Tag: Speeches

  • David Lammy – 2025 Article on Defence Spending

    David Lammy – 2025 Article on Defence Spending

    The article written by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 25 February 2025. The article was published in the Guardian newspaper and released as a press release by the Government.

    There are moments in history when everything turns, but the extent of change is not perceived until later when the fog has cleared. These are hinge points that require clear leadership and bold action. In the late 1940s, my Labour predecessor and hero Ernie Bevin, alongside Clement Attlee, saw through the fog when they led Britain into Nato and the UN, and secured the development of Britain’s nuclear deterrent.

    In the 1960s, Harold Wilson saw through the paranoia of the cold war, refusing Lyndon Johnson’s request to send British troops to Vietnam. In the 1990s, Tony Blair understood that unless we stopped the president of Serbia, Slobodan Milošević, there would be no peace in the Balkans.

    Three years into Vladimir Putin’s brutal war, this is again a hinge point for Britain. Keir Starmer’s commitment to dramatically raise defence spending in both this and the next parliament shows his leadership through the fog. Putin’s Russia is a threat not only to Ukraine and its neighbours, but to all of Europe, including the UK.

    Over successive administrations, our closest ally, the US, has turned increasingly towards the Indo-Pacific, and it is understandably calling for Nato’s European members to shoulder more of the burden for our continent’s security. Around the world, the threats are multiplying: from traditional warfare to hybrid threats and cyber-attacks.

    The first duty and foundation of this government’s Plan for Change – GOV.UK is our national security. Seven months ago, the public gave us this responsibility, and we hold it with a profound sense of duty. Under the Conservatives, the foundations of our defence were weakened. The UK has not reached a defence spending level of 2.5% of GDP since Labour was last in government. And it falls to a Labour government to restore those foundations once again. We will deliver the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the cold war because we are the party of defence. So we will hit our 2.5% promise in 2027 and, subject to economic conditions, go further, with defence spending rising to 3% during the next parliament. This is a pledge to safeguard our future – and act as a pillar of security on our continent – in a world plagued by more active conflicts than at any time since the second world war.

    To make this commitment, and stick within our fiscal rules, we have had to make the extremely difficult decision to lower our spending on international development. As the Prime Minister said, we do not pretend any of this is easy.

    This is a hard choice that no government – let alone a Labour government – makes lightly. I am proud of our record on international development. It helps address global challenges from health to migration, contributes to prosperity, and supports the world’s most vulnerable people.

    It grows both our soft power and our geopolitical clout, while improving lives. For all of those reasons, this government remains committed to reverting spending on overseas aid to 0.7% of gross national income when the fiscal conditions allow.

    But we are a government of pragmatists not ideologues – and we have had to balance the compassion of our internationalism with the necessity of our national security.

    As we reduce the overseas aid budget, we will protect the most vital programmes in the world’s worst conflict zones of Ukraine, Gaza and Sudan. But there can be no hiding from the fact that many programmes doing vital work will have to be put on hold. The work of making further tough choices about programmes will proceed at pace over the weeks and months ahead, but our core priorities will remain the same.

    My vision for a reformed Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office fit for this more contested and dangerous world, in which diplomacy is more important than ever, remains paramount. We are working closely with the Treasury to ensure our diplomatic, intelligence and development footprint will align with our priorities. In a tough fiscal environment, all our spending must be laser-focused on delivering the maximum possible impacts for our national security and growth, equipping the FCDO to deliver the government’s plan for change internationally.

    At the height of the cold war, defence spending fluctuated between about 4% and 7% of GDP. At this moment of fiscal and geopolitical flux, not meeting the moment on defence would mean leaving Britain ill-prepared for a more dangerous world, potentially requiring even tougher choices down the line.

    I have written previously about this government’s foreign policy being founded on progressive realism. Being clear about our values, but treating the world as it is, not as we would wish it to be. These are the principles that guide our choices through these dangerous times. We will always do what is necessary to keep the public safe.

  • Steve Reed – 2025 Speech at the NFU Conference

    Steve Reed – 2025 Speech at the NFU Conference

    The speech made by Steve Reed, the Environment Secretary, on 25 February 2025.

    Thank you very much Tom for inviting me to speak today.

    I’ve been to the NFU Conference before of course – but this is my first time attending as the Secretary of State for Defra. I want to personally thank Tom for our work together since I took up this role last July.

    You were the first visitor to my office after the election and you’ve been back more since then than anyone else since. That conversation between us is invaluable as we navigate the farming transition together.

    And I’m grateful for your views Tom – even where we’ve disagreed.

    You set that out in your speech and I was listening to it, plain speaking as you always do. And I know it’s reflected here today, and the protests in Westminster and around the country. But even if the conversation gets difficult – I will always show up to have it. Because I respect this union and I respect British farming.

    Now, I can’t give the answer I know many of you want on inheritance tax. But I want you to know that I understand the strength of feeling in the room and in the sector, we can see and example of that right in front of me right now. And I am sorry it’s a decision that we’ve had to take.

    Like I said I am always going to turn up to have the conversation with you, there’s an opportunity to ask questions afterwards and it might be better to ask them in that way because I have an awful lot that I think will be of interest to other people who are here in the room today that might want to hear what I have to say about that.

    Now I’ve heard many farmers describing that decision as ‘the final straw’ – and the truth is those straws have been piling up for many years. Tom you were outlining many of them in your speech.

    This sector is facing high input costs, tight margins, and unfairness in the supply chain. You’ve struggled to get enough workers to pick your fruit and veg. Frankly, you’ve been sold out in past trade deals. Farmland is increasingly at risk from severe flooding and drought.

    And this all comes as we face the biggest transition for farming in generations, moving away from the Basic Payment Scheme to more sustainable methods of farming.

    The underlying problem in this sector is that farmers do not make enough money for the hard work and commitment that they put in.

    I will consider my time as Secretary of State a failure if I do not improve profitability for farmers up and down this country.

    Today I can announce I will set up a new farming profitability unit within the department to drive that goal. I want to outline what the Government is doing to tackle the deep-rooted problems holding the sector back. Because time and again, I hear farmers say that they do not make a fair profit for the food they produce. And it is only by overcoming these long-standing challenges that we can create the conditions for your farming businesses to succeed. Achieving this starts by treating farms as the businesses they are.

    Farmers have repeatedly told me they want to stand on their own two feet. They are proud people and rightly so. But it is paternalistic and patronising for government to treat farmers as if they are not operating in a marketplace in which they need to turn a decent profit.

