Tag: Speeches

  • James Cleverly – 2022 Statement on Ukrainian Prisoners of War

    James Cleverly – 2022 Statement on Ukrainian Prisoners of War

    The statement made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, on 21 September 2022.

    I welcome the safe return of Ukrainian prisoners of war and one civilian, including five British nationals. Prisoners of war from other countries held by Russia-backed proxies have also been returned. This brings to an end many months of uncertainty and suffering, including the threat of the death penalty, for them and their families, at the hands of Russia.

    Tragically that was not the case for one of those detained and our thoughts remain with the family of Paul Urey.

    I would like to express my gratitude to President Zelenskyy and his team for their efforts to secure their release, and to HRH Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman and his team, for their assistance. I continue to call on Russia to comply with International Humanitarian Law and not exploit prisoners of war and civilian detainees for political purposes.

  • Liz Truss – 2022 Keynote Speech on Supporting Businesses

    Liz Truss – 2022 Keynote Speech on Supporting Businesses

    The speech made by Liz Truss, the Prime Minister, in New York on 21 September 2022.

    We have been through a very difficult fortnight in the UK, Her Majesty The Queen was much loved and there’s been a huge outpouring of grief, both in the United Kingdom and around the world. To many of us she represented not just modern Britain but the modern world, taking over just after the Second World War and serving with distinction for 70 years – almost as long as the UN has been running.

    We now enter a new era. What has been very heart warming is the way people have opened their arms to our new King, King Charles III. I’ve been doing sessions around the UK – in Belfast, Edinburgh and Cardiff. The streets are lined welcoming the new King and the UK is moving into a new era.

    I thought it was very important that I came to the UN General Assembly this year, because we are facing such a difficult international situation, with the war in Ukraine started by Vladimir Putin. We’ve heard more sabre rattling from him this morning. But also we need to get the global economy back on its feet after Covid, and really ensure democracy prevails.

    To me, at the heart of that is making sure that we have a stable economy as we come out of this very difficult period. And to me, as Prime Minister, I want to make sure that we have a strong economy, a growing economy, a dynamic economy, that we are a country that is pro-business, pro attracting investment into our economy and also focused on long term economic security.

    I think one of the things we’ve learned from the past few months is that when countries are dependent on authoritarian regimes, that can be used as a weapon against them. That is a position we should never find ourselves in again. That is why having a strong economy is so vital for the future of the United Kingdom.

    This week the Chancellor will be doing his fiscal statement. I can’t pre-empt what he’s going to say, but what I can say – and I outlined this during the leadership campaign – is that we want lower, simpler taxes in the UK to incentivise investment, to get more businesses going in the UK. But also to encourage more people to go into work. We do, following Covid, have a significant number of people that are economically inactive. We want to encourage more of them to go into work with a tight labour market, get the right skills, as well as being a country that attracts economic investment. So we won’t be raising corporation tax, as was planned. We’ll be reversing the National Insurance rises which took place earlier this year. And the Chancellor will be announcing various other simplification measures.

    While this is just the start, our long-term plan is to simplify Britain’s taxes and to make us a better place to invest and be unashamedly pro-business. And that’s every kind of business – whether it’s life sciences, whether it’s technology, whether it’s financial services. We want the City to be the most competitive place for financial services in the world, and we see that as a key part of the levelling up agenda, because when we unblock capital, that capital will be used across the UK to make every industry become more productive and competitive.

    So alongside the tax statement that the Chancellor will lay out, he’ll also lay out a series of supply side reforms to make our economy more productive over the long-term, in areas like financial services. Dealing with Solvency II, dealing with MiFID, in areas like infrastructure – getting roads built, getting broadband built, getting mobile phone masts built so you can get reception right across Britain. Reforming regulations so that when business set up they’re not hit by mountains of red tape, they’re able to get on to growing the country. We’re also going to be introducing low tax investment zones across the country, in parts that are left behind. It’s going to be easier to get things done in those zones. The Chancellor will be making that announcement on Friday.

    Today we’ve followed up on our energy package which we announced a few weeks ago. What we’re doing with our energy package is making sure households are able to get through this winter and next winter without facing gigantic bills, with an energy price guarantee. What the government is essentially doing is making sure the wholesale price of energy is passed through to the consumer and making sure that those bills are not more than £2,500.

    We’ve also got a business scheme which is going to last for six months to help businesses get through. And the reason we felt it was right to intervene in this way is because we are dealing with a long-term failure of energy policy – we should have made sure Britain was not subject to the global energy price and the various fluctuations. We didn’t do that, we didn’t build enough nuclear power stations 20 years ago.

    There’s a Chinese proverb which says the best time to plant a tree is 25 years ago, but the second best time is today. So at the same time as the short term intervention – and this short term intervention is projected to reduce inflation by up to five percent, as well as increase economic growth by up to one percent – as well as that short term intervention we’re now working on entering long-term energy supply contracts with friendly countries, including with the United States. As well as exploiting more of our North Sea gas reserves, getting on with the need to build nuclear power stations, getting on with offshore wind, so that by 2040 the UK will be a net energy exporter. We will never be in this situation again.

    I finally wanted to say, on the subject of investment and trade, I’m proud that when I was Trade Secretary we set up the Office for Investment. I think it has done a good job, we want to turbocharge its work and make sure we are providing investors into the UK the best possible service, cracking through any obstacles that might be in the way of successful investment projects. We’re also planning another investment summit next October, and I think I met many of you at the last investment summit.

    And finally on trade, we’re not currently negotiating a trade deal with the US – the US isn’t negotiating a trade deal with anyone at the moment – but we are open to negotiating a trade deal when the administration decide that’s what they want to do. However we’re also in negotiations with India on a trade deal which we expect to complete this year, which brings huge opportunity in areas like technology, areas like manufactured goods. We’re also planning to accede to the Trans-Pacific Partnership which will give the UK much more access to Pacific markets as well.

  • Tariq Ahmad – 2022 Statement on Death of Mahsa Amini in Iran

    Tariq Ahmad – 2022 Statement on Death of Mahsa Amini in Iran

    The statement made by Tariq Ahmad, Lord Ahmad, the Foreign Office Minister, on 21 September 2022.

    The death of Mahsa Amini in Iran following her arrest for alleged dress code violations is shocking. We are extremely concerned at reports of serious mistreatment of Ms Amini, and many others, by the security forces.

    We urge the Iranian government to investigate the circumstances of her death with rigour and transparency, and to hold to account anyone responsible.

    We call on Iran to respect the right to peaceful assembly, to exercise restraint and to release unfairly detained protesters. The use of violence in response to the expression of fundamental rights, by women or any other members of Iranian society, is wholly unjustifiable.

  • Alec Shelbrooke – 2022 Speech at the Defence Vehicle Display

    Alec Shelbrooke – 2022 Speech at the Defence Vehicle Display

    The speech made by Alec Shelbrooke, the Defence Procurement Minister, at Millbrook Proving Ground on 21 September 2022.

    It’s my pleasure to welcome you all to this year’s Defence Vehicle Display.

    Especially as this is not just my first DVD but my first official engagement as a defence minister.

    It is an excellent venue to showcase our finest vehicles and equipment.

    I’m not entirely new to Defence, having spent six years as the UK representative to the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and latterly Chairman of the Defence and Security Committee on the assembly.

    So, I am well aware of your many successes as well as some of the challenges you face.

    But the truth is, for all of us here today, this event comes at a time of great change.

    The passing of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II has brought with it not merely a sense of deep loss for the wonderful monarch that led by example for more than 70 years.

    But also, a sense of uncertainty, as the values she came to embody – kindness, tolerance, and a belief in democracy – now seem at risk across the world.

    Indeed, even as we speak, Ukrainians are bravely pushing back the invading Russian force, and as we discover the atrocious war crimes committed by the Russians, our resolve must remain resolute.

    If we are to protect our values and safeguard the international order in this new era, we need to strengthen Defence.

    That’s why last year our Integrated Review and Defence Command Paper began transforming our forces to make them more resilient, more persistent and more agile.

    Our Armed Forces are now being instilled with a campaigning mindset, that enables them to be ever present wherever we are needed around the world.

    A mindset epitomised by our new self-sufficient Brigade Combat teams and Ranger Regiments.

