Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Statement on Israeli Government Opening Tenders for Settlement

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Statement on Israeli Government Opening Tenders for Settlement

    The statement made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, on 19 October 2026.

    The decision by the Israeli Government to open tenders for settlements in E1 is a direct threat to the prospect of a two-state solution and has been widely condemned by the international community. Today is the deadline for bids for the E1 settlement tender.

    I want to be very clear with those considering engaging in the tendering process: we have created new powers allowing us to sanction individuals and companies involved in the construction of illegal settlements such as E1.

    We urge businesses and individuals not to proceed with bids for E1 construction tenders. They should be aware of legal and reputational consequences, including the risk of involving themselves in serious breaches of international law.

    This UK Government will not accept the continued displacement of Palestinians and the unlawful occupation that persists.

    That is why we committed to introduce legislation to ban goods imported from illegal settlements, and action on services that finance or facilitate them.

    The British people do not want to be supporting the construction of illegal settlements.

    This Government also condemns escalating settler violence in the West Bank, including recent attacks on officials from France, Belgium, Poland, and a Catholic Church representative, as well as a US journalist.

    We will not be bystanders in the destruction of the two-state solution.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on the Global Financial System

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on the Global Financial System

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in Bangkok on 14 October 2026.

    So, look, I come to this event very conscious that I’m sharing a panel with people who know much more about these issues than I do. What am I trying to do in my remarks before you get onto the real experts on the panel?

    I want to try and offer political leadership on the part of the UK on these issues, and to explain why I believe political leadership on the part of the UK is right, is necessary, and I believe can make a difference, particularly over the coming year as we approach our G20 presidency. And this is my argument today.

    First, I come to these issues, to these challenges, believing that the UK’s foreign policy must confront issues of debt development and climate, for reasons of both values and interests, and I want to explain what I mean by that.

    Second, I want to take inspiration from past UK leadership, but I want to recognise that today’s agenda in 2026 is very different from the challenges we confronted 20 years ago.

    And third, I want to set out some thoughts about how the UK wants to take these issues forward. But first, the case for action.

    In my first week as foreign secretary, I confirmed I would serve as Governor to the World Bank, and I believe I’m the first ever British Foreign Secretary to attend the annual meetings in this role.

    Why did I decide to do this? Because the issues of climate, development, and debt matter profoundly to me. I know from my experience working on climate for nearly two decades that the countries that have done least to cause the climate crisis face its most extreme effects. And if 20 years ago we talked about the climate crisis as a theoretical future threat, we now know it is a present-day reality for many countries, including our own.

    But it is small island states and many other developing countries for whom this crisis is existential. And I also know that for many, this vulnerability on climate breakdown is now piled on top of high levels of debt servicing and the urgent need for poverty reduction.

    Now, this is a values case for action, but I believe it is also matched by our national interest as the UK, because in the interconnected world we live in, the opportunities and challenges we confront are collective. We can all benefit from prosperity and growth across the world. Emerging markets can help our economic gains for themselves but also help spur global growth.

    And it is true of the challenges we face as well. Climate is a national security issue, and this is one of the things I’m emphasising in my role as Foreign Secretary, but these are national security issues that cross borders.

    This is a collective action problem because issues of global food security, energy security, migration will affect Britain if we do not tackle them.
    And the same is true on debt, development, and fragility. A foreign policy, in my view, that ignores the root causes of conflict in the world is one that is wholly inadequate to genuinely defending our security.

     So that’s the first part of my remarks. Why I am here, and I’m determined the UK plays a leading role. Second, I take inspiration from the past and what UK leadership, working with others has achieved.

     I was an advisor in the Treasury in the 2000s working with Gordon [Brown] and Shriti [Vadera] on Development and Debt in the run up to Gleneagles in 2005, the biggest debt relief intervention for a generation. I even remember being phoned and shouted out by Bob Geldof, although at the end of the conversation he made clear that he thought I was Ed Balls, my colleague.

    But now that action from two decades ago, as well as what was done in the HIPC [Heavily Indebted Poor Countries] Initiative in the 1990s, continues to make a difference.

    But the world is different, and I cite these examples not to say we rerun the past, but also to say how are things different and how we must rise to the level of ambition of the previous era. So, how has our thinking changed?

    I think I think first of all, we know that this must be a partnership of equals as we think about tackling these questions, not a rich world dispensing help to poorer countries. And we also know, and this is something that Shriti has very much emphasized in her work, of the opportunities for growth in emerging economies.

    This is an opportunity story, not just a deficit and challenges story, and I think this is a very, very important part of the picture that we are painting.

    We also, though, have to acknowledge the profound moment of challenge that we face as a world, even more than 20 years ago. When foreign secretaries come to events like this, they get a [diplomatic] telegram, as we call it, a Diptel. In my case, from Vel Gnanendran, our representative on the World Bank board, and as Vel pointed out in his Diptel, we have a world where there is more conflict than at any time since the Second World War.

    We see rising food and fuel prices as a result of the Iran War, which comes on top of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which came on top of COVID, and we see climate damage hitting developing countries as we brace ourselves for the worst El Nino on record.

    That is quite a portfolio of challenges, a perfect storm of challenges, and at the same time, we see greater fiscal strain in richer countries. ODA spending continues to play a critical and valuable role in the UK’s work, but in common with others, it is reduced. I say all this about the world having changed and about the challenges, so we get the solutions for today and the future right.

    And I want to emphasise this point: the same issues as 20 years ago persist about the fundamental failings. This is the title, in a way, of today’s event: the failings of the global financial system and indeed of the global order to properly serve developing countries, and that includes the imbalances of power we see between Global North and Global South.

    The manifestations of this imbalance, the nature of the challenges may have changed, but the injustice hasn’t, and that’s why we’re determined to bring the same level of ambition as we did back then.

    Third, then this is the third part of my remarks. This takes me to what do we do about it, and this is incredibly important. It’s easy to commentate on the world, but the point of political leadership is not to commentate; it is to act.

    One of my predecessors from some time ago, Lord Carrington, used to say – I’m told, I wasn’t around at the time – at the end of meetings at the Foreign Office, ‘and so’. In other words, ‘and so, what are we going to do’? And we’re not short of insightful proposals from successive G20 presidencies, from coalitions such as the Bridgetown Initiative (I was with [Prime Minister of Barbados] Mia Mottley earlier on today), President Macron’s ‘four Ps’, and the important Accra Reset.