    I worked in business for 16 years, with responsibility every year for driving up profit and driving down cost. British farming has some of the hardest working, most creative people anywhere in the British workforce. But a sector that isn’t profitable doesn’t have a future. I know that from my own long experience in business.

    My focus is on ensuring farming becomes more profitable – because that is the best way to make your businesses viable for the future. And that’s how we ensure the long-term food security this country needs.

    This approach will underpin our 25 Year Farming Roadmap and our Food Strategy, where we will work in partnership with farmers to make farming and food production sustainable and profitable. We will work with farmers and stakeholders to build the roadmap together, covering every part of the sector, and the first workshops will start next week.

    The roadmap stands on three principles.

    First, a sector that has food production at its core. The role of farming will always be to produce the food that feeds our nation. The instability we see across the world shows us why it’s so important we help farmers to get this right.

    Second, a sector where farm businesses are more resilient in withstanding the shocks that periodically disrupt farming – severe flooding, drought, animal disease. We will help farmers who want to diversify their income to put more money into their business so they can survive these more difficult times when they come.

    Third, a sector that recognises restoring nature is not in competition with sustainable food production, but is essential to it.

    It is only by pursuing all three of these principles – and recognising that farms are businesses that need to be profitable, that we can guarantee national food security and a thriving food production and farming sector.

    Our New Deal for Farmers is supporting farmers to produce food sustainably and profitably.

    It won’t all happen overnight, but we are already making changes.

    Tom has repeatedly told me farmers need certainty about seasonal workers. I’ve listened Tom, and I’m pleased to announce that we’re extending the Seasonal Worker visas for five years. That on it’s own is not the long-term solution. We will reduce the number of seasonal workers coming to the UK in the future.

    But I recognise your business needs stability over the coming years as we work at pace to embrace innovation, develop the agri-tech and invest in farming practices so you can reduce your reliance on seasonal workers as quickly as possible.

    We are making the Supply Chain fairer, with new regulations for the pig sector coming in by the end of next month in March to make sure contracts clearly set out expectations and only allow changes if they’ve agreed by all parties. We are engaging with industry on similar proposals for eggs and fresh produce.

    For the first time ever, we are measuring where the public sector buys food from so we can use the Government’s own purchasing power to back British produce wherever we can. I have worked with my colleague Pat McFadden in the Cabinet Office to create new requirements for government catering contracts to favour high-quality, high-welfare products that British producers are well placed to meet.

    This means British farmers and producers can compete for a fairer share of the £5 billion pounds a year the public sector spends on food. That’s money straight into farmers’ bank accounts to boost turnover and boost profits.

    Ours is an outward-facing trading nation. But I want to be clear, we will never lower our food standards in trade agreements. We will promote robust standards nationally and internationally and will always consider whether overseas produce has an unfair advantage. British farming deserves a level playing field where you can compete and win and that is what you’ll get. We will use the full range of powers at our disposal to protect our most sensitive sectors.

    Innovation and technology will help farmers produce more food more sustainably and more profitably. I’m delighted to announce the legislation to implement the Precision Breeding Act for plants in England has been laid in Parliament today. This offers huge potential to transform the plant breeding sector in England by enabling innovative products to be commercialised in years instead of in decades, and we are reinstating the Precision Breeding Industry Working Group so the whole food supply chain can work together to bring new food and feed products to market faster.

    We are investing in the UK Agri-Technology sector with a further £110 million pounds in farming grants being announced today. In Spring we will launch new competitions under our Farming Innovation Programme for groundbreaking research that will help the sector transition towards net zero, and unlock opportunities from the Precision Breeding Act.

    This is not just for the biggest farms. We will help farms of any size access technology that makes a real difference to the bottom-line over the years ahead. Like the chemical-free cleaning for integrated milking equipment by Oxi-Tech – funded through FIP, which boosts profits by lowering energy costs and chemical use. Our new ADOPT programme will fund farmer-led trials that bridge the gap between these new technologies and their use in the real world, showing farmers that their investments in technology will deliver financial returns and boost profits. And once technologies and equipment hit the market, we are making them available through the Farming Equipment and Technology Fund. Products like the electric weeder developed by Rootwave to reduce chemical use. We will launch another opportunity this Spring to bring more products to the farmgate.

    Farms must be resilient to future challenges if they are to remain financially viable and strengthen food security. That includes severe flooding and droughts through to animal disease, and geopolitical tensions that increase demands on our land for energy generation.

    I know new tech doesn’t bring the same benefits for every type of farm. We are investing to help farm businesses build resilience against animal diseases that can devastate livelihoods and threaten our entire economy. Like the Bluetongue Virus, Avian Flu, or the recent case of Foot and Mouth that we saw in Germany.

    That’s why we’re investing £208 million pounds to set up a new National Biosecurity Centre, modernising the Animal and Plant Health Agency facilities at Weybridge, to protect farmers, food producers and exporters from disease outbreaks that can wipe out businesses in a moment.

    We are helping keepers of cattle, sheep and pigs in England improve the health, welfare and productivity of their animals by expanding the fully funded farm visits offer.

    Tom had raised with me, and he just did in his speech, the risk from illegal meat imports. More than 92,000 thousand kilograms of illegal meat products were seized at ports across the UK over the last year. They carry huge risk of diseases such as African Swine Fever and Foot and Mouth getting into the country. We can’t tolerate this.

    I am working with the Home Office and Border Force on plans to seize the cars, vans, trucks and coaches used by criminal gangs to smuggle illegal meat into our country and crush them so they can’t be used again.

    I’ve listened to your concerns about other forms of crime as well. Crime damages farm profitability as you are forced to wait for farm or construction machinery to be replaced, or clear rubbish that has been dumped in your gateways or on your land. The National Rural Crime Unit is already supporting forces to tackle rural crime around the country.

    To strengthen our approach and protect your profits, the Home Secretary Yvette Cooper will lay the legislation this year to better protect agricultural equipment like all-terrain vehicles, by requiring immobilisers and forensic marking as standard.

    At the Oxford Farming Conference earlier this year, I announced new ways to help farmers remain profitable and viable, even in a challenging harvest. We will consult on national planning reforms this Spring to make it quicker for farmers to build new buildings, barns and other infrastructure to boost food production. And ensure permitted development rights work for farms to convert larger barns into a farm shop, holiday let, or a sports facility if that suits their business planning. We will get red tape out of the way so you can invest to become more profitable.

