Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Alex Davies-Jones – 2026 Speech at the United for Justice Conference in Kyiv

    Alex Davies-Jones – 2026 Speech at the United for Justice Conference in Kyiv

    The speech made by Alex Davies-Jones, the Minister for Victims and Violence Against Women and Girls, in Kyiv on 7 May 2026.

    Friends…

    I am so honoured to be here with you all today…

    On behalf of the British Government, and the British public –

    Which stands, now, and always…

    With the people of Ukraine.

    We are four years into this brutal war.

    Four long years of unspeakable atrocities, and hardship.

    Four years in which Ukraine’s children have grown up subjected to terror from the skies…

    And the constant sound of sirens.

    For some of them, it is all they have ever known. 

    Four years of families being torn apart, and homes reduced to rubble.

    Lives shattered in ways that that most people cannot – and will never have to – comprehend.

    And yet, despite everything – Ukraine endures.

    Despite the bombs, you stand.

    Despite the brutality, you resist.

    Despite the pain, you continue to fight.

    And all of us here stand with you.

    Because the Ukrainian spirit – your courage, your resilience…

    Your belief in a better future – has not been broken.

    It is that hope we all share:

    That together, we can secure a lasting peace…

    And rebuild this remarkable country, even stronger than before.

    And through the 100 Year Partnership between our two countries, the UK is clear:

    We will stand with Ukraine not just in this moment of war…

    But in the long work of recovery, and rebuilding for generations to come.

    But we cannot speak of peace…

    We cannot speak of rebuilding…

    Without speaking of justice.

    There can be no lasting peace without accountability.

    And the UK is unwavering in its commitment to that accountability.

    We are supporting Ukraine politically, financially, and practically –

    Including £16.5 million for domestic war crimes investigations…

    Ensuring Ukraine has the skills and expertise it needs to drive these forward…

    With ongoing support for the International Criminal Court…

    And we continue to back efforts to establish a Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression…

    So those responsible for Russia’s war are held to account.

    And justice for victims remains at the heart of this.

    Justice for the people of Bucha, and Irpin…

    For all Ukrainians whose lives, rights, and dignity have been violated.

    And for the children.

    Ripped from their homes and the people they love…

    As their families weep for their return.

    More than 20,000 of them…

    Forcibly deported, and denied the chance to come home…

    Many subjected to indoctrination camps…

    Which seek to erase their very identity as Ukrainians…

    To wipe out their proud culture…

    And destroy Ukraine’s future…

    Something the UN Independent inquiry has described as a crime against humanity.

    The international community must not turn a blind eye…

    And we will not look away.

    We will keep calling Russia out for these crimes.

    We demand the return of every child…

    And will press for it in every forum we have.  

    And we are backing words with action…

    Supporting Ukrainian-led efforts to verify cases…

    Trace children’s whereabouts…

    And reunite families.

    And we must also pursue justice for the violence that is not so readily seen.

    The violence hidden through shame, or stigma…

    The rapes, and sexual violence…

    Used brutally, and systematically as a weapon of war.

    Against women.

    Against men.

    Against children.

    These crimes are devastating…

    And they are, so often, underreported…

    Because of fear…

    Or the sheer difficulty of investigation in occupied areas.

    But they must be confronted.

    And the UK is helping Ukraine to protect women and girls from sexual violence, and other gender-based crime…

    Ensuring that specialist services are there for survivors…

    So they can begin to recover and rebuild their lives.

    At the same time, we are supporting Ukrainian investigators and prosecutors to pursue survivor-centred justice…

    Equipping them with the skills and expertise they need.

    And we are absolutely clear:

    Ukraine’s recovery can only happen if women are able to play their part.

    That is why we champion the full, equal, meaningful and safe participation of women in decision-making…

    Which will be critical not only to Ukraine’s reconstruction…

    But to securing a just, prosperous and lasting peace. 

    Yet even in the darkest moments of war, Ukraine has been a leader…

    Not least in tech, and innovation.

    You have revolutionised the fight against Russian drones…

    A threat causing such devastation to your cities, and infrastructure.

    In the UK, that same technology is the scourge of our prisons –

    Flying in drugs and weapons, and fuelling addiction, violence and organised crime.

    We are incredibly grateful to Ukraine for sharing its hard-won experience here…

    In January, we announced funding to accelerate anti-drone research…

    And we are now launching a new open competition…

    Innovate UK are providing £5 million for UK research organisations to build on that momentum…

    I hope Ukrainian researchers will consider partnering with them…

    So that new relationships will emerge, which can turbocharge this technology.