    But those documents were also clear that we couldn’t achieve our aims without the very best capability.

    You only need to look to Ukraine and the incredible gains they’ve made in recent weeks to see the difference the most advanced kit can make on the ground.

    I am proud that the UK has played a key role, foremost among European nations, in supporting those efforts, whether it’s our armoured Wolfhounds or Stormer vehicles fitted with anti-air missile launchers.

    And that kind of cutting-edge capability is what we’re all here for today.

    Take a stroll around the exhibition and you will see some of the finest examples of equipment in the land domain on display.

    Not least our Boxers – the cornerstone of our Armoured Brigade Combat Teams – able to swiftly cover long distances no matter the environment nor the weather. And I am pleased to see so many of our partner nations on the Boxer programme here today.

    As well as Boxer, you will find everything from our Challenger 3 main battle tanks in the Off-Road Area, to the latest drones and four-legged robots from our Future Capability Group, and much more besides.

    Whilst we are still learning the lessons from Ukraine, it is clear that we cannot take anything for granted.

    In the coming years, it is vital we continue to build on these successes in order to stay ahead of the curve.

    That’s why we launched the Defence and Security Industrial Strategy, which provided the foundations for a step-change in relations between government, industry and academia.

    What’s crucial about DSIS is the way it finally recognised industry as a strategic capability in its own right.

    The purpose of the Land Industrial Strategy, which was published earlier this year, was to take those partnerships to the next level.

    We’ve seen the success already of our Defence BattleLab in Dorset, which is uniting industry and academia with the facilities they need to test-drive innovative kit.

    And today you will hear about how the Army are taking a major step forward in shaping investment over the next three years in new integrated protection systems for our land forces.

    This funding marks an exciting opportunity for industry to work with our Defence Science and Technology Laboratory to make our vehicles so much stronger and more resilient.

    Whether it’s improved sensors and compact energy storage or new counter munition systems and directed energy weapons.

    This isn’t just a great chance to transform our Army but to drive growth in the economy at the same time.

    The land industrial base already supports around 20,000 jobs across the UK, while our ground combat system exports comprise 7% of total defence exports – which is almost £6 billion over the past 10 years.

    But as more and more nations increase their investment in Defence, there will be more and more opportunities arising to sell kit to trusted allies and increase our share of that £45 billion-plus ground combat systems market.

    This will bring investment back so that we can then reinvest in the continued strengthening of our forces.

    I began by talking about the end of an era. But I firmly believe that if we work together we can not only preserve the mighty values that were the hallmarks of Queen Elizabeth II, but seize the moment to turn this age of challenges into an age of opportunity.

    Speaking of new eras, I’m delighted to hand over to Lieutenant General Sharon Nesmith, newly appointed Deputy Chief of the General Staff.

    Sharon’s appointment comes at a crucial time for Defence and I’m looking forward to hearing her thoughts as someone else who is adjusting to a new role.

    I’m also looking forward to hearing the Director General for Land plans for how DE&S will equip and support our armed forces now and in the future.

    Ladies and Gentlemen, thank you.

  • Jeffrey Sterling – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Baron Sterling of Plaistow)

    Jeffrey Sterling – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II (Baron Sterling of Plaistow)

    The tribute made by Jeffrey Sterling, Baron Sterling of Plaistow, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    My Lords, several months ago I rang and had a chat to Helen Cross, personal private secretary to the Queen. I reminded her that more than 10 years ago, we had done something of a similar nature, and I wanted to know whether the Queen would be in favour. We have all the monarch’s palaces, and many people there, such as the gardeners, the sous chefs and the chambermaids, who have hardly even met members of the Royal Family, but certainly have not been involved in a major gathering to do something they might really enjoy. Last time, we did exactly the same: she went to the Queen and the Queen was very much in favour. They had a ballot among all the people working for the palaces—the lot—but not at a high level. These were the people doing the down-to-earth jobs.

    Yesterday was the day they came on board to visit “Gloriana”, the Queen’s row barge, at Chelsea. We had a great turnout, and the Queen’s royal bargemaster and all her watermen rode her. They all had a turn inside it. We got together and exchanged views. I met somebody from Scotland, who was very much involved in the shooting and birdlife up there, who said he had never been to London before. Then I spoke to the gardener, who was explaining how the earth is very different for planting in Kensington from what it might be in London. It was a wonderful get-together.

    One of the two seniors who accompanied them came over to me and said, “Would you mind if we leave early?” I said, “No,”—I realised there had been some news coming out—and he said, “We’ve really got to get back, because there will be a lot of communication.” But I cannot help thinking how, when all those people went home, they said, “Wonderful!”—they were grateful. I thank them all on our behalf for coming, and what did they go back to? To find that the person that they loved had died. I have to say it was quite extraordinary.

    But then, on our own front, we had to decide regarding “Gloriana”, the Queen’s row barge: obviously, with what has transpired, there were various things we had to do. For argument’s sake, you have to get the flags down, you have to put black satin over it, and this morning, very early, at 6 o’clock, we got the whole thing together to go down the river, accompanied by the police, in order to get her back in readiness for the rest of what will transpire.

    I personally have had the honour and the pleasure of running the Silver Jubilee, the Golden Jubilee, most of the Diamond Jubilee and for the most recent one I was a senior adviser, but we took part in many areas as to what was transpiring. I have to say that the reaction was quite extraordinary, and the most important part of all of them were the street parties—how people actually got together. If I think of anything that really mattered, it was that. Something that might amuse noble Lords was the occasion when Robin Janvrin, the noble Lord, Lord Janvrin, said to me when we were coming up to that major concert in the Palace, which noble Lords might remember—this was in the Golden Jubilee—and he said, “I think you had better come along and have an audience with the Queen, to put her in the picture as to how it is going and where we are doing it. I suggest you come after 9 o’clock, because that is when they are going through the red boxes, et cetera, so if you could be there just before 10, then perhaps we could do it.”

    So, I arrived at that time, I came in, bowed—everything was in that form—and I thought we were set to talk about it when the Queen got up and said, “No, no; I want you to come over to the windows.” I looked out of the windows and of course they had JCBs and everything digging up the gardens, taking so much soil out I cannot tell you what was going on in the gardens, and she was so upset, she was saying, “They’re ruining the gardens.” I said, “I think they will probably get them back in a reasonable state afterwards,” but it was just a great pleasure and an honour to be in that position. I also had the pleasure at P&O and Cunard when she came many times through her life for naming of some of the great ships.

    Perhaps most important, as far as I am concerned, which my noble friend has already referred to, was Motability, which I co-founded with the late Lord Goodman. The Queen became, very early on, the chief patron. I know she has been president of umpteen charities, but for some reason—all noble Lords have spoken about how she was as a person—she really did get heavily involved and extremely interested in anything to do with the disabled and, of course, the veterans. At that time, it was an idea: we had only one car. Forty-five years afterwards, we had 6 million cars out, and there are 700,000-odd on the roads as we speak today, and I am sure that her involvement lifted our standing to those millions of families and their friends and the disabled, of course, to put them on the road to freedom. I have always felt, and we all felt, that this was something that was absolutely special.

    Coming on to the last couple of points, one of the pleasures of our King is classical music—which is very much a part of my life—and he loves opera, ballet and all those areas. So I am quite sure that quite a lot of what will be happening will include that in a very major way, which gives me huge personal pleasure.

    To finish, I will suggest the best tribute for all of us to give in memory of this wonderful person with this huge sense of duty. The oath we take here is to serve; that is what the Queen did all her life. I think the greatest long-term legacy we can give in her memory is for we parliamentarians to regain the trust of the people of this country. God save the King.

  • Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech to the BETT Education Leaders’ Conference

    Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech to the BETT Education Leaders’ Conference

    The speech made by Tim Loughton, the then Education Minister, at the BETT Exhibition, Olympia in London on 13 January 2011.

    Thanks Dominic, and a very happy new year to you all. It’s a real pleasure to start 2011 with everyone here at the BETT Education Leaders’ Conference and thank you for inviting me.

    Can I just begin by paying my thanks to EMAP Connect and the British Educational Suppliers Association for once again organising the exhibition so brilliantly.

    It is a huge credit to BETT, its sponsors and its participants, that there’s such an extraordinary wealth of innovation on display. Reflecting the fact that a staggering amount has changed in both the world of technology and in the classroom over the 27 years that this exhibition has been going on.