    I’m working with Ed Miliband and the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero so more farm businesses can connect their own electricity generation to the grid much faster, so you can sell surplus energy and diversify your income.

    The third element of our vision is nature. Restoring nature is vital to food production, not in competition with it. It is healthy soils, abundant pollinators and clean water that are the foundations farm businesses that they rely on to produce high crop yields and turn over a profit. Without nature thriving, there can be no long-term food security.

    I want to thank everyone – upland, tenant, grassland farmers and others – everyone who is involved in our farming schemes. Almost 50 thousand farm businesses are now in schemes and around half of farmed land in England is being managed to enhance nature while producing food.

    I recognise the frustration when we had to pause the Capital Grants offer last year without proper warning because of unprecedented demand. I promised to update you as soon as I could. And I can confirm today that every application submitted for capital grants before the pause in November will be taken forward, and following this, we will reopen the ELM capital grants offer this summer.

    I’m also pleased to announce that we’re investing £30 million pounds to increase payment rates in Higher Level Stewardship with immediate effect to bring them more closely in line with our other farming schemes. Something the NFU and others have long called for. You just called for it again, Tom. These farmers are the pioneers of nature-friendly farming, often based in upland areas. They deliver high-quality environmental outcomes; now, finally, they will get a fair price for their work.

    There’s a lot to be done to make British farming profitable and viable for the long term. I know we can only get there if we build the future together.

    We will work with Tom, the NFU and farmers around the country to support farmers to keep producing the food we love to eat. This requires a new approach that recognises farms are businesses, and businesses need to turn a fair profit.

    I’ll play my part in creating the conditions for that to happen. I know you’ll play your part in building resilient businesses that will innovate and succeed. Together, we will overcome the challenges this sector faces and give British farming the bright future this country knows you deserve.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments at a Meeting Convened by President Zelenskyy to Mark Three Years since the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Comments at a Meeting Convened by President Zelenskyy to Mark Three Years since the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 24 February 2025.

    Thank you very much – colleagues, let me start with Volodymyr and saying on this day of all days, I want to pay tribute to your leadership Volodymyr. And friends – it’s right that we mark this grim anniversary together. For three years we have been united in opposition to Russia’s barbaric invasion. And for three years we have been full of admiration for the incredible response of the Ukrainian people.

    Their voices must be must at the heart of the drive for peace. And I want to be clear – I hear them. I think of the soldiers and civilians that I met in Kyiv just a few weeks ago in the ICU, in the burns unit… The witnesses to the horror of Bucha… The school children I met living under constant bombardment… The soldiers training in the UK, bound for the frontline… Their voices echo in my ears – They inform the decisions I take – and the peace that I believe we must see.

    So I have a very simple, clear message today: the UK is with you. Today and every day. From His Majesty the King… To the NHS workers volunteering in hospitals in Ukraine… To the communities that took Ukrainian refugees to their heart. And that’s why I signed our 100-year partnership with President Zelenskyy last month – Because we believe in Ukraine’s fight today, and the country’s incredible potential to thrive in the years to come.

    This is a time for unity. In this crucial moment as talks begin – we must work together to shape the outcome.

    Russia does not hold all the cards in this war… Because the Ukrainians have the courage to defend their country… Because Russia’s economy is in trouble… And because they have now lost the best of their land forces and their Black Sea Fleet in this pointless invasion. So we must increase the pressure even further to deliver an enduring peace, not just a pause in fighting. We can do that in three ways.

    First, by stepping up our military support to Ukraine. The UK is doing that… Providing £4.5bn in military aid this year – more than ever before. We’re doing more than ever to train Ukrainian troops, helping Ukraine to mobilise even further… And we’re proud to have taken on the leadership of the Ukraine Defence Contact Group.

    Secondly, we must keep dialling up the economic pressure… To get Putin to a point where he is ready not just to talk, but to make concessions. So today we’re announcing the UK’s largest package of sanctions since the early days of the war… Going after Russia’s shadow fleet… And going after companies in China and elsewhere who are sending military components.
    Later today I will be discussing further steps with the G7 – And I am clear that the G7 should be ready to take on more risk – Including on the oil price cap… Sanctioning Russia’s oil giants… And going after the banks that are enabling the evasion of sanctions.

    Third, we must bring our collective strength to the peace effort.
    President Trump has changed the global conversation over the last few weeks. And it has created an opportunity. Now, we must get the fundamentals right.

    If we want peace to endure, Ukraine must have a seat at the table… And any settlement must be based on a sovereign Ukraine… Backed up with strong security guarantees. The UK is ready and willing to support this with troops on the ground – With other Europeans, and with the right conditions in place.
    And ultimately a US backstop will be vital to deter Russia from launching another invasion in just a few years’ time.

    So we will do everything we can to get the best outcome for Ukraine – and for us all. Let me close with one of those voices I mentioned earlier – A patient called Petro, from the burns unit I visited in Kyiv. He said to me… “If Ukraine fails, Europe will be next.” That is what’s at stake here. That is why we will always stand with Ukraine, and with our allies… Against this aggression… And for a just and lasting peace. Slava Ukraini.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on Oded Lifschitz

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on Oded Lifschitz

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 20 February 2025.

    I was deeply saddened to hear of the death of Oded Lifschitz after he was taken hostage by terrorists in Gaza, and I extend my heartfelt condolences to his daughter Sharone and his wife Yocheved.

    When I met Sharone in Downing Street, she showed remarkable strength in the face of the most difficult circumstances. The news of her father’s death is a tragedy. It is my hope that the peace he worked to see in the region through his charity work and activism will be achieved.

    My thoughts are also with the Bibas family, who have faced immense pain as they awaited news of Shiri and her sons Kfir and Ariel.

    We must see all remaining hostages released, and the ceasefire upheld. My government remains committed to working with our international partners to bring an end this suffering and secure a long-term peace in the Middle East.

  • Lisa Nandy – 2025 Speech at the Jennie Lee Lecture

    Lisa Nandy – 2025 Speech at the Jennie Lee Lecture

    The speech made by Lisa Nandy, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport at the Royal Shakespeare Company on 20 February 2025.

    In 2019, as Britain tore itself apart over Brexit, against a backdrop of growing nationalism, anger and despair I sat down with the film director Danny Boyle to talk about the London 2012 Olympics Opening Ceremony.