    But how do we translate it into action?

    I said earlier that next year the UK takes the chair of the G20, and I wanted to use this moment to lay out some ideas today around areas we can take action: around debt, around investment, around resilience, and around fragility. And I’ll say something briefly about each of them.

    First, on debt, the debt problem may have changed, but its impact, if anything, is worse than 20 years ago.

    Debt servicing costs are at a 25-year high in sub-Saharan Africa. Over three and a half times more is spent on debt servicing than on education. And this is in part because the Global South is paying the price for rising interest rates in wealthier countries, and the Rockefeller report shows this very well.

    Many of these countries’ debt may be sustainable over the longer term, but the short-term repayments are crippling. And while many are not defaulting on their payments, they are being forced, if you like, to default on the lives of future prospects of future generations. So we need a new deal on debt, a deal that supports countries to repay over longer time horizons and, crucially, refinancing with better rates to give developing countries precious fiscal space.

    And we’re right to talk about the private sector. And I was at an event this morning, obviously, it’s a theme of the Annual Meetings, but we can’t ignore the issue of fiscal space.

    I do want to acknowledge the work the World Bank has already done on these issues, but we need all of the [multilateral development banks] MDBs to go further, as well as debtor countries delivering their end of the bargain through economic reform.

    Now, there is a small number of countries, and again, this was pointed out in the Rockefeller report, that need deeper relief.  And this deal must also deliver faster debt restructuring through the G20 Common Framework, and we’ve got to improve the debt architecture in the longer term, so we don’t find ourselves in this position again, including ensuring that debt restructuring can’t be blocked by a single private lender.

    But I think it is also the case, and I know there is debate about this, that we can make progress on this agenda through the full implementation of the review of Capital Adequacy Frameworks.

    We know that some MDBs are not even making full use of the headroom they already have to provide greater funding. So using their balance sheets, and this could release 10s of billions or even more fiscal space.

    There was a Standard and Poor’s report recently, which suggested hundreds of billions of fiscal space could be opened up by leveraging the balance sheets of the of the MDBs.

    I also want to just say, in this context tackling the issue of dirty money is also crucial. Africa alone loses an estimated $90 billion each year in illicit capital flows, outstripping both aid and foreign direct investment. As a global financial centre, the UK has a responsibility to play our part, and we’re going to convene an international summit in 2027 on illicit finance.

    And we will also continue to back partner countries’ own efforts to raise higher domestic revenues and to secure the international tax revenues they are owed.

    So that’s the first point that I want to make on debt. Second, we know we can’t only focus on debt and public investment. We know it’s part of the story, but not the only story.

    And this is the point about private capital. And I do think this is an inspiring agenda. And I do want to acknowledge what Ajay has done at the World Bank, as Shriti pointed out this morning at a panel discussion, trebling the amount that has been released in terms of private capital leverage through the World Bank. We know global savings are worth hundreds of trillions of dollars. We know that capital stays overwhelmingly in rich countries. Even a fraction of it would make a huge difference to lower-income countries.

    Now, the UK government has brought together pension funds, insurance companies, commercial banks, and others through our EMDE [Emerging Markets and Developing Economies] Investor Task Force, and this has highlighted the possibilities: how the multilateral development banks and bilateral development finance institutions need to overhaul the way they work to vastly improve their ability to crowd in the private sector by sharing risk and building the pipeline of opportunities.

    And there’s a really interesting aspect to this, which is that the private sector seems to overestimate the risk of investments in developing countries, because last week the MDBs published data on their investments, and that shows the returns, not just the risks, that investors can expect in emerging markets.

    Individually, the MDBs are doing good work, but collectively they can go much further, including by creating asset classes that attract far greater volumes of capital, and by deepening domestic capital markets. So that’s something about the private capital and the difference it can make.

    Third, I want to make a point about resilience, because we can make headway on fiscal space, and we can make headway on investment, and yet still see gains wiped out by repeated climate shocks and natural disasters.

    And this is something that we cannot ignore. Maybe it could have been ignored 20 years ago, but it can’t be ignored in the world we live in in 2026.

    Extreme heat, floods, droughts, hurricanes, and wildfires. You all know it in the audience, destroying livelihoods, displacing populations.

    I’m doing an event tomorrow with the Nepalese finance minister, precisely about this question, and we know what happened in Nepal only very recently.

    Now, of course we need to carry on our work to reduce emissions. But, and it’s really important to say this: adaptation and resilience on its own can’t address this problem if we don’t address mitigation and emissions. But we also know that many climate change effects are already locked in, so we need a fundamental shift from financing disaster response after the fact to investing in preparedness and resilience before the crisis hits.

    And we have to make resilience central to creating a financial system that works for all.

    That means better data, better early warning, and better infrastructure that can withstand or recover quickly from shocks.  But – and this is the key point I want to make – we also need finance teed up in advance of crises, so that governments get rapid support. Currently, only 2% of crisis finance is prearranged, despite, and you might think, well, how can it be pre-arranged, despite 35% of shocks being predictable.

    Time is of the essence to save lives, limit costs, and limit damage. And we know that pre-arranged finance, including insurance, works. It enabled rapid payouts of over $600 million to help Jamaica get back on its feet after Hurricane Melissa. It paid out drought insurance in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia. We need to make these approaches the norm.

    And we need much stronger private sector take-up of so-called pause clauses to countries hit by major shocks to defer debt payments.

    The last point I want to make is on fragile states. This is gloomy, I’m afraid.

    This decade could be the first in more than a generation without meaningful progress in reducing extreme poverty, which blights the life chances of over 800 million people.

    Previously, ending extreme poverty was not simply a phrase; it was within reach. But that progress has not only stalled; it is being reversed. And this picture is inextricably linked to conflict and fragility, countries where power politics work directly against development and where the consequences of instability transcend borders and cross continents. Places like Sudan and Afghanistan, where we must confront the drivers of conflict and target our efforts accordingly, including working with women and girls who so often pay the heaviest price.