    And as the UK works with Ukraine through our Memorandum of Co-operation, signed last year…

    To rebuild its justice system, and strengthen the rule of law…

    This is real partnership:

    Not a one-way street…

    But learning from each other…

    To keep our people safe.

    As this war continues, our sense of solidarity only grows stronger.

    And our shared purpose is clear:

    A just and lasting peace for Ukraine…

    Because peace without justice is no peace at all.

    The UK will continue to stand with you.

    Together – we will have accountability,

    We will drive recovery…

    We will lay the foundations for freedom.

    And, just as the Ukrainian spirit is undimmed…

    Its courage, unflinching…

    Our shared hope for the future, is unbreakable.

    Thank you, and Slava Ukraini.

  • Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on the Hantavirus Outbreak

    Yvette Cooper – 2026 Statement on the Hantavirus Outbreak

    The statement made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, on 6 May 2026.

    The outbreak of Hantavirus is very serious and deeply stressful for those affected and their families. The UK response is being led by the UK Health Security Agency working with the WHO.

    The Foreign Office is working urgently to support the UKHSA’s work overseas and to make sure British nationals on the MV Hondius can all get safely home with proper protection for public health.

    Foreign Office consular staff are in direct contact with British nationals onboard the ship and stand ready to provide further assistance to any British national in need of support overseas 24/7 – our crisis response centre has been operating for the last few days to provide support. Ministers are in close touch with our Dutch and Spanish counterparts and we have been working with other countries to facilitate the medical evacuations, to support our Overseas Territories and to get British nationals home safely as quickly as possible.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on strikes targeting UAE

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on strikes targeting UAE

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 4 May 2026.

    The UK condemns the drone and missile strikes targeting the United Arab Emirates. 

    As I set out during my visit to the region last month, stability in the Gulf directly affects the UK.

    We stand in solidarity with the UAE and will continue to support the defence of our partners in the Gulf. 

    This escalation must cease. Iran needs to engage meaningfully in negotiations to ensure the ceasefire in the Middle East endures, and a long-term diplomatic solution is achieved.

  • King Charles III – 2026 Speech at Congress in Washington

    King Charles III – 2026 Speech at Congress in Washington

    The speech made by King Charles III in Washington on 28 April 2026.

    Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of Congress, representatives of the American People across all states, territories, cities and communities.

    I would like to take this opportunity to express my particular gratitude to you all for the great honour of addressing this Joint Meeting of Congress and, on behalf of The Queen and myself, to thank the American people for welcoming us to the United States to mark this semi-quincentennial year of the Declaration of Independence.

    And for all of that time, our destinies as Nations have been interlinked. As Oscar Wilde said, “We have really everything in common with America nowadays except, of course, language!”

    Ladies and gentlemen, we meet in times of great uncertainty; in times of conflict from Europe to the Middle East which pose immense challenges for the international community and whose impact is felt in communities the length and breadth of our own countries.

    We meet, too, in the aftermath of the incident not far from this great building that sought to harm the leadership of your Nation and to foment wider fear and discord. Let me say with unshakeable resolve: such acts of violence will never succeed. Whatever our differences, whatever disagreements we may have, we stand united in our commitment to uphold democracy, to protect all our people from harm, and to salute the courage of those who daily risk their lives in the service of our countries.

    Standing here today, it is hard not to feel the weight of history on my shoulder – because the modern relationship between our two Nations and our own peoples spans not merely 250 years, but over four centuries. It is extraordinary to think that I am the nineteenth in our line of Sovereigns to study, with daily attention, the affairs of America. So, I come here today with the highest respect for the United States Congress; this citadel of democracy created to represent the voice of all American people to advance sacred rights and freedoms. Speaking in this renowned chamber of debate and deliberation, I cannot help but think of my late mother, Queen Elizabeth, who, in 1991, was also afforded this signal honour and similarly spoke under the watchful eye of the Statue of Freedom above us. Today, I am here on this great occasion in the life of our Nations to express the highest regard and friendship of the British people to the people of the United States.

    As you may know, when I address my own Parliament at Westminster, we still follow an age-old tradition and take a member of Parliament ‘hostage’, holding him or her at Buckingham Palace until I am safely returned. These days, we look after our ‘guest’ rather well – to the point that they often do not want to leave! I don’t know,

    Mr Speaker, if there were any volunteers for that role here today…?

    As I look back across the centuries, Mr Speaker, there emerge certain patterns; certain self-evident truths from which we can learn and draw mutual strength. With the Spirit of 1776 in our minds, we can perhaps agree that we do not always agree – at least in the first instance! Indeed, the very principle on which your Congress was founded – no taxation without representation – was at once a fundamental disagreement between us, and at the same time a shared democratic value which you inherited from us. Ours is a partnership born out of dispute, but no less strong for it… So perhaps, in this example, we can discern that our Nations are in fact instinctively like-minded – a product of the common democratic, legal and social traditions in which our governance is rooted to this day. Drawing on these values and traditions, time and again, our two countries have always found ways to come together. And by Jove, Mr. Speaker, when we have found that way to agree, what great change is brought about – not just for the benefit of our peoples, but of all peoples.