    That moment was perhaps the only time in my lifetime that most of the nation united around an honest assessment of our history in all its light and dark, a celebration of the messy, complex, diverse nation we’ve become and a hopeful vision of the future.

    Where did that country go? I asked him. He replied: it’s still there, it’s just waiting for someone to give voice to it.

    13 years later and we have waited long enough. In that time our country has found multiple ways to divide ourselves from one another.

    We are a fractured nation where too many people are forced to grind for a living rather than strive for a better life.

    Recent governments have shown violent indifference to the social fabric – the local, regional and national institutions that connect us to one another, from the Oldham Coliseum to Northern Rock, whose foundation sustained the economic and cultural life of the people of the North East for generations.

    But this is not just an economic and social crisis, it is cultural too.

    We have lost the ability to understand one another.

    A crisis of trust and faith in government and each other has destroyed the consensus about what is truthfully and scientifically valid.

    Where is the common ground to be found on which a cohesive future can be forged? How can individuals make themselves heard and find self expression? Where is the connection to a sense of belonging to something larger than ourselves?

    I thought about that conversation with Danny Boyle last summer when we glimpsed one version of our future. As violent thugs set our streets ablaze, a silent majority repelled by the racism and violence still felt a deep sense of unrest. In a country where too many people have been written off and written out of our national story. Where imagination, creation and contribution is not seen or heard and has no outlet, only anger, anxiety and disorder on our streets.

    There is that future.

    Or there is us.

    That is why this country must always resist the temptation to see the arts as a luxury. The visual arts, music, film, theatre, opera, spoken word, poetry, literature and dance – are the building blocks of our cultural life, indispensable to the life of a nation, always, but especially now.

    So much has been taken from us in this dark divisive decade but above all our sense of self-confidence as a nation.

    But we are good at the arts. We export music, film and literature all over the world. We attract investment to every part of the UK from every part of the globe. We are the interpreters and the storytellers, with so many stories to tell that must be heard.

    And despite everything that has been thrown at us, wherever I go in Britain I feel as much ambition for family, community and country as ever before. In the end, for all the fracture, the truth remains that our best hope… is each other.

    This is the country that George Orwell said “lies beneath the surface”.

    And it must be heard. It is our intention that when we turn to face the nation again in four years time it will be one that is more self-confident and hopeful, not just comfortable in our diversity but a country that knows it is enriched by it, where everybody’s contribution is seen and valued and every single person can see themselves reflected in our national story.

    You might wonder, when so much is broken, when nothing is certain, so much is at stake, why I am asking more of you now.

    John F Kennedy once said we choose to go to the moon in this decade not because it is easy but because it is hard.

    That is I think what animated the leaders of the post war period who, in the hardest of circumstances knew they had to forge a new nation from the upheaval of war.

    And they reached for the stars.

    The Festival of Britain – which was literally built out of the devastation of war – on a bombed site on the South Bank, took its message to every town, city and village in the land and prioritised exhibitions that explored the possibilities of space and technology and allowed a devastated nation to gaze at the possibilities of the future.

    So many of our treasured cultural institutions that still endure to this day emerged from the devastation of that war.

    The first Edinburgh Festival took place just a year after the war when – deliberately – a Jewish conductor led the Vienna Philharmonic, a visible symbol of the power of arts to heal and unite.

    From the BBC to the British Film Institute, the arts have always helped us to understand the present and shape the future.

    People balked when John Maynard Keynes demanded that a portion of the funding for the reconstruction of blitzed towns and cities must be spent on theatres and galleries. But he persisted, arguing there could be “no better memorial of a war to save the freedom of spirit of an individual”.

    Yes it took visionary political leaders.

    But it also demanded artists and supporters of the arts who refused to be deterred by the economic woes of the country and funding in scarce supply, and without hesitation cast aside those many voices who believed the arts to be an indulgence.

    This was an extraordinary generation of artists and visionaries who understood their role was not to preserve the arts but to help interpret, shape and light the path to the future.

    Together they powered a truly national renaissance which paved the way for the woman we honour today – Jennie Lee – whose seminal arts white paper, the first Britain had ever had, was published 60 years ago this year.

    It stated unequivocally the Wilson government’s belief in the power of the arts to transform society and to transform lives.

    Perhaps because of her belief in the arts in and of itself, which led to her fierce insistence that arts must be for everyone, everywhere – and her willingness to both champion and challenge the arts – she was – as her biographer Patricia Hollis puts it  – the first, the best known and the most loved of all Britain’s Ministers for the Arts.

    When she was appointed so many people sneered at her insistence on arts for everyone everywhere..

    And yet she held firm.

    That is why we are not only determined – but impassioned – to celebrate her legacy and consider how her insistence that culture was at the centre of a flourishing nation can help us today.

    This is the first in what will be an annual lecture that gives a much needed platform to those voices who are willing to think and do differently and rise to this moment, to forge the future, written – as Benjamin Zephaniah said – in verses of fire.

    Because governments cannot do this alone. It takes a nation.

    And in that spirit, her spirit. I want to talk to you about why we need you now. What you can expect from us. And what we need from you.

    George Bernard Shaw once wrote:

    “Imagination is the beginning of creation.

    “you imagine what you desire,

    “you will what you imagine –

    “and at last you create what you will.”

    That belief that arts matter in and of themselves, central to the chance to live richer, larger lives, has animated every Labour Government in history and animates us still.

    As the Prime Minister said in September last year: “Everyone deserves the chance to be touched by art. Everyone deserves access to moments that light up their lives.

    “And every child deserves the chance to study the creative subjects that widen their horizons, provide skills employers do value, and prepares them for the future, the jobs and the world that they will inherit.”

    This was I think Jennie Lee’s central driving passion, that “all of our children should be given the kind of education that was the monopoly of the privileged few” – to the arts, sport, music and culture which help us grow as people and grow as a nation.

    But who now in Britain can claim that this is the case? Whether it is the running down of arts subjects, the narrowing of the curriculum and the labelling of arts subjects as mickey mouse –  enrichment funding in schools eroded at the stroke of the pen or the closure of much-needed community spaces as council funding has been slashed.

    Culture and creativity has been erased, from our classrooms and our communities.

    Is it any wonder that the number of students taking arts GSCEs has dropped by almost half since 2010?

    This is madness. At a time when the creative industries offer such potential for growth, good jobs and self expression in every part of our country  And a lack of skills acts as the single biggest brake on them…bar none, we have had politicians who use them as a tool in their ongoing, exhausting culture wars.