    Who would have thought back in the 80s, for instance, that teachers would be using interactive whiteboards rather than getting their fingers covered in chalk dust.

    And who would have thought that instead of an entire class crowding around a single ZX Spectrum, or in my days at school crowding round the abacus, the ratio of computers to pupils would stand at around one to three.

    The pace of change has, frankly, been phenomenal. And there is no doubt that everyone involved in all those BETT exhibitions down the years have played a huge role in helping young people and teachers to benefit directly from that change.

    So, my thanks once again to everyone who has played their part, and to all those who have come along today. It is a privilege to be able to open the conference officially.

    Now, technology is, of course, very rarely out of the news in one form or another. Partly because it is, by its very nature ‘new’ and offers up exciting possibilities – making it good newspaper fodder (or perhaps Kindle fodder as we should now call it) and partly because it so often splits opinion – leaving some of us heralding the endless possibilities it brings, and others worrying about the risks that accompany them.

    Generally speaking, the optimists tend to outnumber the pessimists. But inevitably, with any new frontier comes new risks, and there’s always going to be some concern greeting the arrival of innovation.

    The difficulty for school leaders, parents and politicians of course, is how to balance the concern with the opportunity – and that’s why it’s so important that we listen to the best possible experts.

    Unfortunately, I know one of the most eminent of those, Professor Tanya Byron, can’t be with us today. But I am very grateful for the work she has been doing with the Department.

    A few weeks ago, she came in to the Department and gave a very informative, very inspiring presentation to the Secretary of State about the use of technology by children and young people.

    One of the many interesting points she made then – which any of you who were at the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust conference in November might have heard her talk about – was the history of ‘moral panics’ we’ve had in the past with regard to new technology.

    She talked, for example, about the consternation in the church that greeted the arrival of printing presses. The panic that greeted the arrival of the film industry in the 1920s – although it started before this in my constituency…

    And she also mentioned the apparently frenzied debate surrounding the arrival of the sofa – which people were afraid would lead to young people lazing around all day.

    However, as Tanya has argued so well, the arrival of new technology almost invariably offers far more opportunity than it does risk – and never has this been more true than it is today in the world of education.

    Now, more than ever before, technology is of profound importance to young people’s development. We know it supports good teaching, we know it helps students get better results, we know it helps to reduce truancy…

    We even know it can support higher order critical skills: such as reasoning, analysis, scientific enquiry – and by engaging students in authentic, complex tasks.

    So, even though when most of us were growing up, it didn’t really matter whether you were particularly computer or gadget literate – in 2011, the world is very different.

    And whether we see only the endless possibilities, or see only the risks, there’s no denying that technology is – as Microsoft’s Chief Executive Steve Bullmer once said – something that ‘makes real people more effective, every day, in some basic and fundamental thing that they want to do’.

    Here in the UK of course, we can take some pride in the fact that we’ve adapted as quickly as we have to that transformation.

    As many of you will know, we have the highest levels of technology in our classrooms of anywhere in the European Union. The majority of our children have their own online learning space, and practically every school in this country is hooked up to – and in many cases making great use of – broadband.

    This is a huge credit to great headteachers and teachers, fantastic ICT suppliers like those exhibiting here and, of course, to young people themselves.

    And it has left us uniquely well positioned – I think – to equip pupils with the technical expertise they’ll need to achieve to the very best of their abilities in a very tough, very competitive world.

    Nonetheless, this conference is about the future of education, rather than the past. And we’re now facing very different challenges, and answering very different questions, to the ones we were facing 10, or even just five years ago.

    It’s no longer simply about shoehorning technology into the classroom. It’s about how we help schools to access and use it effectively. And it’s about how we help young people to benefit from innovation safely.

    Today, I want to look at both of these points. But – if I can – I’m going to start with the second, partly because I’ve spent much of my time in Government, and before that in opposition, campaigning on issues like child internet safety and child protection.

    And partly because there’s been a huge amount of attention focused on the issue over the last few weeks.

    Just this Monday, for example, we saw the head of Woldingham School in Surrey, Jayne Triffitt, outline her concerns over the abuse of the social networking site Little Gossip, after some students used it to spread malicious rumours about their peers and teachers.

    On the same day, we saw the National Association of Head Teachers publish guidance for schools on how to deal with internet campaigns that target teachers or pupils – an issue that has also been championed by the NASUWT, amongst others, in recent years.

    All of this action reflects the fact that online abuse – and cyber bullying in particular – has fast become the bindweed of the internet.

    No matter where you cut it off, it always seems to creep its way back onto computer screens and wrap itself around children’s lives – and as a result, it’s become a hugely, hugely damaging phenomena.

    We’ve seen young people targeted in virtual gaming environments – we’ve seen them targeted on sites like Facebook and Twitter. We’ve seen them targeted through mobile phones and email.

    It is, in short, a very 21st century problem – and also a particularly nasty, particularly virulent one.

    It is the nameless, faceless, witless kind of bullying that is such a unique feature of cyberspace. The kind of bullying where a child comes home from school and finds a rumour splashed all over a website – or opens up an email to discover a doctored picture of themselves distributed to everyone in their address book.

    In this respect, the computer, phone, tablet and games console have the potential to become like a Trojan horse, smuggling provocation, innuendo and rumour into the home in a way that no other generation has ever had to contend with.

    For any of us who are parents, that kind of threat is of course hugely concerning. It’s bad enough in the playground or in the classroom, but when it infiltrates your home, it can make it impossibly difficult to know how to protect your children.

    We think the time has come to restore the balance of power back in favour of parents – and to ensure that the opportunities that technology brings are managed both effectively and sensibly.

    Can that be done through legislation? By increasing regulation? Or by policing every website from the centre of Government? We don’t think so – simply because the internet is impossibly fast moving and no one individual, group or organisation can realistically tackle it on its own.

    Instead, we know it has to be a joint effort, with government, industry, business, retailers, schools and parents all taking responsibility to stamp out abuse in the system wherever we see it.

    As an example of how this can work, I was at an event at Google a few months ago where the ‘Fix my street’ website was mentioned.

    For anyone who hasn’t heard about it, it’s basically a site where people can go to report anything that might need attention in their communities – like pot holes in the road or broken street lights.

    Over the years, it’s been pretty successful – and it’s now got to the point where we’ve even seen an Australian spin-off being launched – called, in the best of Aussie traditions: ‘It’s Buggered Mate’.

    Now, the reason why I think these sites have worked is because they rely on the idea of collective responsibility. The idea that we should all take a stake in the issue, rather than rely on others to take it for us.

    In the case of cyberbullying, that means encouraging the fantastic work that’s being done by cyber-mentors through the Beatbullying charity; it means parents reporting abuse; it means teachers alerting education technology providers to any potential risks; it means those in industry reacting quickly and decisively to protect children; and – finally – it means Government creating the conditions where all of these things can happen effectively.

    That’s why my colleagues on the UK Council for Internet Safety, which I now co-chair, want to move increasingly towards tough self-regulation. With internet service providers having more responsibility for managing potentially harmful sites – and parents and children having greater power to report abuse.

    At the same time, we are also discussing how we give those same parents the most up-to-date advice and guidance on new technologies, so that they are empowered enough to spot and prevent abuse at the first opportunity. Too often parents are not properly factored into the equation.

    As many of you will know, we are currently in discussion with representatives in the sector about how all of this is going to happen. And there’s now a very clear, very determined commitment within the industry towards developing a robust and effective self-regulatory framework, that will combat cyberbullying and keep children safe.

    A promising move I think, and we’re pleased that this is being backed up by organisations like Facebook and Microsoft, who are playing a vital role through their own membership of the Council.

    Indeed, I am delighted to be able to announce today that BSI has just awarded its first ever kitemark for parental control software to Net Intelligence, which we will be handing over shortly.

    A fabulous achievement on their part, and a hugely important one for two reasons in particular.

    Firstly, because it lets us take advantage of the opportunities that technology brings and minimise the risks.

    Secondly, because it allows us to place technology at the centre of educational reform in the future – a crucial point I think, because while we are doing fantastically well in terms of bringing technology into the classroom, we sadly aren’t doing anything like as well when it comes to educating our children and young people to reach their full potential.