    This, I believe, is the Special ingredient in our Relationship. As President Trump himself observed during his State Visit to Britain last Autumn, ‘The bond of kinship and identity between America and the United Kingdom is priceless and eternal. It is irreplaceable and unbreakable.’

    This is by no means my first visit to Washington, D.C. – the capital of this great Republic. It is in fact my 20th visit to the United States, and my first as King and Head of the Commonwealth. This is a city which symbolises a period in our shared history, or what Charles Dickens might have called ‘A Tale of Two Georges’: the first President, George Washington, and my five-times Great Grandfather, King George III. King George never set foot in America and, please rest assured, I am not here as part of some cunning rearguard action!

    The Founding Fathers were bold and imaginative rebels with a cause. 250 years ago (or, as we say in the United Kingdom, just the other day….) they declared Independence. By balancing contending forces and drawing strength in diversity, they united thirteen disparate colonies to forge a Nation on the revolutionary idea of ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’. They carried with them, and carried forward, the great inheritance of the British Enlightenment – as well as the ideals which had an even deeper history in English Common Law and Magna Carta.

    These roots run deep, and they are still vital. Our Declaration of Rights of 1689 was not only the foundation of our constitutional Monarchy, but also provided the source of so many of the principles reiterated – often verbatim – in the American Bill of Rights of 1791. And those roots go even further back in our history: the U.S. Supreme Court Historical Society has calculated that Magna Carta is cited in at least 160 Supreme Court cases since 1789, not least as the foundation of the principle that executive power is subject to checks and balances. This is the reason why there stands a stone, by the River Thames at Runnymede where Magna Carta was signed in the year 1215. This stone records that an acre of that ancient and historic site was given to the U.S.A. by the people of the United Kingdom, to symbolise our shared resolve in support of liberty, and in memory of President John F. Kennedy.

    Distinguished members of the 119th Congress, it is here in these very halls that this spirit of liberty and the promise of America’s Founders is present in every session and every vote cast.

    Not by the will of one, but by the deliberation of many, representing the living mosaic of the United States. In both of our countries, it is the very fact of our vibrant, diverse and free societies that gives us our collective strength, including to support victims of some of the ills that, so tragically, exist in both our societies today.

    And, Mr. Speaker, for many here – and for myself – the Christian faith is a firm anchor and daily inspiration that guides us not only personally, but together as members of our community. Having devoted a large part of my life to interfaith relationships and greater understanding, it is that faith in the triumph of light over darkness which I have found confirmed countless times. Through it I am inspired by the profound respect that develops as people of different faiths grow in their understanding of each other. It is why it is my hope – my prayer – that, in these turbulent times, working together and with our international partners, we can stem the beating of ploughshares into swords…

    I am mindful that we are still in the season of Easter, the season that most strengthens my hope. It is why I believe, with all my heart, that the essence of our two Nations is a generosity of spirit and a duty to foster compassion, to promote peace, to deepen mutual understanding and to value all people, of all faiths, and of none.

    The Alliance that our two Nations have built over the centuries – and for which we are profoundly grateful to the American people – is truly unique. And that Alliance is part of what Henry Kissinger described as Kennedy’s ‘soaring vision’ of an Atlantic Partnership based on twin pillars: Europe and America. That Partnership, I believe Mr. Speaker, is more important today than it has ever been.

    The first reigning British Sovereign to set foot in America was my Grandfather, King George VI. He visited in 1939 with my beloved Grandmother, Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother. The forces of Fascism in Europe were on the march, and some time before the United States had joined us in the defence of freedom. Our shared values prevailed.

    Today, we find ourselves in a new era, but those values remain.

    It is an era that is, in many ways, more volatile and more dangerous than the world to which my late Mother spoke, in this Chamber, in 1991.

    The challenges we face are too great for any one Nation to bear alone. But in this unpredictable environment, our Alliance cannot rest on past achievements, or assume that foundational principles simply endure. As my Prime Minister said last month: ‘ours is an indispensable partnership. We must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last eighty years. Instead, we must build on it’.

    Renewal today starts with security. The United Kingdom recognizes that the threats we face demand a transformation in British defence. That is why our country, in order to be fit for the future, has committed to the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War – during part of which, over fifty years ago, I served with immense pride in the Royal Navy, following in the Naval footsteps of my Father, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh; my Grandfather, King George VI; my Great-Uncle, Lord Mountbatten; and my Great-Grandfather, King George V.