    Our Cabinet, the first entirely state educated Cabinet in British history, have never accepted the chance to live richer, larger lives belongs only to some of us and I promise you that we never ever will.

    That is why we wasted no time in launching a review of the curriculum, as part of our Plan for Change.

    To put arts, music and creativity back at the heart of the education system.

    Where they belong.

    And today I am delighted to announce the Arts Everywhere fund as a fitting legacy for Jennie Lee’s vision – over £270 million investment that will begin to fix the foundations of our arts venues, museums, libraries and heritage sector in communities across the country.

    We believe in them. And we will back them.

    Because as Abraham Lincoln once said, the dogmas of a quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present.

    Jennie Lee lived by this mantra. So will we.

    We are determined to escape the deadening debate about access or excellence which has haunted the arts ever since the formation of the early Arts Council.

    The arts is an ecosystem, which thrives when we support the excellence that exists and use it to level up.

    Like the RSC’s s “First Encounters” programme. Or the incredible Shakespeare North Playhouse in Knowsley where young people are first meeting with spoken word.

    When I watched young people from Knowsley growing in confidence, and dexterity, reimagining Shakespeare for this age and so, so at home in this amazing space it reminded me of my childhood.

    Because in so many ways I grew up in the theatre. My dad was on the board of the National, and as a child my sister and I would travel to London on the weekends we had with our dad to see some of the greatest actors and directors on earth – Helen Mirren, Alan Rickman, Tom Baker, Trevor Nunn and Sam Mendes. We saw Chekhov, Arthur Miller and Brecht reimagined by the National, the Donmar and the Royal Court.

    It was never, in our house, a zero-sum game. The thriving London scene was what inspired my parents and others to set up what was then the Corner House in Manchester, which is now known as HOME.

    It inspired my sister to go on to work at the Royal Exchange in Manchester where she and I spent some of the happiest years of our lives watching tragedy and farce, comedy and social protest.

    Because of this I love all of it – the sound, smell and feel of a theatre. I love how it makes me think differently about the world. And most of all I love the gift that our parents gave us, that we always believed these are places and spaces for us.

    I want every child in the country to have that feeling. Because Britain’s excellence in film, literature, theatre, TV, art, collections and exhibitions is a gift, it is part of our civic inheritance, that belongs to us all and as its custodians it is up to us to hand it down through the generations.

    Not to remain static, but to create a living breathing bridge between the present, the past and the future.

    My dad, an English literature professor, once told me that the most common mistakes students make – including me – he meant me actually – was to have your eye on the question, not on the text.

    So, with some considerable backchat in hand, I had a second go at an essay on Hamlet – why did Hamlet delay? – and came to the firm conclusion that he didn’t. That this is the wrong question. I say this not to start a debate on Hamlet, especially in this crowd, but to ask us to consider this:

    If the question is – how do we preserve and protect our arts institutions? Then access against excellence could perhaps make sense. I understand the argument, that to disperse excellence is somehow to diffuse it.

    But If the question is – how to give a fractured nation back its self confidence? Then this choice becomes a nonsense. So it is time to turn the exam question on its head and reject this false choice.

    Every person in this country matters. But while talent is everywhere, opportunity is not. This cannot continue. That is why our vision is not access or excellence but access to excellence. We will accept nothing less. This country needs nothing less. And thanks to organisations like the RSC we know it can be achieved.

    I was reflecting while I wrote this speech how at every moment of great upheaval it has been the arts that have helped us to understand the world, and shape the future.

    From fashion, which as Eric Hobsbawm once remarked, was so much better at anticipating the shape of things to come than historians or politicians, to the angry young men and women in the 1950s and 60s – that gave us plays like Look Back in Anger – to the quiet northern working class rebellion of films like Saturday Night Sunday Morning, This Sporting Life and Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner.

    Without the idea that excellence belongs to us all – this could never have happened. What was once considered working class, ethnic minority or regional – worse, in Jennie Lee’s time, it was called “the provinces” which she banned – thank God. These have become a central part of our national story.

    ….

    I think the arts is a political space. But the idea that politicians should impose a version of culture on the nation is utterly chilling.

    When we took office I said that the era of culture wars were over. It was taken to mean, in some circles, that I could order somehow magically from Whitehall that they would end.

    But I meant something else. I meant an end to the “mind forged manacles” that William Blake raged against and the “mind without fear” that Rabindranath Tagore dreamt of.

    [political content removed]

    Would this include the rich cultural heritage from the American South that the Beatles drew inspiration from, in a city that has been shaped by its role in welcoming visitors and immigrants from across the world? Would it accommodate Northern Soul, which my town in Wigan led the world in?

    We believe the proper role of government is not to impose culture, but to enable artists to hold a mirror up to society and to us. To help us understand the world we’re in and shape and define the nation.

    Who know that is the value that you alone can bring.

    I recently watched an astonishing performance of The Merchant of Venice, set in the East End of London in the 1930s. In it, Shylock has been transformed from villain to  victim at the hands of the Merchant, who has echoes of Oswald Mosely. I don’t want to spoil it – not least because my mum is watching it at the Lowry next week and would not forgive me- but it ends with a powerful depiction of the battle of Cable Street.

    Nobody could see that production and fail to understand the parallels with the modern day. No political speech I have heard in recent times has had the power, that power to challenge, interpret and provoke that sort of response. To remind us of the obligations we owe to one another.

    Other art forms can have – and have had – a similar impact. Just look at the ITV drama Mr Bates vs The Post Office. It told a story with far more emotional punch than any number of political speeches or newspaper columns.

    You could say the same of the harrowing paintings by the Scottish artist Peter Howson. His depiction of rape when he was the official war artist during the Bosnian War seared itself into people’s understanding of that conflict. It reminds me of the first time I saw a Caravaggio painting. The insistence that it becomes part of your narrative is one you never ever forget.

    That is why Jennie Lee believed her role was a permissive one. She repeated this mantra many times telling reporters that she wanted simply to make living room for artists to work in. The greatest art, she said, comes from the torment of the human spirit – adding – and you can’t legislate for that.

    I think if she were alive today she would look at the farce that is the moral puritanism which is killing off our arts and culture – for the regions and the artistic talent all over the country where the reach of funding and donors is not long enough – the protests against any or every sponsor of the arts, I believe, would have made her both angered and ashamed.