    We know, for instance, that we’ve been slipping further and further behind our global competitors over the last few years, with the OECD international performance tables showing that since the year 2000, we’ve fallen from 4th to 16th in science, from 7th to 25th in literacy, and from 8th to 28th in maths.

    And we also know that there is now an historically high divide in attainment between those from the poorest backgrounds, and those from the wealthiest.

    This drift cannot be allowed to continue. It’s unfair on children who only get one chance of a good education, it’s unfair on their families, and it’s unfair on our society and the businesses who form the backbone of our economy.
    Fortunately however, technology does provide a unique opportunity to help us regain that competitive edge by supporting us to deliver the improvements we need to make.

    And in our recent schools White Paper, The Importance of Teaching, we set out a comprehensive programme of reform for schools to allow us to build that truly world-class education system.

    That includes paying greater attention to improving teacher quality, granting greater autonomy to the front line, modernising curricula, making schools more accountable to their communities, harnessing detailed performance data, and encouraging professional collaboration so that we can become one of the world’s top performers – and close the gap between rich and poor.

    That is the challenge facing us – and technology – we think – will play a critical supporting role in meeting it.

    Indeed, you only have to have a quick wander around the exhibition area here to see some of the brilliant ways that technology-based learning can enrich the curriculum.

    For example, I’ve been incredibly impressed with how video games like the Sims Series and Civilisation can be used for education purposes. My daughters certainly spent hours on it when they were younger.

    And I know many of you will also have seen the fantastic games that have been developed by mathematician Marcus Du Sautoy, which have shown how children’s imaginations can be harnessed to allow a deep understanding of even the most complex ideas.

    However, in order to derive the maximum benefit from this kind of innovation, education leaders have to have the final say over what technology they use, and when they use it.

    We don’t think that teachers or school business managers should come to BETT with a shopping list from central government. The world of technology is simply too fluid for Whitehall to be able to decree what should, or shouldn’t be in the classroom.

    Instead, schools should come ready to make procurement decisions that are based on a detailed knowledge of their own pupils – and be ready to draw up their own wish list of technologies that will inspire young people.

    That might mean introducing voting technology into the classroom, which has happened so successfully in many schools already – ‘democratizing’ the learning experience and making it more interactive.

    It might mean installing a recording studio, it might mean setting up video links with schools around the world, it might mean using 3D TV.

    Whatever it is, and however it works, we know that if we want to be truly, truly ambitious about maintaining a technological edge in this country, we have to give teachers and school leaders that flexibility and power to make their own choices – and we also have to free up as much investment as we can for them to spend on technology.

    None of this, however, means that schools are being asked to work in isolation.

    Over the coming months and years, government will continue to play a crucial supporting role – helping education leaders by taking on procurement and support for special educational needs; by supporting schools to achieve value for money in things like bulk software licensing; by identifying and sharing best practice as it evolves in the classroom, and by supporting suppliers to ensure value for money.

    The straightforward reality though, is that schools, teachers and industry know the best way to extract value from technology in education.

    And it seems to me that the BETT exhibition is a perfect example of how those freedoms can be used most effectively to help teachers raise standards in our schools – and to take full advantage of the opportunities that technology creates.

    To end, let me just thank Dominic again for hosting this fantastic conference – and thank his team for all their incredibly hard work in setting up the exhibition.

    The future of education in this country depends on how well we equip young people to go on and succeed in their lives. And all of us know that if we are serious about achieving that ambition, it has to include giving them access to the very best that technology has to offer.

    The time has come to take advantage of that opportunity by encouraging school leaders to come along to exhibitions like this, and decide for themselves what pupils need.

    The time has come to ensure that children and young people are able to take advantage of the wonders that technology brings – without the dangers.

    The time has come to place technology at the absolute centre of our aspirations for a world class education sector.

    So, thank you all once again. It has been a huge pleasure to be here today and I hope you enjoy both the rest of the conference, and the exhibition itself – which is such a wonderful advert for some of the truly outstanding British educational technology that is being used in classrooms right across the world.

    Thank you.

  • Michael Gove – 2012 Speech to the Education World Forum

    Michael Gove – 2012 Speech to the Education World Forum

    The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, at the Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre in London on 11 January 2012.

    Education for economic success

    There could be no better way to start 2011 for me than by welcoming you all here to London.

    Because this second decade of the twenty-first century will be characterised by uniquely daunting challenges – but it also holds out amazing opportunities.

    The challenges are so daunting because they are global in scope and as testing as any our generation has known.

    But the opportunities are even greater because there is the chance – in this generation – to bring freedom, opportunity, knowledge and dignity, material plenty and personal fulfilment to many more of our fellow citizens than ever before.

    The great Italian Marxist thinker once enjoined on his followers an attitude he defined as pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will.

    What he meant was that we should be clear eyed about the difficulties we face, but undaunted, determined and resolute in our belief they can be overcome.

    Our world does face huge problems.

    A resurgent wave of ideologically motivated terrorism and renewed conflicts between peoples threaten millions. Our global environment is threatened by resource depletion and thoughtless exploitation. A dramatically growing, and increasingly youthful, world population chafes against constraints which deny millions the chance to live their dreams. Economic growth has been spread inequitably and nations which are adjusting to reality after years of folly are finding the process, inevitably, painful.

    But bumpy, indeed turbulent, as the journey ahead might be, we are also fortunate in knowing what the best route not just to safety, but to plenty, will be.

    It is the pursuit of knowledge.

    Nothing is so effective a solvent of hatred and prejudice as learning and wisdom, the best environmental protection policy to help the planet is a scientific innovation policy which rewards greener growth, the route to fulfilment for the next generation is dedication to study, hard work and restless curiosity and the single most effective way to generate economic growth is invest in human and intellectual capital – to build a better education system.

    So, in that sense, in talking to those who lead the world’s education systems I have the unique privilege of talking to those who will lead the world out of the dark valley we are currently navigating and onto sunlit uplands where opportunity beckons.

    It is, certainly, a special privilege to be involved in shaping education policy at the moment. Because as well as laying the foundations for a world which is better, we are also ensuring that we live in societies which are fairer.

    For most of our history people have been victims of forces beyond their control.

    Accidents of birth – like where individuals were born, both geographically and in class terms, as well as what their parents did for a living – proved overwhelmingly likely to dictate people’s future.

    But education is the means by which we can liberate people from those imposed constraints. It allows individuals to choose a fulfilling job, enrich their inner life and become authors of our own life stories.

    And that is why education reform is the great progressive cause of our times.

    The Education World Forum is so important because it demonstrates our shared belief that we can educate our children to an ever higher standard and achieve the levels of fairness and social mobility that have long eluded us.

    In the coming days, we have an opportunity to talk in detail about the issues that we face, share our expertise and strengthen the bonds between our countries. I’m also delighted that many of you will have the chance to see for yourselves the very best of the British education system.

    I am pleased that so many young people in Britain today are enjoying a superb education – and pleased that in many areas we have made progress over the years. In particular, I am overjoyed that we have so many great teachers and headteachers who are playing an increasingly important part in transforming our system for the better.

    But I am also conscious that in the world of education, by definition, the quest to improve never ends.

    Education is a process of continual learning, of crossing new boundaries, exploring new territory, restless curiosity and perpetual questioning.

    And as I have been in this job one of the things I have learned is that we can only improve our own education systems if we make them as open to new thinking, as free to learn, as flexible and innovative, as possible.

    Because with every year that passes we are privileged to enjoy new insights about how best to organise schools, how best to inspire pupils, how to use new technology, how the brain absorbs knowledge, how teachers can best motivate, how parents can better support, how governments can best invest.

    And we are uniquely fortunate that speaking at this conference are two men who have done more than any others to help us understand what works in the world of education. And by listening to them we can see how much further we all have to go.

    Yesterday, you heard from a man I recently have described as the most important man in the British education system – but he could equally be the most important man in world education.

    Later this morning, you will hear from the man who is vying with him for that accolade.

    Neither will teach a single lesson this year, neither are household names, neither – unsurprisingly – are education ministers – but both deserve our thanks and the thanks of everyone who wants to see children around the world fulfil the limit of their potential.

    They are Andreas Schleicher and Michael Barber.

    Andreas Schleicher is a German mathematician with the sort of job title that you wouldn’t wish on your worst enemy – head of the indicators and analysis division (directorate for education) at the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.