    This year, of course, also marks the 25th anniversary of 9/11. This atrocity was a defining moment for America and your pain and shock were felt around the whole world. During my visit to New York, my wife and I will again pay our respects to the victims, the families, and the bravery shown in the face of terrible loss. We stood with you then. And we stand with you now in solemn remembrance of a day that shall never be forgotten.

    In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when NATO invoked Article 5 for the first time, and the United Nations Security Council was united in the face of terror, we answered the call together – as our people have done so for more than a century, shoulder to shoulder, through two World Wars, the Cold War, Afghanistan and moments that have defined our shared security.

    Today, Mr. Speaker, that same, unyielding resolve is needed for the defence of Ukraine and her most courageous people – it is needed in order to secure a truly just and lasting peace. From the depths of the Atlantic to the disastrously melting ice-caps of the Arctic, the commitment and expertise of the United States Armed Forces and its allies lie at the heart of NATO, pledged to each other’s defence, protecting our citizens and interests, keeping North Americans and Europeans safe from our common adversaries.

    Our defence, intelligence and security ties are hardwired together through relationships measured not in years, but in decades.

    Today, thousands of U.S. service personnel, defence officials and their families are stationed in the United Kingdom, as British personnel serve with equal pride across thirty American States. We are building F-35s together. And we have agreed the most ambitious submarine programme in history – AUKUS – in partnership with Australia, a country of which I am also immensely proud to serve as Sovereign.

    We do not embark on these remarkable endeavours together out of sentiment. We do so because they build greater shared resilience for the future, so making our citizens safer for generations to come.

    Our common ideals were not only crucial for liberty and equality, they are also the foundation of our shared prosperity. The Rule of Law: the certainty of stable and accessible rules, an independent judiciary resolving disputes and delivering impartial justice. These features created the conditions for centuries of unmatched economic growth in our two countries. This is why our governments are concluding new economic and technology agreements – to write the next chapter of our joint prosperity and ensure that British and American ingenuity continues to lead the world.

    Our nations are combining talent and resources in the technologies of tomorrow: our new partnerships in nuclear fusion and quantum computing, and in A.I. and drug discovery, holding the promise of saving countless lives.

    More broadly, we celebrate the $430 billion in annual trade that continues to grow; the $1.7 trillion in mutual investment that fuels that innovation; and the millions of jobs on both sides of the Atlantic supported across both economies. These are strong foundations on which to continue to build, for generations yet unborn.

    Our ties in education, research, and cultural exchange empower citizens and future leaders of both countries.

    The Marshall Scholarship, named after the great General George Marshall, and the Association of which I am so proud to be Patron, are emblematic of the connection between our two nations. Since its founding, more than 2,300 scholarships have been awarded, opening doors for Americans from all walks of life to study at the UnitedKingdom’s leading universities.

    So as we look toward the next 250 years, we must also reflect on our shared responsibility to safeguard Nature, our most precious and irreplaceable asset.

    Millennia before our Nations existed, before any border drawn, the mountains of Scotland and Appalachia were one; a single, continuous range, forged in the ancient collision of continents.

    The natural wonders of the United States of America are indeed a unique asset, and generations of Americans have risen to this calling: indigenous, political and civic leaders, people in rural communities and cities alike, have all helped to protect and nurture what President Theodore Roosevelt called ‘the glorious heritage’ of thisland’s extraordinary natural splendour, on which so much of its prosperity has always depended.

    Yet even as we celebrate the beauty that surrounds us, our generation must decide how to address the collapse of critical natural systems, which threatens far more than the harmony and essential diversity of Nature. We ignore at our peril the fact that these natural systems – in other words, Nature’s own economy – provide the foundation for our prosperity and our national security.

    The story of the United Kingdom and the United States is, at its heart, a story of reconciliation, renewal and remarkable partnership.

    From the bitter divisions of 250 years ago, we forged a friendship that has grown into one of the most consequential Alliances in human history.

    I pray with all my heart that our Alliance will continue to defend our shared values, with our partners in Europe and the Commonwealth, and across the world, and that we ignore the clarion calls to become ever more inward-looking.

    Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice-President, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, America’s words carry weight and meaning, as they have since Independence. The actions of this great Nation matter even more. President Lincoln understood this so well, with his reflection in the magisterial Gettysburg Address that the world may little note what we say, but will never forget what we do. And so, to the United States of America, on your 250th birthday, let our two countries rededicate ourselves to each other in the selfless service of our peoples and of all the peoples of the world.