    In every social protest  – and I have taken part in plenty – you have to ask, who is your target? The idea that boycotting the sponsor of the Hay Festival harms the sponsor, not the festival is for the birds.

    And I have spent enough time at Hay, Glastonbury and elsewhere to know that these are the spaces – the only spaces – where precisely the moral voice and protest comes from. Boycotting sponsors, and killing these events off,  is the equivalent of gagging society. This self defeating virtue signalling is a feature of our times and we will stand against it with everything that we’ve got.

    Because I think we are the only [political context removed] force, right now, that believes that it is not for the government to dictate what should be heard.

    But there is one area where we will never be neutral and that is on who should be heard.

    Too much of our rich inheritance, heritage and culture is not seen. And when it is not, not only is the whole nation poorer but the country suffers.

    It is our firm belief that at the heart of Britain’s current malaise is the fact that too many people have been written off and written out of our national story. And, to borrow a line from my favourite George Eliot novel, Middlemarch, it means we cannot hear that ‘roar that lies on the other side of silence’.  What we need – to completely misquote George Elliot – is a keen vision and feeling of all ordinary human life.’ We’ve got to be able to hear it.

    And this is personal for me.

    I still remember how groundbreaking it was to watch Bend it Like Beckham – the first time I had seen a family like ours depicted on screen not for being Asian (or in my case mixed race) but because of a young girl’s love of football.

    And I was reminded of this year’s later when Maxine Peake starred in Queens of the Coal Age, her play about the women of the miners’ strike, which she put on at the Royal Exchange in Manchester.

    The trains were not running – as usual – but on one of my council estates the women who had lived and breathed this chapter of our history clubbed together, hired a coach and went off to see it. It was magical to see the reaction when they saw a story that had been so many times about their lives, finally with them in it.

    We are determined that this entire nation must see themselves at the centre of their own and our national story. That’s a challenge for our broadcasters and our film-makers.

    Show us the full panoply of the world we live in, including the many communities far distant from the commissioning room which is still far too often based in London.

    But it’s also a challenge for every branch of the arts, including the theatre, dance, music, painting and sculpture. Let’s show working-class communities too in the work that we do – and not just featuring in murder and gangland series.

    Part of how we discover that new national story is by breathing fresh life into local heritage and reviving culture in places where it is disappearing.

    Which is why we’re freeing up almost £5 million worth of funding for community organisations – groups who know their own area and what it needs far better than Whitehall. Groups determined to bring derelict and neglected old buildings back into good use. These are buildings that stand at the centre of our communities. They are visible symbols of pride, purpose and their contribution and their neglect provokes a strong emotional response to toxicity, decline and decay. We’re determined to put those communities back in charge of their own destiny again.

    And another important part of the construction is the review of the arts council, led by Baroness Margaret Hodge, who is with us today. When Jennie Lee set up regional arts associations the arts council welcomed their creation as good for the promotion of regional cultures and in the hope they would “create a rod for the arts council’s back”.

    They responded to local clamour, not culture imposed from London. Working with communities so they could tell their own story. That is my vision. And it’s the vision behind the Arts Everywhere Fund that we announced this morning.

    The Arts Council Review will be critical to fulfilling that vision and today we’re setting out two important parts of that work – publishing both the Terms of Reference and the members of the Advisory Group who will be working with Baroness Hodge, many of whom have made the effort to join us here today.

    We have found the Jennie Lee’s of our age, who will deliver a review that is shaped around communities and local areas, and will make sure that arts are for everyone, wherever they live and whatever their background. With excellence and access.

    But we need more from you. We need you to step up.

    Across the sporting world from Boxing to Rugby League clubs, they’re throwing their doors open to communities, especially young people, to help grip the challenges facing a nation. Opening up opportunities. Building new audiences. Creating the champions of the future. Lots done, but much more still to do.

    Every child and adult should also have the opportunity to access live theatre, dance and music – to believe that these spaces belong to them and are for them. We need you to throw open your doors. So many of you already deliver this against the odds. But the community spaces needed – whether community centres, theatres, libraries are too often closed to those who need them most.

    Too often we fall short of reflecting the full and varied history of the communities which support us. That’s why we have targeted the funding today to bring hope flickering back to life in community-led culture and arts – supported by us, your government, but driven by you and your communities.

    It’s one of the reasons we are tackling the secondary ticket market, which has priced too many fans out of live music gigs. It’s also why we are pushing for a voluntary levy on arena tickets to fund a sustainable grassroots music sector, including smaller music venues.

    But I also want new audiences to pour in through the doors – and I want theatres across the country to flourish as much as theatres in the West End.

    I also want everyone to be able to see some of our outstanding art, from Lowry and Constable to Anthony Gormley and Tracey Emin.

    Too much of the nation’s art is sitting in basements not out in the country where it belongs. I want all of our national and civic galleries to find new ways of getting that art out into communities.

    There are other challenges. There is too much fighting others to retain a grip on small pots of funding and too little asking “what do we owe to one another” and what can I do. Jennie Lee encouraged writers and actors into schools and poets into pubs.

    She set up subsidies so people, like the women from my council estate in Wigan, could travel to see great art and theatre. She persuaded Henry Moore to go and speak to children in a school in Castleford, in Yorkshire who were astonished when he turned up not with a lecture, but with lumps of clay.

    There are people who are doing this now. The brilliant fashion designer Paul Smith told me about a recent visit to his old primary school in Nottingham where he went armed with the material to design a new school tie with the kids. These are the most fashionable kids on the block.

    I know it’s been a tough decade. Funding for the arts has been slashed. Buildings are crumbling. And the pandemic hit the arts and heritage world hard.

    And I really believe that the Government has a role to play in helping free you up to do what you do best – enriching people’s lives and bringing communities together – so with targeted support like the new £85m Creative Foundations Fund that we’re launching today with the Arts Council we hope that we’ll be able to help you with what you do best.

    SOLT’s own research showed that, without support, 4 in 10 theatres they surveyed were at risk of closing or being too unsafe to use in five years’ time. So today we are answering that call. This fund is going to help theatres, galleries, and arts centres restore buildings in dire need of repairs.