    On the face of it, a job description like that might seem like the title of the bureaucrat’s bureaucrat – but in truth Andreas is the father of more revolutions than any German since Karl Marx.

    Because Andreas is responsible for collating the PISA league tables of international educational achievement. He tells us which nations have the best-performing education systems and then analyses that data to determine why that is the case.

    When the first PISA league tables were published they demonstrated, to the amazement of the German political classes, that their education system was nowhere near the position of world leadership they had fondly imagined.

    The phenomenon of discovering just how relatively poorly the German education system performed was termed ‘Pisa-Schock’ and it stimulated a furious debate about how Germany could catch up.

    In the US, education experts described the 2006 PISA report as our generation’s ‘Sputnik moment’.

    The evidence that 15-year-olds in the Far East were so comfortably outperforming American pupils in maths and science sent the same shockwaves through the West as the Soviet Union’s surprise satellite launch in 1957, an event which prompted a radical reform of science education in the US.

    But just because you come top in PISA these days doesn’t mean you rest on the laurels Andreas fashions for you. Far from it.

    What characterises those nations which are themselves top performers – such as Singapore and Hong Kong – is that they are restless self-improvers.

    They have also eagerly examined every aspect of Andreas’s research to see what their principal competitors are doing with a view to implementing further changes to maintain their competitive edge.

    Sir Michael Barber is another visionary educationalist.

    In the early part of the last decade, he played a direct role in shaping the English education system as a leading advisor to Tony Blair’s government. As a result of policies that he helped introduce – including an uncompromising focus on literacy, floor standards for school performance and higher standards for teacher performance – improvements were undoubtedly made.

    But, rather like Tony Blair, Michael has arguably had an even bigger influence globally than at home in recent years. His seminal 2007 report, How the world’s best-performing school systems come out on top, which he produced for McKinsey provided those nations that were serious about education reform with a blueprint of what they needed to do to catch up.

    And his recent report, How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, provides further invaluable insights for all nations aspiring to improve their education system or hoping to remain amongst the best.

    No nation that is serious about ensuring its children enjoy an education that equips them to compete fairly with students from other countries can afford to ignore the PISA and McKinsey studies.

    Doing so would be as foolish as dismissing what control trials tell us in medicine. It means flying in the face of the best evidence we have of what works.

    And just as the evidence that Andreas and Michael has gathered has influenced education reformers in North America, Asia and Scandinavia, so it is influencing the Coalition Government here in Britain.

    Not least because it shows that we are falling further and further behind other nations. In the last ten years, we have plummeted in the world rankings from 4th to 16th for science, 7th to 25th for literacy and 8th to 28th for maths.

    These are facts from which we cannot hide. But while they may encourage a certain pessimism of the intellect, the examples of transformed education systems which Andreas and Michael have highlighted, certainly encourages optimism of the will.

    From Shanghai to New Orleans, Alberta to Hong Kong, Singapore to Helsinki, nations which have been educational back markers have become world leaders.

    And our recently published schools White Paper was deliberately designed to bring together – indeed, to shamelessly plunder from – policies that have worked in other high-performing nations.

    It was accompanied by a detailed evidence paper, The case for change, that draws on the insights generated by successive PISA studies and McKinsey reports.

    And it is based on the three essential characteristics which mark out the best performing and fastest reforming education systems in the landmark PISA and McKinsey studies.

    Importance of teaching

    First, the most successful education nations recruit the best possible people into teaching, provide them with high-quality training and professional development, and put them to work in the most challenging classrooms.

    Our schools White Paper was called The importance of teaching because nothing matters more in improving education than giving every child access to the best possible teaching and ensuring that every moment of interaction between teacher and student yields results.

    We are committed to raising the quality of new entrants to the teaching profession by insisting they are better qualified than ever before, we are determined to improve teacher training by building on intellectual accomplishment and ensuring more time is spent in the classroom acquiring practical teaching skills, and we plan to establish new centres of excellence in teaching practice – teaching schools modelled on our great teaching hospitals – so that new and experienced teachers can learn and develop their craft throughout their careers.

    We have learnt from Finland – a consistently strong performer in PISA studies – about the importance of attracting the very best graduates into teaching, which is why we are expanding our principal elite route into teaching, Teach First, as well as providing extra support for top graduates in maths and science to enter teaching.

    And we are increasing the number of national and local leaders of education – superb heads who lend their skills to raise standards in weaker schools – so that the best support the weak in a concerted effort to improve education for all children, not just some.

    The principle of collaboration between stronger and weaker schools, with those in a position to help given the freedom to make a difference, lies at the heart of our whole approach to school improvement.

    Greater autonomy

    The PISA and McKinsey reports clearly show that the greater the amount of autonomy at school level, with headteachers and principals free to determine how pupils are taught and how budgets are spent, the greater the potential there has been for all-round improvement and the greater the opportunity too for the system to move from good to great.

    The Coalition Government agrees that headteachers and teachers – not politicians and bureaucrats – know best how to run schools.

    That is why we’ve announced a review of our National Curriculum with the aim of reducing prescription and are taking action to shed all unnecessary bureaucratic burdens on schools.

    It is also why we’re freeing schools from central and local bureaucratic control by inviting them to become academies.

    Schools are taking up our offer because they recognise the huge benefits that being an academy brings – more autonomy, more resources, less bureaucracy and an opportunity to thrive, free from interference from government.

    Since the start of the school term in September, more than one school has converted to become an academy every working day. As of last week, more than 400 academies are now open and enjoying many of the same freedoms which are enjoyed by schools in the best-performing education systems. And many more are in the pipeline.

    Alongside this, we are also further extending autonomy and choice by making it easier for teachers, parents, academy sponsors and other groups to start their own free schools.

    In Sweden, free schools have driven up standards in those schools but also in neighbouring schools too.

    And as the OECD points out, two of the most successful countries in PISA – Hong Kong and Singapore – are among those with the highest levels of school competition.

    But while increased parental choice can help tackle ‘the soft bigotry of low expectations’, which continues to blight the life chances of many children from deprived backgrounds in particular, it does not need be the enemy of cooperation.

    Our plans foresee schools collaborating on a scale that has never been witnessed before, which is why all new academies are also working with weaker schools to help them improve.

    And this week will see a major advance in that drive.

    We will identify those of our schools most in need of support – those where attainment is poor and where students are not making progress.

    These are the schools whose children most need our help – those underperforming institutions where opportunity is restricted.

    We will work with these schools – all of which have great potential and all of which will have staff ready to accept the challenge to improve.

    We will provide them with extra resources.

    But on condition they work with us to develop tough, rigorous, immediate plans for improvement.

    Those plans will involve weaker schools being taken under the wing of high-performing schools, entering academy chains, changing the way they work, implementing reforms to the curriculum and staffing and putting in place new, tougher approaches to discipline and behaviour.

    This drive will be led by an inspirational former headteacher – Liz Sidwell – who has experience of the state and private sector and who has helped turn round underperforming schools as well as setting a benchmark for excellence in the state system.

    Proper accountability

    The reason we’re able to identify great heads like Liz – and the schools which need her help – is that we have, over time, developed ways of holding schools, and education ministers, accountable for the money they spend.

    Because the other, central, insight from the PISA and McKinsey reports into what makes great education systems so successful is that they all use data to make schools accountable and drive improvement.

    Data allows us to identify the best so we can emulate it, and diagnose weaknesses so we can intervene before it’s too late.

    I know that some in the education profession fear that data has been used – perhaps I should say abused – to constrict the autonomy which we know drives improvement.

    But the lesson from PISA is that autonomy works best when it’s combined with intelligent accountability. That means making comparisons which are fair. And trying to limit the extent to which measurements can be ‘gamed’ by those in the system.

    It’s because it’s so important that the public can make fair comparisons between schools that we are revamping performance tables to place more emphasis on the real value schools add as well as the raw attainment results they secure.

    Pupils need qualifications to succeed in life, so I won’t shy away from saying we expect more and more young people to leave school with better and better qualifications. That is non-negotiable.

    But we must also recognise that schools succeed when they take children from challenging and difficult circumstances and ensure they exceed expectations and progress faster than their peers.