    Now, the reason I make this point is we can’t simply say that because a government is failing its people, we will do so as well. So, I welcome the World Bank’s new strategy for improving its work in these difficult contexts and urge it to be fully implemented. But the entire international system needs to change in relation to fragility. The MDBs, IMF, and UN should work together from the outset in ways that build on local leadership. And the MDBs must take action to end the wasteful duplication of their processes.

    Every unnecessary delay means jobs not created, schools not rebuilt, and communities left vulnerable.

    So this is just a summary of some of the ideas we have for our G20 presidency. We want to see action on debt, private sector mobilisation, resilience, and on fragile states. And this is work I will take forward with my colleague and friend, the Chancellor John Healey.

    I think it’s important also, though, to acknowledge that we can only shape our ideas with you in this room, with partners across the Global south, and with others, including civil society and others, mobilising for change. I’m not one of those politicians who believes that politics should be left to politicians. Politics is about everybody. It’s about popular movements. It’s about campaigners. It’s about policy advocates. It’s about the whole range of civil society.

    Let me then end finally, though, with this thought.

    So I said earlier that there was a perfect storm of challenges facing the world, the biggest set of challenges since 1945. But in case we are daunted by the challenges, I think we should think of the spirit of that generation that rebuilt the world anew after 1945.

    My parents were part of that generation. They were refugees from the Nazis. They saw the world rebuilt after World War II, the UN, the Bretton Woods institutions, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. All of those had their flaws, but I make this point because I think I think it’s so important for us to remember as we face these challenges in our generation. That generation faced absolutely enormous challenges, but they didn’t lower their sights; they raised them.

    They raised their sights, and they built the world anew, as I said. And I think what’s so important in the era that we live in, and I think our prime minister is a fantastic exemplar of this, is this same spirit of boldness should call us today, in this generation, to build the world anew and to defend our values of solidarity, justice, and equality.

    And together, Global South and Global North. We should all take that spirit forward in the work we do in the months and years ahead. And on behalf of the UK Government, I pledge that we will play our part, working with others in that spirit. Thank you so much, everybody.

  • Kirsty McNeill – 2026 Speech at the Institute of International and European Affairs

    Kirsty McNeill – 2026 Speech at the Institute of International and European Affairs

    The speech made by Kirsty McNeill, the Foreign Office Minister, in Dublin on 8 October 2026.

    Thank you Orlaigh and the IIEA for hosting us today.   

    I’d also like to thank the Irish Government, and the European Union, for inviting me to join today’s meeting of development ministers – the first time the UK has sat around that table since Brexit.   

    Before coming here, I met Neale Richmond and we reflected on the strength of the relationship between the UK and Ireland.  

    As nearest neighbours, we share common interests. But more importantly, we share common values – a belief in democracy, multilateralism, the rule of law, and standing up for those most in need.  

    Those values matter more than ever, because we are living through a period of profound uncertainty.  

    Conflict is driving humanitarian crises across the world. In Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, too many places, the level of suffering is immense.  

    If you switch on the news today, you could be forgiven for thinking that the world is becoming a darker and darker place.  

    But being here in Ireland is a reminder that darker days need not lie ahead.  

    This country has a long history of refusing to accept that cruelty is inevitable.  

    I travelled here today from Scotland. More than thirteen hundred years ago, the Abbot of Iona made the same journey for a gathering he had convened on this island to establish the Cáin Adomnáin  – the Law of the Innocents.  

    Often described as Europe’s first human rights treaty, it sought to protect women, children and other non-combatants from violence. It reflected a shared belief that even in war there are rules, and that those not involved should be protected.  

    Of course, warfare has changed enormously since then.  

    Today’s conflicts are often more urban, more prolonged, and more complex.  

    Yet some things have remained the same. Women and children still too often bear the brunt. Human beings still find new ways to turn all our ingenuity into new ways to inflict harm on one another.  

    And yet it is also the case that we have never lost the capacity to come together and agree norms and rules to protect life.  

    Right from the days of the Law of the Innocents to the Geneva Conventions, the Mine Ban Treaty to the Arms Trade Treaty – each generation has tried to draw a line and say there are limits we will not cross.  

    That is a tradition we must all hold on to.   

    Because development, humanitarian action and conflict prevention all begin with the belief that every human life should be cherished.  

    And that brings me to my second point: we don’t just share a common humanity – we also share common challenges to that humanity.  

    Whether it is climate change, access to decent work, whether food is affordable and accessible – the issues facing the young people in the Global South and the Global North differ in degree and not nature.  

    That’s why I am determined that in how I do my job we will think of development not as something that happens ‘over there’ and not ‘over here’. But as the process of ensuring that more and more of us are safe and have enough – enough to live well, and with dignity.  

    That applies in Europe just as much as it does in Africa, Asia or anywhere else.  

    It’s one reason I was struck by what Taoiseach Micheál Martin said during a UN General Assembly event we were both at last month – when he talked about Ireland’s long-standing commitment to tackling hunger and malnutrition, rooted in its values and experience.  

    It reflected an understanding that solidarity begins by recognising ourselves in the experience of others.  

    That also helps explain why both Ireland and the UK continue to believe so strongly in international development – but also in doing development differently.  

    For the UK, that means adopting a modern approach to development grounded in investment, stronger systems and local leadership – and rooted in shared solidarity and mutual interest.  

    I’ll be thinking a lot about this as we prepare for the UK’s G20 Presidency next year.  

    And that same spirit of shared solidarity brings me to the future of Europe’s role in the world – and the UK’s place within it.  

    The UK Government is committed to building a closer, more ambitious relationship with our European partners because as the Prime Minister said at the Labour Party Conference, Brexit has done more harm than good.  

    So we are committed to reconnecting with our friends, allies and closest neighbours. My presence around the table of EU development ministers today is part of that.  

    As I said, this is the first time the UK has been invited to this format since we left the EU, and we want to build on the discussions today and do so quickly.  

    We’ve also restarted formal development discussions with the European Commission, our teams in Brussels are working together more closely, and we’re looking forward to the second UK-EU Summit later this year.   

    These are all important steps. But they are part of something bigger. A belief in solidarity across the continent we each call home and then onwards, ties of solidarity that tie the peoples of this continent to others around the world.  