    God bless the United States and God bless the United Kingdom.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Prime Minister call with President Aoun of Lebanon

    PRESS RELEASE : Prime Minister call with President Aoun of Lebanon

    The press release issued by 10 Downing Street on 17 April 2026.

    The Prime Minister called the President of Lebanon, Joseph Aoun, from Paris this afternoon.

    The Prime Minister began by expressing his condolences for the loss of life in Lebanon during the recent conflict.

    It was important to use the current truce as a gateway to a lasting peace agreement, the Prime Minister added.

    Reiterating the UK’s commitment to Lebanon’s security, the Prime Minister said the UK would continue to support the Lebanese Armed Forces to ensure long term stability in the country.

    The leaders also welcomed the UK’s humanitarian contribution to Lebanon, including a £20 million package for vital assistance to those displaced in the recent conflict and vulnerable families in hard-to-reach areas.

    They both looked forward to speaking again soon.

  • Hamish Falconer – 2026 Comments on Support for People in Lebanon

    Hamish Falconer – 2026 Comments on Support for People in Lebanon

    The comments made by Hamish Falconer, the Minister for the Middle East, on 16 April 2026.

    Conflict in the Middle East benefits no one. The UK is working with partners to de-escalate and pursue a political solution.

    People in Lebanon are again suffering a conflict they did not choose, with displacement robbing families of security and dignity. The UK is increasing support for those most in need, reflecting our commitment to regional stability.

    In Beirut I met leaders and welcomed direct Israel–Lebanon talks. We need an end to hostilities. This government will work with Lebanon and international partners to deliver vital aid and support a durable resolution. In Antalya, I will reinforce de-escalation efforts regionally.

  • Edward Leigh – 2026 Comments on the Middle East

    Edward Leigh – 2026 Comments on the Middle East

    The comments made by Edward Leigh, the Father of the House, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    The Prime Minister may recall that on day one of this war, I supported his defensive attitude to it and said that we could not change the regime from the air. We agreed and he has been proved right, but—with apologies to Leon Trotsky —we may not be interested in war, but war is interested in us. We all agree that we have to rapidly re-arm, but the trouble is that with an ever-increasing proportion of our economy being taken up by the state pension and benefits, perhaps we cannot afford to do so. Will the Prime Minister work with the Leader of the Opposition to take the necessary—perhaps unpopular—decisions to return defence spending to what we spent in 1989 at the end of the cold war?

    The Prime Minister

    The right hon. Member is right to raise this, and we have already raised defence spending, as he knows, in the most significant way since the cold war. I was clear in the Munich security conference speech that I gave a few weeks ago that we need to go further and faster, and we will. In addition to the funding itself, it is really important that we take this opportunity to collaborate and co-operate with our partners, particularly in Europe, because if all European countries simply increase their spending without regard to the capability that they are using that spending on, we will not make the best of what we have got. Therefore, I am making a dual argument—first, in relation to the actual money we have spent, and secondly in relation to the way we need to collaborate on this with our allies, particularly in Europe, in a way that we have not done, frankly, in decades.

  • Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    Ed Davey – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement, and I join him in what he said about the horrific attack in Southport. Our thoughts are with the families of Bebe, Elsie and Alice and with all those affected.

    “A whole civilisation will die tonight”—

    words I never thought I would hear from an American President. Though Donald Trump thankfully did not follow through this time, those words are a stark reminder of how reckless, immoral and completely outside the bounds of international law this President is. Regrettably, he is no friend of the United Kingdom. He is no leader of the free world. He is a dangerous and corrupt gangster, and that is how we must treat him. Will the Prime Minister advise the King to call off his state visit to Washington before it is too late? I really fear for what Trump might say or do while our King is forced to stand by his side. We cannot put His Majesty in that position.

    Trump’s latest cunning plan, to blockade the strait of Hormuz, will only escalate this crisis and jeopardise the precarious ceasefire. It is right that the UK is not joining him, and I welcome the Prime Minister convening a summit to offer an alternative to Trump’s. We must work with our reliable allies in Europe and the Commonwealth and our partners in the Gulf to bring this conflict to an end and keep open the strait of Hormuz. That is critical for tackling the cost of living crisis, which is getting worse and worse for people in the UK. Petrol prices are now up by more than 25p a litre and diesel up 49p since Trump started this war—cheered on, let us not forget, by the leader of the Conservative party and Reform.

    Does the Prime Minister recognise that families and businesses cannot wait months for the Government to step in and help? Will he use the windfalls that the Treasury is getting from higher fuel prices to cut the cost of living and keep the economy moving, with action to slash bus and rail fares, and to cut fuel duty by 10p today, bringing down the price at the pumps by 12p a litre?