    And because we want to limit the extent to which accountability mechanisms are ‘gamed’ we will also ensure much more information is put into the public domain so that schools can be compared on many different criteria.

    That will help schools which believe they have special qualities, undervalued by current performance tables, to make the case for their particular strengths.

    And I expect that we will see new performance tables drawn up, by schools themselves, by active citizens and by professional organisations which will draw attention to particular areas of strength in our school system.

    In this year’s performance tables we are introducing a new measure – the English Baccalaureate – which will show how many students in each school secured five good passes in English, maths, science, languages and one of the humanities.

    It’s been introduced this year to allow us to see how the schools system has performed in the past – in a way which manifestly can’t have been gamed.

    And I expect it will reveal the way in which past performance tables actually encouraged many many great schools and great heads to offer certain non-academic subjects rather than more rigorous academic subjects.

    I am open to arguments about how we can further improve every measure in the performance tables – including the English Baccalaureate.

    But I am determined to ensure that our exam standards match the highest standards around the world.

    And in other high-performing nations there is an expectation that children will be tested in a wide range of subjects at 16.

    In Singapore children sit compulsory O Levels in their mother tongue (which will be Chinese, Malay or Tamil), in the English language, in maths, in combined humanities, In science and in at least one other subject.

    In Germany graduation to sixth form follows on from passing exams in German, maths, English and three other subjects.

    In Alberta there are compulsory tests at age 15 in maths, science, English, French and social studies.

    In France the brevet diploma is awarded at age 15 depending on performance in tests of French, maths, history, geography, civics, computer science and a modern foreign language.

    In Japan there are tests at age 15 in Japanese, social studies, maths, science and English.

    In the US at age 17 there are exam requirements in English, maths, science and social studies.

    And in the Netherlands at 16, 17 or 18 students are expected to pass tests in Dutch, English, social studies and two other subjects – such as science, classical culture or a second modern foreign language.

    England’s current expectation that only English and maths be considered benchmark expectations at 16 marks us out from other high-performing nations.

    I am delighted to have a debate about how we both broaden and deepen our education system, but we cannot be in any doubt that while reform accelerates across the globe no country can afford to be left behind.

    I’m in no doubt that what we are attempting in England adds up to a comprehensive programme of reform for schools here – but if we are to learn one thing from the groundbreaking work done by Andreas Schleicher and by Sir Michael Barber, it is that whole-system reform is needed to every aspect of our education system if we are to build a truly world-class education system.

    It is only by paying attention to improving teacher quality, granting greater autonomy to the front line, modernising curricula, making schools more accountable to their communities, harnessing detailed performance data and encouraging professional collaboration that a nation can become one of the world’s top performers.

    The evidence shows us it can be done.

    And the challenge facing us in 2011 is to follow the path which the evidence, so patiently acquired by Andreas Schleicher and by Sir Michael Barber, tells us can liberate our children.

    What better New Year’s resolution could any of us make this week.

  • Jonathan Hill – 2010 Speech at the Second Reading of the Academies Bill

    Jonathan Hill – 2010 Speech at the Second Reading of the Academies Bill

    The speech made by Jonathan Hill, the then Education Minister, in the House of Lords on 7 June 2010.

    My Lords, I beg to move that the bill be now read a second time.

    My Lords, the House will be aware that I am now the Minister in charge of this bill, rather than my noble friend, Lord Wallace of Saltaire in whose name this bill was introduced.

    I am happy to assure the House that I too believe that the provisions of this bill are compatible with the Convention Rights and would have been content to sign the necessary statement had I been in a position to do so when the bill was introduced.

    My Lords, this bill will:

    • grant more freedoms to schools
    • give more responsibility to teacher
    • help ensure that standards rise for all children

    Last week we had an excellent debate on the measures contained in the Gracious Speech.

    Re-reading the whole debate over the weekend, I found that there was broad agreement on the need to trust professionals more, to reduce the bureaucracy they face and to give them more opportunity to drive their own improvement and to deploy resources in the most effective way.

    It is precisely those freedoms that the measures contained in the Academies Bill will help to deliver.

    My Lords, I have had very thoughtful discussions with the right reverend Prelate, the Bishop of Lincoln and others about managing expectations for this bill.

    So let me be clear from the outset that this bill does not in our view represent a revolution in our schools system.

    Rather, it builds on what has gone before.

    We can trace its roots to the reforms introduced by my noble friend, Lord Baker, through the Education Reform Act 1988, which led to the opening of the first City Technology Colleges in the late 1980s and early ‘90s.

    But it was under a Labour government that the pace of reform really picked up and I recognise that contribution very clearly. The Learning and Skills Act 2000, saw the beginning of the Academies programme, and the Education White Paper of 2005 built on it.

    I hope I won’t embarrass the noble Lord, Lord Adonis by saying what I said in his absence last week, how much I respect his achievement, and what high standards he set for those who came after him.

    I am happy to pay tribute to him, and to my other predecessors who should feel pleased at the good they have done through the Academies programme and the thousands of children’s lives they have already changed for the better.

    My Lords, I do not for one moment argue that Academies are always going to be the answer. The noble Baroness, Baroness Morris of Yardley reminded us in the debate on the Gracious Speech that many outstanding schools are notAcademies. And that not all Academies are outstanding. She is of course right.

    But, overall, academies do represent one of the best and fastest routes to school improvement.

    They have transformed some of the worst performing schools in the country into some of the best.

    And in doing so, they have transformed the prospects of tens of thousands of young people. In 2008 and 2009, Academies saw GCSE results increase twice as fast as the national average.

    My Lords, it is also clear that the extension of the Academies programme we now propose was what the then Labour Government itself intended to do. In a speech given the day before the publication of the 2005 White Paper, this is what the then Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon Tony Blair, had to say “We need to make it easier for every school to acquire the drive and essential freedom of Academies… We want every school to be able quickly and easily to become a self-governing independent state school… All schools will be able to have academy-style freedoms… No one will be able to veto parents starting new schools or new providers coming in, simply on the basis that there are local surplus places. The role of the LEA will change fundamentally.”

    It has taken 5 years my Lords, but this bill is giving effect to what the previous government intended.

    My Lords, it is worth reminding ourselves why we need reform.

    Despite the best efforts of previous governments, it is still the case that 81,000 11-year-olds left primary school last year without achieving the required standard in reading.

    Half of young people left secondary school without achieving five good GCSEs including English and maths.

    And in the last year for which we have data, out of 80,000 young people eligible for free school meals, just 45 made it to Oxbridge.

    My Lords, raising standards is not simply about structures – that was a point well made in last week’s debate. It is about the quality of teaching – which is why we will build on the previous government’s excellent Teach First programme.

    And at a time of great pressure in public spending we have also prioritised investment in education by protecting frontline spending this financial year for Sure Start Children’s Centres, for 16-19 learning and, of course, for schools.

    But we do believe that giving schools and teachers more freedoms will help them do the job they came into teaching to do.

    This bill will give all schools – including, for the first time, primary schools and special schools– the opportunity to apply to apply to become an academy.

    I want to stress the word ‘opportunity’. This is largely a permissive bill rather than a coercive one.

    And it will help schools right across the spectrum, from the very worst to the very best.

    Schools already rated as outstanding by Ofsted may have their applications fast-tracked, and open this year if they wish to.

    In return, we will expect every outstanding school which acquires academy freedoms to partner with at least one other school to raise performance across the system.

    Schools that are really struggling, my Lords, will see government intervention.

    There has always been a focus in the academies programme on the weakest schools, and that will continue.

    The Bill will allow the Secretary of State, in circumstances where a school is struggling, to remove a school from the control of the local authority and to reopen it as an academy.

    This will mean that we can deliver faster and deeper improvements in deprived and disadvantaged areas.

    And for the schools in between, my Lords – those that are doing well but could do better – academies will present a real opportunity to achieve excellent results through the core freedoms that all academies enjoy: making their own decisions about the curriculum, teachers’ pay, the length of the school day and how they spend the money currently spent on their behalf by local government.

    But, again, it will be for head teachers, governing bodies and school trustees to decide whether or not to apply.

    My Lords, I was struck by this sentence in the speech made by the noble Baroness, Baroness Morgan of Drefelin last week: “There is a good argument for successful schools being given more managerial autonomy and flexibility, provided that that is on the basis of fair admissions, fair funding and a recognition of their wider school improvement responsibilities.”