    There is so much that the UK and EU agree on. Not least our resolve to tackle poverty and injustice, respond to humanitarian crises, reform the international system, and build more resilient communities.  

    At a moment when some are stepping back from international cooperation, we are stepping forward.  

    That is why I am pleased to be in Dublin today. And that is why today is just the start.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in Liverpool on 28 September 2026.

    Thank you friends and can I thank you for your support.

    And let me start by echoing Wes’ words earlier. Events at RAF Fairford yesterday are a reminder of the threats our country faces.

    I want to thank our security services, Armed Forces and police for the work they did yesterday and they do all year round to help keep our country safe.

    Friends, we will always stand up for our security against those who would do us harm.

    And friends, I am so proud to be your Labour Foreign Secretary, and to support Andy Burnham, our Prime Minister, who has put Labour values back at the heart of our Labour Government.

    I want to start today by telling you about the spirit that animates my work as Foreign Secretary, driven by two refugees a world away from us here today.

    The first of them walked 100km from Brussels to Ostend with his father, leaving behind his mother and his sister, to take one of the last boats to Britain to flee the Nazi invasion.

    He learned English, he joined the Royal Navy and fought fascism. You know, he would tell stories of being at sea watching the lights of the D-Day landings and he would say it softly, but I know he always felt an incredible sense of pride that he had played his part in defeating the Nazis.

    The other refugee spent her childhood in hiding in Poland. She faced experiences that no child should face – the loss of her father in a concentration camp, as well as separation from her mother and her sister.

    She only survived because, unlike 60 family members, she was saved by the heroism of the bravest people. Ordinary people who did extraordinary things.

    Then she got to Britain after the war as a teenager, learned English and built a life.

    Friends, I am sure you have guessed this, those two refugees were my father and mother. My dad and my mum. And I want to start today by saying their history, my family history, means it is the honour of my life to be your Labour Foreign Secretary.

    My parents found sanctuary in Britain, but they also found something else. As fascism engulfed Europe, they found in Britain a country that was a beacon of light against the darkness.

    A country that stood for fundamental values – freedom, democracy, the rule of law. A country that was rebuilt after the war by the 1945 Labour Government, and with other nations, that government built the world anew.

    Think what that generation achieved. That Labour Government led the way in holding the Nazis responsible for their crimes. That Labour Government helped create NATO. That Labour Government ratified the convention on human rights. And that Labour Government led the way in establishing the United Nations – an international system built by our values, Labour values, British values.

    Friends, we should be all proud of that legacy.

    And I come to this conference today to tell you it is time to roll up our sleeves all over again. Because once again the world order needs rebuilding anew.

    We need to be honest about the world we confront. War has returned to Europe. Democratic norms are under threat as they haven’t been for generations. The international rule of law is being brazenly flouted. New threats have emerged from the climate crisis to AI.

    There is only one response to these challenges – to fight for our values. The values my parents saw in Britain. Values which today are more important than ever.

    Fighting for those values of democracy, the rule of the law, protection for rights and freedoms, is essential to tackle injustice and suffering.

    But hear me well when I say this, it is also the only way to fight for our interests as the only real route to stability in the world and therefore peace and prosperity.

    You see, what we understand is we fight for our values and our interests as a country together. So just like in 1945, now it falls to this generation, this Labour Government, to play our part defending and advancing Labour values, Britain’s values, the values this party has always fought for.

    And friends, this must begin by confronting the fact that war has returned to Europe with Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. A war which has already seen more than 100,000 Ukrainian civilians and soldiers killed, as well as hundreds of thousands of Russians.

    A war on our doorstep. The worst conflict in Europe since World War Two.

    And here’s the thing, this is not just a war which is killing innocents. It is a war of terror.

    The Kremlin says it wants to “freeze” the Ukrainians into defeat. Last winter temperatures in Kyiv reached minus 25 degrees and power was interrupted almost every day. Drone warfare leaves people afraid to go out onto the streets.

    Friends, this war matters to all of us. If our values mean anything, they mean standing firm against this invasion.

    The future security of all of Europe is on the line in this fight. If Putin wins, we would have allowed war and force to beat sovereignty and self-determination on our continent.

    Now, I am proud that since 2022, under successive governments, Britain has stepped up. Stepped up our military aid, stepped up our humanitarian support, and the British people have stepped up too, taking in Ukrainian refugees.

    Friends, I say today we will never, never give in to Russia’s threats that we must stand aside and abandon the people of Ukraine. And we will always, always stand up to Russia’s threats wherever they are.

    Today I salute the courage of the people of Ukraine. We send our solidarity to President Zelenskyy and his government. And we say with one voice we will stand with the people of Ukraine until they prevail.

    We are part of this fight as humanitarians, but also as proud Europeans. This is our continent. And if there is one lesson that I have seen demonstrated to me again and again in this job, it is this – Europe is not just our geography but so much more.

    It is how we pursue our values, from climate to the Middle East. It is how we pursue our interests, from trade to defence. It’s where we build and protect our alliances, so it is not simply Britain acting alone but Britain with others.

    And on economics, on defence, on security, I say to this conference, our future lies in a stronger, deeper partnership with the European Union.

    Of course, our alliance with the United States in trade, defence and security remains essential, including as part of NATO. But Europe also needs to do more to defend itself.

    That is why investment in our defence is an absolutely core part of this government’s foreign policy. And as we speak, British forces are deployed across the globe, from Cyprus to the Falklands, Estonia to Somalia.

    Let me take this opportunity to pay tribute to the men and women of our Armed Forces, serving in operations across the world to maintain our security, keep the peace, and uphold our values. Friends, let us all applaud them today.

    And we must be prepared to confront all the security threats that Europe and the world faces.

    We will stand up to prevent a nuclear Iran through economic sanctions. We will act against the proxies of Iran. And we will continue to isolate Iran so that they reopen the Strait of Hormuz, which is so essential to tackling the cost of living crisis here at home.

    We also face new threats in today’s world. This summer’s heatwaves and wildfires in Europe are just the latest wake up call about the climate crisis.

    Friends, we know the longer we wait the greater the costs. We know the effects will spread across borders. And we know that future generations will hold us in infamy if we leave them with climate disaster unaddressed.