    And on top of that support, we’re also getting behind our critical local, civic museums – places which are often cultural anchors in their village, town or city. They’re facing acute financial pressures and they need our backing. So our new Museum Renewal Fund will invest £20 million in these local assets – preserving them and ensuring they remain part of local identities, to keep benefitting local people of all ages. In my town of Wigan we have the fantastic Museum of Wigan Life and it tells the story of the contribution that the ordinary, extraordinary people in Wigan made to our country, powering us through the last century through dangerous, difficult, dirty work in the coal mines.  That story, that understanding of the contribution that Wigan made, I consider to be a part of the birthright and inheritance of my little boy growing up in that town today and we want every child growing up in a community to understand the history and heritage and contribution that their parents and grandparents made to this country and a belief that that future stretches ahead of them as well. Not to reopen the coal mines, but to make a contribution to this country and to see themselves reflected in our story.

    But for us to succeed we need more from you. This is not a moment for despair. This is our moment to ensure the arts remain central to the life of this nation for decades to come and in turn that this nation flourishes.

    If we get this right we can unlock funding that will allow the arts to flourish in every part of Britain, especially those that have been neglected for far too long, by creating good jobs and growth, and giving children everywhere the chance to get them.

    Our vision is not just to grow the economy, but to make sure it benefits people in our communities. So often where i’ve seen investments in the last decade and good jobs created, I go down the road to a local school and I see children who can see those jobs from the school playground, but could no more dream of getting to the moon than they could of getting those jobs. And we are determined that that’s going to change.

    This is what we’ve been doing with our creative education programmes (like the Museums and Schools Programme, the Heritage Schools Programme, Art & Design National Saturday Clubs and the BFI Film Academy.) These are programmes we are proud to support and ones I’m personally proud that my Department will be funding these programmes next year.

    Be in no doubt, we are determined to back the creative industries in a way no other government has done. I’m delighted that we have committed to the audiovisual, video games, theatre, orchestra and museums and galleries tax reliefs, as well as introducing the new independent film and VFX tax reliefs as well.

    You won’t hear any speeches from us denigrating the creative industries or lectures about ballerinas being forced to retrain.

    Yes, these are proper jobs. And yes, artists should be properly remunerated for their work.

    We know these industries are vital to our economic growth. They employ 1 in 14 people in the UK and are worth more than £125 billion a year to our economy.  We want them to grow. That is why they are a central plank of our industrial strategy.

    But I want to be equally clear that these industries only thrive if they are part of a great artistic ecosystem. Matilda, War Horse and Les Miserables are commercial successes, but they sprang from the public investment in theatre.

    James Graham has written outstanding screenplays for television including Sherwood, but his first major play was the outstanding This House at the National and his other National Theatre play Dear England is now set to be a TV series.

    You don’t get a successful commercial film sector without a successful subsidised theatre sector. Or a successful video games sector without artists, designers, creative techies, musicians and voiceover artists.

    So it’s the whole ecosystem that we have to strengthen and enhance. It’s all connected.

    The woman in whose name we’ve launched this lecture series would have relished that challenge. She used to say she had the best job in government

    “All the others deal with people’s sorrows… but I have been called the Minister of the Future.”

    That is why I relish this challenge and why working with those of you who will rise to meet this moment will be the privilege of my life.

    I wanted to leave with you with a moment that has stayed with me.

    A few weeks ago I was with Andy Burnham, the Mayor of Greater Manchester, who has become a great friend. We were in his old constituency of Leigh, a town that borders Wigan. And we were talking about the flashes, which in our towns used to be open cast coalmines.

    They were regenerated by the last Labour government and they’ve now become these incredible spaces, with wildlife and green spaces with incredible lakes that are well used by local children.

    We had a lot to talk about and a lot to do. But as we looked out at the transformed landscape wondering how in one generation we had gone from scars on the landscape to this, he said, the lesson I’ve taken from this is that nature recovers more quickly than people.

    While this government, through our Plan for Change, has made it our mission to support a growing economy, so we can have a safe, healthy nation where people have opportunities not currently on offer – the recovery of our nation cannot be all bread and no roses. Our shared future depends critically on every one of us in this room rising to this moment.

    To give voice to the nation we are, and can be.

    To let hope and history rhyme.

    So let no one say it falls to anyone else. It falls to us.

  • John Healey – 2025 Speech on Defence Reform

    John Healey – 2025 Speech on Defence Reform

    The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, at the Institute for Government in London on 18 February 2025.

    Good morning, everyone. Thank you for being here and thank you for hosting us today.

    The Institute for Government, in my book, plays a really important role in Westminster. It helps hold Ministers to account for what we say we’re going to do as part of that bigger mission to securing this country a better government for Britain.

    I must say, when I confirmed this event a few weeks ago, I wouldn’t have expected such interest in MOD reform, and I’m really grateful for the level of this attendance and presence, both in the room and online.

    But I guess the pace of the geopolitical change which you were referring to Hannah, and what we’re seeing right now confirms what I would argue is the need for change within defence too.

    As I said on my first day as Secretary of State in the department, when I came through the doors, I’m a Defence Secretary that’s more interested in getting results and global opportunities than headlines, and I guess I’m delivering on that promise, making a speech on defence reform right in the middle of parliamentary recess.

    However, the headlines, the wider headlines, and the decisions that we make right now over the coming weeks will not only define the outcome of the conflict in Ukraine, but the security of our world for a generation to come, and the nature of government means dealing with these challenges.

    In my view, the test of leadership, of political leadership isn’t just about managing the immediate, it’s also about reforming for the future.

    We’re in a new era of threat that demands a new era for defence and in the middle of everything else, last week, the new Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth in the US and I,  made time to discuss the aims we share on defence reform.

    This government, our new Labour government, was elected on a mandating one word: change.

    We govern on an instruction in one word: deliver.

    And as a new government, we’re delivering for defence.

    Over these first seven months, we stepped up and speeded up support for Ukraine. We’ve increased defence spending this year by nearly £3 billion, and we’ll set the path to spending 2.5% of GDP in the Spring.

    We’ve launched a new Defence Industrial Strategy. We secured a deal to buy back 36,000 military homes to improve conditions for personnel and get better value for the taxpayer.

    We’ve given the men and women of our armed forces the biggest pay increase for more than 20 years. We signed the landmark Trinity House agreement with the Germany.

    We’ve already progressed the Armed Forces Commissioner bill through the House of Commons to give a strong independent voice to improve service life.

    We have in the MOD two major change programmes both launched within the first month of government.

    One, the Strategic Defence Review. Two, our Defence Reform program. Each is essential for the other. The Defence Review will reinforce the imperative for Defence Reform. Defence reform is the foundation for being able to implement the Defence Review and for discharging what is our first duty in government.