    The Prime Minister

    I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his questions. In relation to the language about destroying a civilisation, can I really be clear with this House? That was wrong. A threat to Iranian civilians in that way is wrong. These are civilians, let us remember, who have suffered immeasurable harm by the regime in Iran for many, many long years. That is why they are words and phrases that I would never use on behalf of this Government, who are guided by our principles and our values throughout all this.

    In relation to the King’s visit, the relationship between our two countries is important on a number of levels. The monarchy, through the bonds that it builds, is often able to reach through the decades on a situation like this; and the purpose of the visit is to mark the 250th anniversary of the relationship between our country and the United States, and that is why it is going ahead.

    In relation to the blockade, let me be clear, as I have been already in the last day or so, that we are focusing our efforts on opening in full the strait of Hormuz because of the damage that the situation is doing to economies around the world, including our own. That is why we have been working with other countries at various levels and will bring them together in a summit later this week. We, the UK, will not be joining the blockade that the President announced.

    In relation to the help that is needed for families and households, obviously we have already put in place help for energy bills and heating oil, but we are keeping this under constant review as the situation evolves. The single most important and effective thing we can do is to de-escalate the situation and work with others to get the strait of Hormuz open, and that is why we are focusing so much of our efforts in that regard.

  • Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Speech on the Middle East

    The speech made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement, and I would like to pay tribute to our brave servicemen and women serving in the middle east right now.

    The Prime Minister is right that Britain did not start this war, but whether we like it or not, we are impacted by it, and this is likely to get worse. The cost of borrowing has jumped, and petrol prices are climbing. Inflation is rising, and living standards are falling. It is time to take decisive action in our national interest. Britain must focus on what is in our power to protect British citizens today. First, we must rapidly solve the energy crisis that this war has caused in our country. Secondly, we must make sure that Britain is ready to defend herself in this new age.

    A nuclear-armed Iran is an existential threat to the UK. We should be in no doubt whose side we are on in this war: our allies in the middle east and the United States. I welcome the Prime Minister meeting some of those allies, and I welcome his support for diplomatic efforts and military planning to restore freedom of navigation in the region, but we will need to go further than just talking. He says that Britain stands ready to play our part, but we can all see that we were not ready for this situation.

    Here is what we need to do now. First, we must take rapid action to increase our energy security and keep bills down, not just until July but longer than that—permanently. Britain is particularly vulnerable to energy price shocks because we are killing domestic oil and gas production in the North sea. Labour’s policy of more expensive energy and de-industrialisation at this time of crisis is dangerous and irresponsible. It is also harming the defence industry. We must start drilling our own oil and gas in the North sea, grant licences for drilling in the Jackdaw and Rosebank fields, and restore British production before it is too late. The Prime Minister says that this will not impact international prices, but this is about more than international prices. This is about the domestic supply, especially of gas, all of which is used in this country. Supply matters.

    Furthermore, the Government must cancel the proposed rise in fuel duty. Hiking taxes on motorists for the first time in 15 years, while prices are surging, is a disgraceful decision. If Britain is to be a stronger country, it needs a stronger economy—not one that is being hammered by the highest energy prices in the developed world. Will the Prime Minister grant those oil and gas licences and scrap the rise in fuel duty? I know that he will say that it is the Energy Secretary’s job to do that, but the Energy Secretary is not the Prime Minister. He is, so he can instruct the Energy Secretary to grant those licences.

    Secondly, to be ready, Britain must be able to defend herself, and that means we must be ready for these situations before they happen. France and Greece—[Interruption.] I do not know why Labour Members are laughing. I am surprised, because last time I checked, France and Greece sent ships to protect our bases in Cyprus while our destroyer was stuck in Portsmouth. It was a national embarrassment—on Labour’s shoulders—and it should never happen again.

    We need no further evidence that we are living in a more dangerous world than a decade ago. I am sure Labour MPs will try to think of a way to make this my fault. [Interruption.] Yes, I know, it is preposterous, the historical illiteracy on the Labour Benches, but let me remind them that Governments of all colours—including those guys on the Liberal Democrat Benches—spent the peace dividend from 1989, when the Berlin wall fell, until the Ukraine war. When that war came, the Conservative Government responded rapidly and unequivocally. We did not have anything stuck in Portsmouth when Ukraine was invaded. We trained tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers and equipped them with our missiles.

    We increased defence spending every year after the Ukraine war started, but the world has since become even more dangerous. Every serious person, especially in the military, agrees that Britain must now find a way to spend 3% of GDP on defence by the end of this Parliament. After the election, many of the plans for spending were paused for Labour’s strategic defence review. Nine months after its publication, there is still no defence investment plan that explains how we will fund this. The defence readiness Bill is also nowhere to be seen. The question is not whether we need to increase defence spending, but what tough choices we must make to do so. That is what is missing from the Government’s plan. They have a plan for welfare spending until 2031, but no plans for defence spending.