    So let us therefore ask each and every party, where do you stand on tackling the climate crisis? Where do you stand on defending our way of life?

    And I say to those parties that deny, delay, and dissemble on the climate threat, your position would leave our country unsafe and threaten our national security.

    And I pledge to you, we will lead the efforts across the world to put climate at the heart of national security.

    And friends, we will also confront the urgent risks we face from AI. The technological progress offered by AI as we see in our daily lives is inspiring. But the threat it poses, according to its own inventors, is daunting.

    Now some are calling for us to act, but other tech companies are saying we should leave it all to them.

    But friends, the lesson of history is that we cannot leave it to corporations to put in place the guardrails to serve the public interest. It is neither their purpose nor their motive. Theirs is to maximise profits. Friends, we cannot and will not allow that to come at the expense of our children or indeed humanity.

    That is why as part of our G20 presidency next year, this country will lead the efforts to manage AI so we keep our country and our world safe, and I say no tech titan should stand in our way.

    And as we think about our role in the world, we will never be silent about injustice and suffering.

    Let us state the reality about the Middle East. The only route to peace is two states, a secure Israel and a secure Palestine, with freedom, dignity and self-determination for both peoples.

    We all know how far away we are from that.

    Hamas’ murderous attack on October 7th united the vast majority of the world in rightful condemnation.

    We stand, I say, against antisemitism wherever we find it and in whatever form. And this party will always recognise the threats Israel faces and stand emphatically against those who seek its destruction.

    But this cannot justify the suffering the Netanyahu government has inflicted in Gaza and the West Bank. This suffering is a stain on the conscience of the world.

    And I want to say to the millions of people in this country, and indeed elsewhere who have been moved and outraged by the plight of the Palestinian people, we hear you. You were right. And under Andy’s leadership, we have reset our approach.

    We call out ethnic cleansing by the settler terrorists in the West Bank. We call out the evidence of war crimes In Gaza. We call out Israel’s illegal occupation of Palestine. And we match words with actions.

    We will ban the import of goods from illegal settlements. We will disrupt the supply lines of British finance, British construction and British services for illegal settlements.

    And when it comes to the attempt to destroy the two-state solution, this party, this movement, this government, says we will not let you succeed.

    And friends, our argument is not with the people of Israel, but with the actions of its government.

    My grandmother was given shelter and sanctuary after the Second World War by Israel.

    And the bonds of solidarity between the British people and those who yearn for peace in Israel and Palestine are too strong to be broken. And our decision to act mobilised the international community, country after country.

    And you see, there is a lesson here. This is how we make change happen in today’s world. Doing what is right and galvanising others to act too.

    And there is also a wider lesson for our party from Israel and Palestine about how we have changed our approach. As a government we can, must and we will succeed because of, not in spite of, our progressive values.

    We are proud to be Labour. Proud to believe in changing the world for the better. Proud to believe in international solidarity.

    We stand up for what is right. We act on what we believe. We are not here to accept the status quo, but to change it.

    And that confidence, that belief in boldness, is the change that Andy has brought to our party and our government and it is why I am so proud of his leadership.

    And we will apply our principles to other conflicts in the world, including the worst humanitarian crisis there is – the conflict in Sudan. Millions displaced, tens of thousands killed, malnutrition rampant.

    Friends, we will use every diplomatic and political tool to address the suffering of its people. And we will use our leadership to reform the international financial system so it properly serves the developing world.

    So many countries you know, and I meet this when I meet foreign ministers, so many countries face the triple challenges of climate breakdown, debt burden – unsustainable debt burden – and poverty.

    In two weeks time, I will attend the annual meetings of the World Bank, where I will use Britain’s seat on the board to drive change.

    And friends, I promise this. We will use our G20 presidency next year to meet our responsibilities and mobilise the world, building on the great achievements on debt and development of the last Labour Government.

    Friends, from security and defence to Israel and Palestine, to Europe, to climate, to AI, this is our foreign policy. Stronger in our values, bolder in our action, building alliances across the world.

    Now friends, I began by talking about my parents. And after my Mum died at the end of May of this year, I received a letter from a friend. It said she had a special quality that he recognised from his own family. Resilient idealism.

    Resilient idealism. I love that phrase. Resilient because, let’s be honest, it is hard to change the world. You get knocked down – don’t I know it – you get knocked down and you have to pick yourself up.

    Idealism because for all the world’s complexities and compromises, Labour exists to stand up for what is right.

    Labour is here to defend the principles that my parents admired about our country and that means so much to me now.

    You see my parents didn’t just observe a country fighting for values, they taught me that I have a responsibility to fight for them too.

    There is this phrase that people use about Holocaust survivors – survivor’s guilt. I think my parents had something else. Survivor’s responsibility.

    Survivor’s Responsibility to pass on the message to the generations that come next that we are here to leave the world a better place than we found it. To never walk by on the other side. To never be bystanders to oppression and injustice.

    Those are the reasons I joined this party and so many of you did too.

    You know, they say that as you age, you become more cynical. Why? Not me. Not you. Not us.

    I believe in our ability to change our country and the world for the better now more than ever.

    And I promise you, I promise you that every day as Foreign Secretary, every day as your Labour Foreign Secretary, I will fight for your values. Labour values. Britain’s values.

    Thank you so much.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on the Two State Solution

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on the Two State Solution

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in New York on 24 September 2026.

    As the son of two Jewish refugees, I speak to this gathering as somebody with profound gratitude for the state of Israel for looking after my grandmother after the Second World War, after she lost her husband at the hands of the Nazis.  

    I speak as someone that, I think everyone in this room would agree, was appalled by the attacks of October the seventh by Hamas and the murder that they perpetrated.  

    But I can speak equally as somebody appalled by the suffering of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank.  

    There is only one route to security, freedom, and dignity for the Israelis and Palestinian people, and that is the two-state solution. But the truth is that we all now have belief in the two-state solution, but it is being destroyed by the facts on the ground. The latest being the E1 tender that took place in August of this year.  

    That is why the UK government, alongside France and Canada, following the fantastic example of countries like Ireland and Spain, the Netherlands, and Norway, took the decision to not only declare that the occupation of the territories was illegal, but to take action on the basis of our economic relationships with the illegal settlements: the banning of the import of goods, and the attempt to break off the supply lines of finance and construction to settlement expansion.  