    I thought that was a very fair statement and summed up what we are trying to achieve with this bill very well.

    This bill will not just help a small proportion of pupils in leafy suburbs – the original focus of the academies programme on underperformance and deprivation will remain a key feature.

    This bill will not allow a small number of schools to float free above the rest of the state school system – it will help all schools improve standards by increasing the number of heads inspiring heads and teachers learning fromteachers through greater partnerships between schools.

    This bill will not impinge upon a school’s unique ethos or religious character if it becomes an Academy – we want to give schools greater freedoms, and the preservation of a school’s unique ethos will be an important consideration in deciding whether or not to apply for academy status.

    That is also why the legislation ensures that for foundation schools and voluntary schools with a foundation, consent must be gained from the trustees of the school’s foundation before the school can apply to become an academy.

    This bill does not provide a back-door to selection – while the small number of schools that are currently selective will be able to keep their selective status, if they choose to become an Academy, non-selective schools will not be able suddenly to become selective. A fair and open admissions policy will mean that intakes at academies will be diverse, inclusive and drawn from the local community.

    And we will aim to ensure that the position with maintained special schools is mirrored – we want a special school that converts to an academy still only to take children with statements.

    The bill will not disadvantage any maintained school financially, nor will there be extra funding going to academies that maintained schools will not get.

    Finally my Lords, this bill will not create a two-tier schools system. Indeed, we believe that it will help close the gap in our current system.

    And most importantly of all, while it is not catered for in the bill currently before you for consideration, we will also target resources on the poorest through a new pupil premium. That will take money from outside the schools budget to make sure that those teaching the children most in need get extra resources, for example to deliver smaller class sizes, more one-to-one tuition, longer school days and more extra-curricular activities.

    In concluding, my Lords, may I update you on the response we have received from schools so far.

    In a little over a week, over one thousand one hundred schools have expressed an interest in applying for academy freedoms.

    More than 620 outstanding schools – including over 250 outstanding primaries and over half of the outstandi ng secondaries – have expressed their interest, along with more than 50 special schools.

    So there seems to be a real demand for the measures in this bill.

    Our aim is to meet it and to ensure that:

    • heads and teachers have the freedoms they want and need
    • parents have the choice of a good local school
    • a child’s background does not dictate whether they succeed

    I know that this is a vision that is shared on all sides of this House.

    My Lords, I am pleased to present this bill for your consideration.

    And I beg move that the bill be now read for a second time.

  • Nick Gibb – 2012 Speech to the Grammar School Heads Association

    Nick Gibb – 2012 Speech to the Grammar School Heads Association

    The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, in London on 16 April 2012.

    Thank you Barry. I’m delighted to be here today and grateful to the Association for inviting me back to its annual conference this year.

    On the way over, I was pondering what Dr Pettit, the inspirational, and to me as a young 12-year-old, very scary headteacher at Maidstone Grammar in the early 1970s, would have said if he’d known any the pupils in my class had been interested enough in education to become a schools’ minister.

    I suspect he would have greeted the news with a certain wide-eyed amazement…

    Fortunately however, we did all get a little older and wiser. And I’ve certainly never forgotten the enormous debt of gratitude I owe to the school, for which I have only the very fondest memories.

    So, I wanted to start by thanking the Grammar School Heads Association for inviting me along to speak at the conference for a second year running – and for all its support over the last year. I’m looking forward to my next meeting with Roy, Barry and Simon in a few weeks’ time and I’m sure, as always, that your advice will be good advice. I’ll let you know if it isn’t ….

    Second, let me thank the 164 grammar school heads and their staff for the wonderful work they are doing, and have done. Their results over the past year have been incredibly strong. But more importantly, the quality and standard of education is world class.

    Last year alone, around 1,050 grammar school pupils were studying at Oxford or Cambridge after taking A levels in 2008;

    98% of pupils in grammar schools achieved 5 or more GCSEs at Grades A* to C, including English and Maths, compared to 55% of pupils nationally.

    And an incredible 95.6% of grammar school pupils who were eligible for free school meals, achieved 5 or more GCSEs at Grades A* to C, compared to just 30.9% nationally.

    That gap between the overall figure of 98.4% and the free school meal figure of 95.6%, which is just 2.8%, contrasts very sharply with the national figure.

    Last year, 55% achieved 5 or more GCSEs at grades A* to C including English and maths. But the free school meal figure was just 31% – and that gap of 24 percentage points has remained stubbornly constant over recent years.

    It is a disparity in outcome that we want closed – or at the very least brought closer to the 2.4% gap that grammar schools have achieved – for the very simple reason that reducing the attainment gap between pupils from rich and poor backgrounds is an absolutely key moral objective of the coalition government in general, and of Michael Gove in particular.

    The million dollar question of course, is how you achieve that moral objective? And if you look to the example of grammar schools, you see the answer comes from a combination of high standards and ambition. Essentially, it boils down to the old grammar school ethos of placing ‘no limit on achievement’.

    For example, we know that grammar schools don’t measure performance by the percentage of their pupils gaining 5 C grades. They’ve developed their own indicators that focus on the percentage of students gaining 5 As and even 8 As. As a result of which, it’s not uncommon for headteachers to see every single one of their pupils achieving the 5 A* benchmark.

    Quite clearly, there’s a very serious lesson to be taken from this and applied more widely. And that’s why the ‘no limit on achievement’ ethos, is one that’s now absolutely critical to the government’s own blueprint for education reform.

    Like grammar schools we want to be unashamedly ambitious on behalf of pupils locally; we want to spread opportunity more equally nationally; and we want to match (or better) the very best schools internationally.

    Now, in one sense of course, there is nothing radical about any of this. For many years, the UK marked itself out as one of the world’s top education performers by fostering exactly those kinds of high standards. Lofty expectations were placed on every child. Standards of behaviour were properly enforced. There was no embarrassment attached to high performance.

    Even today, we have many exceptional schools and teachers in this country who work extremely hard towards achieving these goals – some of the very best in the world in fact – but we also know that many comprehensive schools are struggling to work in what is (at times) an almost unworkable system of bureaucracy and central control.

    As a result, we’ve fallen back in the PISA international education rankings: from 4th to 16th in science; 7th to 25th in literacy; and from 8th to 28th in maths – meaning our 15-year-olds are 2 years behind their Chinese peers in maths; and a full year behind teenagers in Korea and Finland in reading.

    When the US Education Secretary Arne Duncan saw a similar story unfolding in America’s own PISA rankings, he made the point that the States was ‘being out-educated’. And here in the UK – exactly the same holds true. We’re being out-educated and out-thought by more ambitious education systems.

    In and of itself of course, this is a hugely worrying trend. But it is made almost a 100 times worse by the fact that our education system has also become one of the most stratified, and unfair in the developed world.

    Only last week, the OECD told us that pupils from poor backgrounds in the UK were less likely to escape disadvantage than students from countries like Mexico and Tunisia – coming 28th out of 35 leading nations.

    This was, I thought, a truly worrying report from the OECD. No-one wants to see the UK transformed from a land of opportunity to one of social stagnation. But the fact is, too many children, especially from the poorest backgrounds, are now getting a very raw deal indeed.

    We’re not introducing enough of them to the best that’s been thought and written; we’re not equipping them to compete against their peers around the world; we can’t even say we’re preparing them to enter the UK workforce. Only last month, the CBI’s annual education and skills’ survey showed almost half of top employers are having to invest in remedial training for school and college leavers.

    Even in the best of times, this kind of backtracking would be unsustainable.

    But the fact is, pupils today are being taught and studying at a time of unprecedented competition. We’ve just been through the worst financial crisis since 1929. Our economy is weighed down by a huge debt burden. Technology is moving faster than most of us can keep pace with, and there has been an unprecedented shift in political and economic power towards Asia.

    This leaves us with the obvious question: how do you match the success of places like Asia and make sure you’re not treading water for another 10 years?

    Leading experts like Sir Michael Barber and organizations like the OECD and McKinsey, have shown us time and again that the top performing nations have several key attributes in common:

    First, they value and respect their teachers and employ the very best people in their classrooms;

    Second, they step back and let schools get on with it, free from bureaucratic control;

    Third, they encourage collaboration between schools;

    And fourth, they hold schools to account in an intelligent way.