    I say to the Prime Minister: let us put party interests aside—[Interruption.] I am glad that Labour MPs are laughing. I want the public to hear Labour MPs laughing when we say, “Let’s put party interests aside,” so please, keep laughing—go on. I say to the Prime Minister: let us find the money to rearm, let us identify the spending cuts, and if we reach agreement on a joint plan, we can all support those measures in Parliament. Conservatives have already found savings to fund more than £20 billion extra in defence spending. I am willing to work with him to go further.

    I am sure the Prime Minister, in his response, will be tempted to misrepresent my position and pretend that I demanded he join in the initial strikes. [Interruption.] Yes—Labour MPs cannot resist the temptation, but he and I both know that is not true, so let us get serious. It is time for us to act decisively in our national interest. Let us show our allies what we bring to the table. Let us show our enemies that we are able and ready to defend ourselves. That requires a defence investment plan, so when exactly will that plan be published, and what action is the Prime Minister taking to find the money to pay for it?

    The Prime Minister

    I notice that the right hon. Lady’s opening sentence has changed. She used to say, “We didn’t start the war, but like it or not, we’re in it, and we should be in it.” That was her position. Now she says—well, they cannot make their mind up. They supported the war without thinking through the consequences, and now they are pretending they did not support the war and were against it all along. She challenged my position, and she did the mother of all U-turns on the most important decision the Leader of the Opposition ever has to take.

    I thank the right hon. Lady for her support for the planning that we are doing with other countries. It is important. It has a number of components: the political and diplomatic component; the logistics of getting the vessels through, on which we are working with the sector; and, of course, the military component. We have been working on that for two or three weeks, and now, with President Macron, we are bringing together the summit later this week.

    Yes, we all want to get energy bills down, and oil and gas will be part of the mix for many years, but it is because we are on the international market that our bills have gone up. That is the problem. The strait of Hormuz is a choke point for oil and gas getting to the international market. That has pushed the price up, and that is being reflected in every household. That is why the only way to take control of our energy bills is to go faster on energy independence.

    The Leader of the Opposition used to make that argument. In 2022 she said that

    “it’s investment in nuclear and renewables that will reduce our dependence on fossil fuels”

    and keep costs down. She changes her mind on everything. That was her argument; now, just like she pretends she was not in favour of getting involved in the war, she pretends she was not in favour of keeping costs down.

    The Leader of the Opposition says that we must be ready. That is coming from a party that hollowed out our armed services. On the Conservatives’ watch, frigates and destroyers were reduced by 25%. Minehunting ships were reduced by 50% on their watch. Yet she lectures us about being ready, having hollowed out our armed forces and hollowed out our capabilities. We are investing £300 million more in shipbuilding, and we have 13 ships on order. That is the difference between the two parties. I hope that she, and they, will forgive me, but after 14 years of their breaking everything under their watch, I am going to resist the offer of joint planning from the party that crashed the economy, hollowed out our armed forces and trashed our public services. Thanks, but no thanks.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on the Middle East

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on the Middle East

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 13 April 2026.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to update the House on my visit to the Gulf, the evolving situation in the middle east and the implications for Britain’s security.

    Before I do that, I want to put on the record in this House my total determination to make the changes across the entire state that are so clearly necessary to honour the victims, the injured and the families of Southport. Today’s report is harrowing. It is difficult to read and I cannot begin to imagine the pain upon pain that it will cause the families it affects. Our thoughts are with them today. The Home Secretary will respond to the report in full after this statement.

    Last week I visited the Gulf and was able to thank in person some of the brave men and women who, from day one of the US-Iran conflict, have resolutely defended the interests of this country, its people and its partners. I thank them again, in this House, for their courage and their service. I am sure the whole House will join me in those thanks.

    While in the Gulf, I met leaders and senior military representatives across the region, including the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, the President of the United Arab Emirates, the King and Crown Prince of Bahrain, and the Emir and Prime Minister of Qatar. In recent days, I have also spoken to the Sultan of Oman and the Emir of Kuwait. Across all those conversations, I agreed to deepen our engagement on both defence and economic resilience, because they all made it abundantly clear that the solidarity and strength of our partnership with them has been a comfort in these challenging times. We should not forget that the nature of Iran’s response—the indiscriminate attack upon countries that never sought this conflict and the huge damage done across the Gulf to civilian infrastructure, with civilian casualties—is abhorrent. It has clearly shocked the region and all of us.