    These are necessary steps, but they are not sufficient.  

    It is good that we acted with others.  

    It is important that we say that the work of the Palestinian Authority to provide a single legitimate Palestinian framework is important.  

    It is important that we say that Hamas will play no role in the future governments of Gaza, but it must decommission weapons and must irradicate terrorism.  

    It is important also that we support the U.S.-led 20-point plan.  

    But let us be absolutely honest in this room, that the biggest danger we face is in a year’s time, we are sitting here again talking about the importance of the two-state solution and the facts on the ground that only got worse.  

    So, what is it that we need to do?  

    I think there are two things that will make all the difference, and I think all of the countries in this room and those not in this room to consider this.  

    First of all, moral clarity about what is happening. If we are silent, if we avoid the truth, then we cannot hope to make progress.  

    And secondly, political pressure on the government of Israel. This is absolutely crucial to making a difference. I chaired with Jordan this morning a meeting about the humanitarian situation in Gaza. The humanitarian situation in Gaza, the blocking of basic medical supplies, children dying waiting for operations, waiting for treatment, should shame us all. It should shame the whole international community, and indeed, I think it should shame members of the Israeli government, who are letting this happen.  

    So I appeal to everybody in this room. Let us think very, very hard about what we can do in the weeks and months ahead, so that we do not meet again in a year’s time with more suffering, more tragedy for the people of Gaza and the West Bank. Thank you, Council.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on Sudan

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech on Sudan

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in New York on 21 September 2026.

    Excellencies, colleagues, friends,

    Let me start from the stark truth: More than three years into this conflict, Sudan is the worst humanitarian crisis this century.

    I see three pillars for urgent action:

    Diplomatic: Pushing for a ceasefire and a future transition to civilian government.

    Humanitarian: Working to ensure aid reaches the most vulnerable.

    Civilian protection: Pushing for restraint and protection of civilians together with accountability to tackle impunity and deter further abuses.  

    I think it is important though to begin with the context.

    Right now, over 33 million people require humanitarian assistance – more than the population of London, New York City and Paris combined.

    And unfortunately El Nino is set to worsen hunger in Sudan – driving the numbers people starving ever higher.

    Worse – and I think we need to be frank about this – warring parties are deliberately destroying life-saving aid and attacking humanitarian workers – this month’s attack on a World Food Programme Convoy is but the latest shocking example.

    And I want to highlight that the conflict is evolving in even more lethal ways. 

    Nowhere is this more clear than in the growing use of drones.

    What was once a war concentrated around active frontlines, is increasingly being fought from the air, vastly expanding the deadly terrain.

    It is a sobering fact that in the first five months of this year alone, drone strikes reportedly killed more than 1,000 civilians.

    Hospitals, markets, fuel depots, power stations and humanitarian supply routes have all come under attack.

    Sudan is already amongst the most dangerous places on earth to be a humanitarian worker. Drones are making it more perilous still.

    And of course the consequences are not only humanitarian.

    They are also feeding the illusion – and other have referenced this – that military means can end this war.

    We must be clear that they cannot.

    There can be no military solution in Sudan.

    No amount of new weaponry, new technology, or new external support will change that fundamental reality.

    This growth in drone warfare and the continuing humanitarian crisis demands a step change in our response.

    New drone capabilities do not appear by accident.

    They are procured, financed, transferred and sustained through the networks of multiple countries outside Sudan that continue to fuel this war.

    That is why the renewal of the UN sanctions regime is so important.

    We welcome the efforts of the United States to strengthen the regime and ensure it reflects the realities of today’s conflict.

    And we should all support that ambition.

    The UN Fact Finding Mission Report of 3 September is unambiguous. It points to how external support ‘sustains operations involving serious violations and international crimes’.

    And the Mission ‘calls on states to enforce the Darfur arms embargo and suspend transfers of weapons, drones, components or military assistance’.

    And it further ‘calls on the Security Council to extend the arms embargo throughout Sudan’. 

    So a simple rollover of the embargo is not enough.

    We must use this opportunity to increase the scrutiny, pressure and consequences for those supplying, financing and enabling this war.

    And we must be united in pressing the parties to protect civilians, comply with international humanitarian law and facilitate safe and unhindered humanitarian access.

    In practice, this means an end to the competing visa requirements, work permits and taxation on aid imposed by both sides.

    It means opening key humanitarian routes permanently, including the vital Adré border crossing due to expire this month, and routes into El Obeid and El Fasher, so aid can flow at scale.

    Colleagues, we came together as an international community earlier this year to sound the alarm around El Obeid. That attack did not happen as we feared. But we cannot be complacent.

    The people of Sudan cannot afford further escalation. They cannot afford another year of bloodshed.

    And they cannot afford an international community that fails to deliver and fails to adapt to the new reality of this war.

    We can all issue words of concern – as I am doing – and appeals for peace at grand international gatherings. But they matter little unless backed up with action.

    So let us strengthen practical efforts to de-escalate the conflict, support a ceasefire, and advance a civilian-led political process that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people.

    Let us apply real pressure to protect civilians…

    To expand humanitarian access…

    And also to hold to account those who profit from and perpetuate this devastating conflict.

    Thank you.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech at Accra Reset Event

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech at Accra Reset Event

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in New York on 21 September 2026.

    Can I just start by saying what a privilege it is to join this incredibly important conversation, and I want to pay particular tribute to President Mahama for this incredibly important initiative with the Accra Reset.

    If you will allow me, I also want to recognise, as I think a number of speakers have, the amazing contribution that former Prime Minister Gordon Brown still makes on these questions. I am incredibly proud to be here alongside him. He is a fantastic asset to the United Kingdom.

    So the Accra Reset begins from a fundamental value that we in the UK believe in, which is international solidarity, and it is based on a partnership of equals, a solidarity based on a partnership of equals.

    It must mean countries shaping their own priorities, their own institutions that reflect the world they serve, and a responsibility shared by all of us.

    And the UK has overhauled its approach to reflect these realities.

    We are moving from donor to investor, and from funding piecemeal service delivery to strengthening whole systems.

