about the United Kingdom’s ironclad commitment to European security after our exit from the European Union, every day since Russia invaded, Ukraine has given you your answer.

    I am proud that our total military assistance last year to Ukraine was second only to the United States of America.

    And I am glad he is in the audience here this evening because I would also like to pay tribute to my friend and colleague Ben Wallace, the Defence Secretary, for having the foresight and confidence to help equip and train the Ukrainians before the most recent invasion in February.

    And in doing so, perhaps help them defend their capital city in that initial wave of the conflict.

    But we must keep up the pressure. Indeed, we must do more, we must do it better and we must do it faster.

    The second area where we need to work even more closely is on defence and foreign policy.

    Now we are already doing a lot together.

    Typhoon aircraft of the Royal Air Force and the Italian Air Force built in the UK and in Italy with Germany and Spain are patrolling the skies on NATO’s northern and eastern flanks.

    Italy is commanding NATO’s mission in Kosovo and its mission in Iraq and the EU missions in Somalia and maritime missions in the Mediterranean and the Straits of Hormuz, where nearly 11,000 personnel are deployed in 37 international missions in 25 countries.

    Italy is very much doing its bit.

    You play a vital role in hosting key NATO bases, including the Joint Force Command in Naples, where many British personnel are stationed.

    The UK leads NATO’s enhanced forward presence in Estonia while Italian soldiers are guarding NATO’s southeastern flank in Bulgaria.

    Just a few weeks ago, our two prime ministers and the Prime Minister of Japan announced the launch of our new global combat air programme.

    This multi-billion pound programme will be at the heart of our cooperation for many, many years to come.

    It is the most powerful example of the growing partnership between Britain and Italy.

    It underscores our determination to work together to keep our nations and our allies safe.

    Not just here in Europe, but also on the other side of the world.

    And that growing partnership must extend to foreign policy, too.

    As likeminded countries with many similar interests but different regions of geographical expertise, we have much to learn from each other.

    We have mutually reinforcing strengths in the Western Balkans, across the Mediterranean to the south and to the east and in Africa as we work to stop the hunger that Putin’s aggression against Ukraine has unleashed.

    And further afield, as strategic partners, we must address together the dangers posed by Iran and the challenges that go hand-in-hand with the rise of China.

    The third area where we must work together is energy security.

    Russia’s invasion of Ukraine may have exposed our vulnerabilities, but it has also galvanised a joint determination to address them.

    The speed with which Italy has moved to do so, including with Prime Minister Maloney’s recent visit to Algeria, has impressed us all.

    As has Pierre Maloney’s ambition to turn southern Italy into a regional energy hub.

    An island surrounded by windy seas and a sun drenched peninsula have obvious advantages when it comes to renewable energy.

    If you are unsure which is which, the cold, windy weathers blow on our coasts rather than yours. If at any point you want to swap, talk to me afterwards.

    But both our countries will suffer from the effects of climate change.

    But here again, our engineering and financial knowhow are mutually reinforcing.

    So when we work together, we are more than the sum of our parts.

    Our experience at COP26 and our presidency of COP26 demonstrated that.

    Now, the fourth area is in trade and commerce, the lifeblood of our economies.

    We are both trading nations and we have traded together for centuries.

    However, as the CEO forum highlighted, we want and need to deepen our business and commercial contacts.

    And I’m delighted that an Exports and Investment agreement, which my Cabinet colleague Kemi Badenoch signed with Minister Tajani this morning, will help us achieve just that.

    But once again, good though that is, we must do more.

    And lastly, of course, we need to work more closely together to tackle illegal migration, especially by sea.

    Both our countries have received huge numbers of illegal arrivals by sea: over 105,000 in Italy last year and over 45,000 in the UK.

    It is an enormous challenge: humanitarian, social, criminal, political.

    And our voters rightly demand that we get on top of it.

    And indeed we must. Italy’s government, more than any other, I think, shares our sense of urgency on the need to address illegal migration.

    You have years of experience dealing with these issues across the Mediterranean and before that across the Adriatic Sea as well.

    One of the main departure countries, Libya, is a country that you know well.

    So let us work more closely together and learn from each other on this and on things more broadly.

    We are, of course, starting that work with Home Office officials meeting their Italian colleagues in London today.

    So on Ukraine, defence, foreign policy, on trade, on dealing with illegal migrations, there is a lot of work to do and it is a big agenda.

    This is indeed, as Minister Tajani says, a turning point in our relations.

    A time for ambition.

    A time for opportunity.

    And we should seize that opportunity.

    We both have new young prime ministers, fresh young leaders with energy and dynamism and enthusiasm.

    Leaders who believe in the nation state, who are committed to working with allies and partners, leaders who believe in freedom and a need to defend it.

    Leaders inspired by the example of Margaret Thatcher and the ideas of Robert Scruton.

    We look forward very much to welcoming Prime Minister Meloni to London and also to Italy’s presidency of the G7 next year, when you can expect to see even more of us visiting your great country with even greater frequency.

    So it is time to put this burgeoning relationship between the UK and Italy onto a new, strong footing to cement this renewed alliance between London and Rome.

    And I hope that we can swiftly conclude the work on our Bilateral Cooperation Agreement to provide an enduring framework for our cooperation in years to come.

    It’s time to make a leap, as Minister Tajani put it, to this conference organised by the Italian Embassy for the British media in Venice ten days ago, in the quality of our relationship.

    That is what I want.

    That is what the UK wants.

    That is what our Italian friends want.

    My Italian, is poor and limited, but my message is heartfelt.

    Andiamo avanti.

    Insieme.

    Grazie.