    We must bear that in mind now as we lift our sights to the future, because while the ceasefire between the US, Israel and Iran is undeniably welcome, it is also highly fragile. The region remains on edge and a lot of work is required to reopen the strait of Hormuz and de-escalate the situation, leading to a sustainable ceasefire. In pursuit of that goal, we call for Lebanon to be included, urgently, in the ceasefire. Diplomacy is the right path and I welcome the talks taking place this week. Hezbollah must disarm, but I am equally clear that Israel’s strikes are wrong. They are having devastating humanitarian consequences and pushing Lebanon into a crisis. The bombing should stop now.

    We also put on record our thanks to Pakistan and other partners for playing such an important role in diplomatic efforts. We hope the process will continue without further escalation. That applies to the running sore that is the strait of Hormuz, shamefully exploited by Iran. All the leaders I met were crystal clear that freedom of navigation is vital and must be restored—no conditions, no tolls and no tolerance of Iran holding the world’s economy to ransom. The impact of Iran’s behaviour in the strait is causing untold economic damage that is visible on every petrol forecourt in this country.

    My guide from the start of this conflict has always been our national interest. That is why we stayed out of the war and why we continue to stay out of the war. It is why we are working now to restore freedom of navigation in the middle east—because that is squarely in our national interest. Clearly, that is not a straightforward task, and it will take time. I have met UK businesses in energy, shipping, insurance and finance, and they are clear that vessels will not be put through the strait until they are confident that it is safe to do so. That is why we are working around the clock on a credible plan to reopen the strait.

    I can confirm today that together with President Macron, I will convene a summit of leaders this week to drive forward the international effort we have built in recent weeks, bringing together dozens of countries to ensure freedom of navigation in the strait of Hormuz. The summit will be focused on two things: first, diplomatic efforts to bring pressure to bear for a negotiated end to the conflict and for the strait to be opened; secondly, military planning to provide assurance to shipping as soon as a stable environment can be established. Let me be very clear: this is about safeguarding shipping and supporting freedom of navigation once the conflict ends. Our shared aim is a co-ordinated, independent, multinational plan. This is the moment for clear and calm leadership and, notwithstanding the difficulties, Britain stands ready to play our part.

    Let me return to the impact of the conflict on our economy. We all know that the consequences will be significant and that they will last longer than the conflict itself. We continue to monitor the effects. I remind the House that energy bills went down on 1 April and that whatever happens in the middle east, those bills will stay down until July. We are investing more than £50 million to support heating oil customers, and fuel duty is frozen until September—all because of the decisions this Government took at the Budget.

    However, there is a wider point. We cannot stand here in this House and pretend that a global shock threatening to hit the living standards of British people is somehow a novel experience; Britain has been buffeted by crises for decades now. From the 2008 financial crash, through austerity, Brexit, covid, the war that still rages in Ukraine and the disastrous premiership of Liz Truss, the response each time has been to try to return to the status quo—a status quo that manifestly failed working people, who saw their living standards flatline and their public services decimated.

    This time, Britain’s response must and will be different to reflect the changing world we live in. That starts with our economic security: during this conflict alone, we have capped energy bills, raised the living wage, strengthened workers’ rights and ended the two-child limit, which will lift nearly half a million children out of poverty. Looking forward, it also means a closer economic relationship with our European allies, because Brexit did deep damage to the economy, and the opportunities we now have to strengthen our security and cut the cost of living are simply too big to ignore.

    It continues with our energy security. I say once again that oil and gas will be part of our energy mix for decades to come. However, we do not set the global price for oil and gas. Households across the country are fed up with international events beyond their control pushing up their energy bills. I stand with them on that. We will go further and faster on our mission to make Britain energy-independent, because that is the only way we will get off the fossil fuel rollercoaster and take control of our energy bills.

    Finally, we must strengthen our defence security. That means boosting our armed forces, as we have, with the biggest sustained investment since the cold war. It means doubling down on the most successful military alliance the world has ever seen, of which this party in government was a founding member: the NATO alliance. It also means strengthening the European element of that alliance, taking control of our continent’s defence more robustly, and deepening our partnerships, as we have done with our deals to build Norwegian frigates on the Clyde and Turkish Typhoons in Lancashire. Not only is that creating thousands of secure jobs and opportunities for our defence industry right across the country, but it is enhancing the way that our armed forces can collaborate with our allies.

    As the middle east conflict shows once more, the world in which we live has utterly changed. It is more volatile and insecure than at any period in my lifetime. We must rise to meet it calmly, but with strength. That is exactly what we are doing at home and abroad. We are strengthening our security, taking control of our future and building a Britain that is fair for all. I commend this statement to the House.