    We’re moving from grant funding to much wider plans centred on finance, expertise, science, and technology, and moving from international intervention to backing local leadership and innovation, and that set of shifts speaks to the agenda before us today.

    And the programme today rightly connects health reform with negotiating capacity, investment, private enterprise, and stronger South-North cooperation.

    But to make real progress together, we need change in the following areas, and I just want to briefly set those out.

    First, we need finance at greater scale and on fairer terms.

    There is no shortage of capital in the world. The challenge is enabling it to flow into productive investment, infrastructure, stronger public services, and sustainable growth.

    So the UK will continue to support reform of the multilateral development banks, the smarter use of guarantees and private capital, and action on unsustainable debt and illicit finance.

    And indeed, I will be going to the annual meetings in my role on the board of the World Bank to pursue this agenda.

    Second, we need institutions with greater legitimacy.

    Countries most affected by global decisions must have a stronger voice in making them. The World Bank, the IMF, the United Nations, and the wider development system must better reflect the world of today.

    And third, reform must be measured by real results.

    New initiatives should reinforce effective institutions and strengthen coordination.

    And as the United Kingdom looks towards its G20 presidency, we want to work with Ghana and indeed others represented here to turn shared ambition into practical cooperation.

    Ghana’s leadership of the Accra Reset is already an important contribution, and I do want to say the United Kingdom comes to this conversation not with a finished answer, but with a clear commitment to listen, to build genuine partnerships, and to put our diplomatic, financial, and technical strength behind reforms that are locally led, mutually beneficial, and capable of delivering at scale.

    And if I can end on this note, the real test is not to describe the world differently, but to change it for the better, and that’s precisely the spirit that I approach my role as Foreign Secretary.

    I am clear that Britain needs to be stronger in its values, bolder in its action, and relentless in pursuing alliances with our friends across the world.

    So I conclude where I started with a message of solidarity and with the UK’s unwavering commitment to work with you in a spirit of true partnership and a true partnership of equals.

    Thank you very much.

  • Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech at New York Climate Week

    Ed Miliband – 2026 Speech at New York Climate Week

    The speech made by Ed Miliband, the Foreign Secretary, in New York on 21 September 2026.

    It is really fantastic to be back here at NY Climate Week, I can honestly say to you, this is my second favourite Climate Week in the world, after London of course.   

    No really, it is fantastic to be here, and look, I think the first thing I want to say is to sound a note of optimism, because despite challenging political times, it is set to be the case that in 2026 we’re going to see $2.2 trillion dollars in clean energy against $1.2 trillion in fossil fuels.  

    I think that deserves a round of applause, ladies and gentlemen.  

    I was here last year as the Energy Secretary. I’m now the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, but I come here as passionate about the cause of New York Climate Week, the cause that we are all fighting for.  

    And I want to make a simple argument to you today, which is that climate and nature loss represents an urgent national security issue and demands action equal to the scale of the challenge, and that it demands a shift in our thinking and a shift in who in government takes an interest and cares about these issues and puts them front and centre.  

    And I think the history on this is instructive, like many people in this room, I’ve been at this some time for the better part of two decades.  

    Because for many years when I was the Climate Change Secretary in 2008, climate change and the destruction of nature were treated as peripheral environmental issues. Yes, they were seen as important, but they were separate from the core business of economic growth, or indeed energy security.   

    And over these last two decades, the penny has dropped about the opportunity that the energy transition offers in terms of the good jobs at good wages that so many people in our different countries want to see.   

    And Russia’s invasion of Ukraine underlined the dependence that so many countries face on fossil fuel markets, the fossil fuel roller coaster, as we call it in the UK. And the situation with Iran, the Iran war has underlined that again. And I think people now see the energy security imperative, the energy independence imperative of clean energy.  

    But having understood the jobs opportunity and the energy security imperative, my argument to you today is: we need to take the next step and recognize the national security imperative too.   

    And I think you all know the picture, and it is gloomy, I warn you, but I’m just going to say some of it to you today because we need to be truth-telling about this.  

    Over 150 million hectares burned globally in the first four months of 2026 alone.  

    Record extreme heat causing widespread loss of life.  

    Nepal’s devastating floods happening due to glacial collapse and the coming El Nino, as Prime Minister Albanese said, is already forecast to be the strongest in living memory.  

    And the nature loss crisis is just as acute, with ecosystems being degraded in every region of the world. 

    That is the conclusion of the UK’s recent nature security assessment, which you can all read.  

    This is why. These facts. What is happening in our world. Is why climate breakdown, in my view, must be an issue for foreign ministers and prime ministers, as well as energy and climate ministers. The security community, not just the activist community, the generals, not just the green campaigners. 

    And once we accept this, several implications follow.  

    First, we must change how we assess risk. Climate and nature must be embedded in national security systems, in threat assessments, and contingency planning. Countries need to pool information because a shock beginning in one country can rapidly travel through supply chains, financial markets, and migration patterns to other countries.  

    Second, we have to become better at managing shocks. These shocks that cross borders, better forecasting and early warning systems, more resilient infrastructure, health and food systems, more effective disaster risk finance and insurance. Acting before the crisis hits, rather than simply picking up the pieces afterwards.  

    Third, and in some ways this is the most important point of all, we cannot avoid some of these effects which we’re already seeing unfolding in our world. But it is up to us how severe they become.  

    That’s why we all have a responsibility, if we care about national security, if we care about keeping our populations safe, to act as countries against the threat of the climate crisis. 

    Since we met last year, the UK has passed world-leading and 1.5 degree-aligned carbon budgets for an 87% reduction in emissions by 2040.  

    We recently announced our intention to invest £400 million in the Tropical Forest Forever facility to support international action to protect tropical forests.  

    We are driving forward with our world-leading clean power plan for clean power, clean power system by 2030.  

    These are just some of the things that we are doing.  

    For us as a government, clean energy, the clean energy mission, is front and centre to our economic policy, our energy security policy, and indeed our national security policy too.  

    And my pledge to you is that the UK will pursue this national security imperative, and I see my work as Foreign Secretary as being about using our extensive embassy network, our expertise to work with others, starting here at New York Climate Week and at UNGA, at this autumn’s annual meetings at the World Bank and IMF at COP31, and in our G20 presidency next year.  