    These themes formed the basis of our White Paper last November: The Importance of Teaching – and today, I’d like to say a little about each of them – and pick out specifically where I hope grammar schools can lead improvement across the maintained sector.

    First – we want to get the best graduates into teaching by funding the doubling of Teach First over the course of this Parliament, and by expanding the Future Leaders and Teaching Leaders programmes, which provide superb professional development for the future leaders of some of our toughest schools.

    In addition, we’ll shortly be publishing our strategy for initial teacher training. This will set out our commitment to restoring the status of the profession by toughening up the recruitment process, and ensuring that all new entrants have a real depth of knowledge in their subject.

    Not only this, but we will also explore how excellent schools, including grammar schools, can be more involved in both initial training and the provision of professional development.

    Perhaps most exciting though, is the development of Teaching Schools. Where we have had more than 1,000 expressions of interest and 300 applications have already been received. And I know grammar schools themselves have been amongst the keenest to express their interest. In much the same way, I know many grammar schools are now already sponsoring academies or supporting local schools to improve standards. Transporting their own ambition and high standards out into their local communities, and helping to raise aspirations. While I know many more grammar schools have taken the step of actually converting to become academies. As of the 10th June this year, there were some 89 designated maintained grammar schools, plus 75 grammar schools, that had converted to academy status.

    Many of these will be supporting other schools in the local areas. And I know still more are involved in helping other schools on a less formal basis. So, for example, operating an exchange of staff, working with students and supporting school leadership.

    In fact, Barry has told me that 98% of grammar school headteachers are working on major partnership activities to support the work of other secondary schools and primary schools.

    A brilliant achievement, and we’re very keen to encourage exactly this kind of collaboration both through the new converter academies, which have, between them, agreed to support over 700 other schools and through the doubling of the National and Local Leaders of Education programmes to support fellow heads.

    But of course, we do understand that great teachers and collaboration between schools cannot raise standards on their own, if they are then bedeviled by the kind of bureaucracy that constricts achievement.

    In opposition, we counted the number of pages of guidance sent to schools in one 12 month period as coming to an incredible 6,000 pages. Twice the complete works of Shakespeare – but not as interesting.

    So, we’ve been systematically cutting down on the red tape headteachers and their staff have to deal with – to the point where departmental guidance will have been more than halved over the coming months.

    For example, we’re slimming down the national curriculum; scrapping the self evaluation form; reducing the behaviour and bullying guidance from some 600 pages to 50; we’re focusing Ofsted inspections on teaching; closing down quangos; and – of course – we’re in the process of cutting down, and consulting on the massively complex admissions and appeal codes.

    That consultation comes to an end on the 19th August, with the department then publishing its official response to the consultation in September.

    Without pre-empting its findings, I can assure you there are currently no new policy proposals specifically focusing on the areas of academic selection or grammar schools themselves.

    But, subject to the consultation, the Association’s schools would be able to take advantage of crucial freedoms such as:

    in-year coordination – which removes the requirement on local authorities to co-ordinate in-year admissions

    published admissions numbers – where we want to make it easier for popular schools to expand

    consultation – which would mean admission authorities only have to consult on admission arrangements every seven years (rather than three) when they are not making any changes

    and the pupil premium – which will allow academies and free schools to prioritise children from the poorest backgrounds

    Of course, when you have far more schools enjoying these kinds of freedoms, and improvement is driven not by government but by schools, proper accountability inevitably becomes more important than ever.

    That’s why we’re currently overhauling the Ofsted framework to focus on the four core responsibilities of schools – teaching; leadership; attainment; and behaviour and safety.

    And it’s why we’re also very pleased to see the introduction of the English Baccalaureate, which we specifically designed in order to narrow the segregation in education between those from the poorest backgrounds and the rest – and to give parents a simple benchmark against which to hold schools accountable.

    The Russell Group has been unequivocal about the core GCSE and A level subjects that equip students best for the most competitive courses – the list trips off the tongue: English; maths, the three sciences; geography; history, classical and modern languages.

    Nationally, grammar schools perform remarkably well in this area, with some 67.4% of its students achieving the E-Bacc. A figure that even the independent sector can’t match: where only around 24% of its pupils achieved at least a C in the combination – rising to 51.3% when the Edexcel iGCSE results, which were not credited initially, are included.

    Nonetheless, just 15.6% of students achieved at least a C in the E-Bacc combination in the maintained sector generally.

    And this does beg the question as to how it can possibly be fair to those students who are automatically handicapped by the system’s inherent lack of aspiration on their behalf?

    It should, I believe, be a major concern to everyone that nine out of ten state pupils eligible for free school meals are not even entered for the E-Bacc subjects – and just four% achieve it.

    Equally, it cannot be fair that no pupil was entered for any single award science GCSE in 719 mainstream state schools; for French in 169; for geography in 137; and for history in 70.

    Quite simply, the most academic subjects must not become the preserve of the few. They should be open to every single student, regardless of background.

    And this, as the Secretary of State described in his National College speech last week, is ‘the moral cause’ that lies behind all our reforms – and our aspiration to raise the minimum benchmark for schools to 50% of pupils achieving five A* – C grades in GCSEs, with maths and English, by 2015.

    Grammar schools, through their own example; through the sponsorship of academies; through partnerships with underperforming schools; through the network of teaching schools; the education endowment fund; and through the national and local leaders of education programmes; have a unique opportunity to make this happen.

    So, let me finish with a final thank you to all those grammar school headteachers who have already taken advantage of these changes. We owe the sector a very real debt of gratitude and enormously value your contribution to those reforms.

    I also hope that Simon, Roy and Barry and all heads here will continue to play a very active advisory role with the department over the coming months.

    I know headteachers will not always agree with all our changes, but I think we agree on more than we disagree – and the voice of grammar schools remains one that is highly valued and respected not just by myself, but also – I know – by the Secretary of State and by Lord Hill.

    In the final analysis, education reform is not about politics, it’s about progress. Or, as Ronald Reagan put it: ‘It’s not about left or right – it’s about up or down’. I hope you’ll agree that these reforms are squarely aimed at getting us on the right trajectory.

    Thank you.

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ukraine (18/09/2022) – 207 days

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ukraine (18/09/2022) – 207 days

    The statement made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 18 September 2022.

    Good health to you, fellow Ukrainians!

    I started this day, as always, with a morning conference call.

    The Commander-in-Chief, the Minister of Internal Affairs, the heads of intelligence, the Minister of Defense, the Minister of Infrastructure, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, the Security Service, the Head of the Office, “Ukroboronprom” and some others who are responsible for the most important areas of assistance to our defenders.

    This is how my day starts. Often – with the same questions, often – with similar answers. And this is always the time for the most important words for Ukraine.

    Izyum, Balakliya, Kupyansk and the Kharkiv region in general are the cities and communities that we have liberated. These words are heard now. They are heard everywhere.

    Mariupol, Melitopol and Kherson are also heard, but they will sound even more often and louder when we liberate them.

    Donetsk, Horlivka and Luhansk – they will be heard as well. Dzhankoy, Yevpatoriya, Yalta – and they will, too. Definitely.

    We do not talk about what’s not ours. Only our words, Ukrainian words, sound.

    Every morning, every afternoon, every evening, every night – for 207 days already.

    They sound thanks to the Armed Forces of Ukraine, thanks to the Special Operations Forces, thanks to the Main Intelligence Directorate, thanks to the Security Service of Ukraine, thanks to the territorial defense, thanks to the border guards and the entire system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs – from the National Guard and the National Police to the rescuers of the State Emergency Service.

    The most important words that are heard thanks to our medical workers and transporters, thanks to energy workers and volunteers, thanks to fighters of the information front and educators, thanks to diplomats and many others who do their job in a way that makes us all stronger. Strengthens our ability to fight and win.

    Perhaps it seems to someone now that after a series of victories we have a certain lull. But this is not a lull.

    This is preparation for the next sequence. For the next sequence of words that are very important to us all and that definitely must be heard.

    Because Ukraine must be free – the whole of it.

    And in conclusion, as always, words that sound and will always sound. They are heard by us, they will be heard by our children, they will be heard by our grandchildren. They will be heard in free Ukraine.

    Eternal glory to all our heroes!

    Glory to Ukraine!