    Let me make three points to end on. First, we can do this, and it’s really, really important to say this. If we don’t say it, nobody else is going to.  

    When I left the Copenhagen climate summit, which didn’t go so well for those of you from your memories, in in 2009 we were heading for a four degree world.  

    Now we’re heading for something like a two and a half degree world, that is still fierce, fearsome, and deeply, deeply worrying, but it shows that the world has made progress. So we can do this.  

    Secondly, we must do this because for our generation we have a unique responsibility, and the unique responsibility is this. Which is we know the scale of the problem, it’s not some theoretical future thing that might happen as it was 20 years ago, we see the climate crisis unfolding, but we have time to do something about it. That is why we must do this. We must act.  

    And finally, we will do this, in my view, because I believe that actually countries all around the world now recognize this threat, and they recognize that we can only solve it acting together.  

    Last year, when I was here, I said, “don’t give up on multilateralism”, and I think the countries across the world are not giving up on multilateralism. So many countries, I mean, so many foreign ministers and others, I mean, know that no country can tackle climate change on its own, but we can do it together.  

    So, friends, this is about what makes our country safe. This is about what makes our economies strong, and this is about what will sustain our planet and our people for future generations to come. Please enjoy New York Climate Week. Thank you so much.

  • Chris Elmore – 2026 Statement on the Nepal-China Flash Flooding

    Chris Elmore – 2026 Statement on the Nepal-China Flash Flooding

    The statement made by Chris Elmore, the Foreign Office Minister, in the House of Commons on 11 September 2026.

    I am sure the whole House will join me in expressing our deepest sympathies to all those who have lost loved ones, homes and livelihoods following the devastating floods on the Nepal-China border.

    I am writing to update the House on the impact of the floods and on the support the United Kingdom is providing in response.

    The flooding has caused significant loss of life and extensive humanitarian need. As of 8 September, Nepalese authorities report 1,357 fatalities, 5,326 people missing, 6,827 injured and 13,583 rescued. As of 6 September, Chinese media report 43 dead and 519 missing. Damaged infrastructure and disrupted communications continue to hamper the delivery of assistance and the assessment of the disaster’s full impact. Immediate priorities include emergency shelter, food, safe water and sanitation, healthcare, essential relief items and protection services.

    The UK stands with the people of Nepal and China through this tragedy. I pay tribute to the emergency responders, Government authorities, humanitarian organisations and community volunteers working tirelessly in extremely difficult circumstances.

    In the immediate aftermath of the disaster, the Prime Minister announced a £5 million package for lifesaving humanitarian assistance for Nepal. This support is being delivered through the Red Cross, Start Fund Nepal and UN agencies, providing clean water, sanitation, shelter, medical care and co-ordinated emergency support. A central part of the UK’s approach is to work through organisations that can reach affected communities quickly and effectively. UK contributions to pooled funds and multilateral development banks, including the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies disaster relief emergency fund, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, are also helping to mobilise large-scale financial support. A multidisciplinary UK humanitarian team has also been deployed to assess evolving needs and help ensure assistance is delivered effectively. The United Kingdom’s response is being delivered in support of, and in co-ordination with, the Government of Nepal’s relief and recovery efforts.

    This support builds on the UK’s long-standing contribution to strengthening Nepal’s resilience to climate-related disasters, with more than £100 million provided over the last 15 years. UK-supported institutions, including Nepal’s National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority and humanitarian logistics systems, are playing a central role in the current response. British science, research and technical expertise have also helped Nepal prepare for and manage natural disasters over many years, including through Met Office support on forecasting and work by Durham, Northumbria and Edinburgh Universities on early warning, contingency planning and glacier change.

    The UK has not received a request for assistance from the Chinese authorities but stands ready to offer support to those affected.

    I visited Nepal last week to demonstrate the UK’s solidarity and hear directly from those co-ordinating the response and recovery effort, including the Nepalese Government, the UN and other agencies.

    The United Kingdom’s response has involved close co-ordination across Government, including the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, the Ministry of Defence, the Met Office and other departments.

    Our consular teams continue to work intensively to support British nationals and their families. UK police family liaison officers are supporting affected families. We recognise that families understandably want clear and rapid answers. We have written to affected families and spoken to diaspora representatives, and we will continue to work with the Nepalese and Chinese authorities to pursue every credible avenue, while avoiding unverified information or false expectations. Travel advice for British nationals is being updated regularly to reflect the evolving situation.

    We have reinforced the British embassies in Beijing and Kathmandu with additional staff and deployed two disaster victim identification experts to Kathmandu. They are engaging with the Nepalese authorities and assessing what further support may be appropriate.

    As recovery efforts continue, the United Kingdom will remain a steadfast partner to Nepal. We will continue to help meet urgent humanitarian needs, support vulnerable people and contribute to longer-term recovery and reconstruction.

    The thoughts of the Government remain with all those affected by this tragedy.

  • Andy Burnham – 2026 Joint Statement on Israel and Palestine

    Andy Burnham – 2026 Joint Statement on Israel and Palestine

    The statement made by Andy Burnham, the Prime Minister, on 8 September 2026.

    A two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is critical for peace, stability and security in the Middle East and beyond. It is a fundamental national interest for the UK, France and Canada to protect and secure this outcome.

    Systematic settlement expansion in the West Bank, including the Government of Israel’s latest decision to progress the E1 settlement, as well as the dramatic increase in settler violence, pose a direct and urgent threat to that vision for peace. 

    One year ago, we recognised the State of Palestine. The time has come to take further action to uphold our commitment to protect the two-state solution, our interests and to stand up for our values, before it is too late. 

    Settlements are illegal under international law. The UK, France and Canada will therefore take steps to ban the importation of goods from settlements and enforce targeted measures against settlements and those who facilitate them or profit from them. 

    In taking this coordinated action we reiterate our desire for a close and productive partnership with Israel, our enduring support for the Israeli people and our unwavering commitment to Israel’s security. We support a safe and secure Israel, living alongside a safe and secure Palestine.

    Today marks a further turning point in our approach to protecting the two-state solution. We will co-chair a meeting at the United Nations General Assembly later this month to advance our efforts and pursue peace.