    Exactly a year ago, actually, in February, I gave a speech at Policy Exchange on defence reform in which I outlined, and I said then the need to create a strong defence centre capable of leading Britain meeting the increasing threats we face.

    And in a little noticed section of the Labour Party manifesto at the July election, we pledged specific reforms and said strengthening our defences requires stronger leadership, clearer accountability, faster delivery, less waste and better value for money.

    By the end of July, I put in place a new team, new leadership, and weekly meeting meetings with me to drive our defence reform programme.

    And today, I wanted to offer an update on where we’ve got to and where we are going in the months ahead.

    One of the really special things about this job, the special things about this special job are the deeply impressive men and women I meet every day, from the submariners coming home from weeks undersea, to apprentices on Derby’s nuclear reaction production lines, to the NATO HQ team with people in the MOD building that last week pulled together the Ukraine led contact group meeting of 46 nations in the room at one week’s notice.

    Extraordinary people doing extraordinary things within a system that very often doesn’t work in the way that we need it to, for an increasingly dangerous world, work in the way that we need it to, to provide our armed forces with what they need to deter, to fight and to win.

    First, underpinning it all is the absence of clear, consistent accountability, central to the effectiveness of any organisation. Yet I have been in too many meetings when I ask who’s leading this? Who’s responsible for getting this done? And no one is able to give me a single, clear answer.

    Second, while everyone agrees that defence spending needs to increase, it’s not just how much you spend, but it’s how well you spend it. And we’re simply not securing the value for money our armed forces, our economy needs for every defence panel.

    We duplicate even the most central tasks. For example, we have eleven separate finance functions, two and a half thousand people doing the same activity in different places, in different ways. And third defence is mired in process and procedure. We’ve added complexity where simplicity is needed.

    Procurement, we’ve got a situation where we employ eleven checkers for every one decision maker. So, no wonder it takes an average six years for a large programme simply to get onto contract.

    So today, I’m here to declare that investment in defence will be matched by reform.

    First, we’re introducing clear points of accountability at every level within UK defence, starting at the top with four new senior leaders, four leaders who report to me as Defence Secretary and my ministerial team at the central point of accountability to the British people and to the British public.

    The Chief of the Defence Staff, who, for the first time since this role was created, now commands the service chiefs and will be the head of newly established Military Strategic Headquarters, responsible for force design and war planning across our integrated force.

    The Permanent Secretary, our principal accounting officer, who will run a leaner, more agile Department of State with more policy muscle to lead arguments across Whitehall and with allies, we’ll revamp senior roles to elevate those into policymakers with broad portfolios and powerful mandates.

    Third, our new Armaments Director, who will fix procurement and drive growth. I’ll come back to the detail of the National Armaments Director in a moment.

    Fourthly, our Chief of Defence Nuclear, who will continue to lead and deliver the national Nuclear Enterprise within the recently established ring fence and freedoms.

    This new quad will lead a defence which is more concentrated on warfighting, readiness and on deterrence.

    They’ll shift the approach as an organisation, which too often has been obsessed with process, to one focus on outcomes, in which information flows quickly, accountabilities are clear, and results are demanding. This new quad will be up and running from the 31st of March.

    On finance will match our new accountabilities, making hardware that manages money better to secure better value for money, for the taxpayer, better outcomes for the armed forces.

    [Political reference removed]

    Instead of the ten current top line budget holders, there will be four new budget holders, one for each of this new quad. We will introduce three new centrally determined financial budgets, each with ministerial oversight, readiness, operations, investment.

    The new readiness budget will hold the chiefs of the services to account for how they run their day-to-day spending. This will be done by the Chief of Defence Staff through our new Military Strategic Headquarters. The Military Strategic Headquarters will be responsible for the new operations budget, unencumbered by the excess bureaucracy and the lack of clarity that characterises the way the defence is organised now, and ministers will direct those priorities.

    And then finally, our new National Armaments Director will run the single new investment budget, bringing together eight separate procurement budgets across the organisation into one.

    This will help cut waste, reduce duplication, it will help ensure that we are buying better what our front-line forces need. In turn, the Armaments Director will acquire owning capabilities which are affordable within the budgets set by Ministers.

    These budgets, as with the quad, will have Initial Operating Capability from the end next month, 31st March.

    Our new National Armaments Director will fundamentally change how defence works partner with industry, how the defence becomes the engine for driving economic growth.

    So sitting alongside the Permanent Secretary, the Chief of Defence Staff, then executing £20 billion-plus budget to build sustain our national arsenal, because at this time, we must rearm Britain, and I see this as a new FTSE 100 company within the MOD tasked, if you like, with getting the very best capabilities needed into the hands of our frontline forces.

    Delivering on our Defence Industrial Strategy to create more defence jobs, more defence apprenticeships in every region and nation across the UK. Tasked with driving British exports up and wider, tasked with receiving responsibility for the entire end to end acquisition system for the MOD.

    They will save the taxpayer at least £10 billion over the next decade, savings that we would reinvest directly into Britain’s defence. Our interim National Armaments Director will be in post by the end of next month, recruitment for a permanent candidate is already underway.

    In conclusion, the world is changing. Defence is changing. Our reform programme represents the biggest shake up of UK defence for over 50 years.

    Let me say this. This is a government whose commitment to defence is unshakeable. It’s the foundation for our Plan for Change, for the delivery of our government’s missions, we will match sustained investment with serious reform.

    It will mean, growing the economy. It will mean a more muscular defence for a more dangerous world. It will mean, Britain, which is secure, at home, and strong abroad.

  • Keir Starmer – 2025 Article in the Telegraph on Ukraine

    Keir Starmer – 2025 Article in the Telegraph on Ukraine

    The article in the Daily Telegraph written by Keir Starmer and released by 10 Downing Street as a press release on 17 February 2025.

    We are facing a once-in-a-generation moment for the collective security of our continent. This is not only a question about the future of Ukraine – it is existential for Europe as a whole.

    Securing a lasting peace in Ukraine that safeguards its sovereignty for the long term is essential if we are to deter Putin from further aggression in the future.

    To achieve it, Europe and the United States must continue to work closely together – and I believe the UK can play a unique role in helping to make this happen, just as we did this past week in stepping in to convene and chair the Ukraine Defence Contact Group.

    First, Europe must step up further to meet the demands of its own security. So I am heading to Paris with a very clear message for our European friends. We have got to show we are truly serious about our own defence and bearing our own burden. We have talked about it for too long – and president Trump is right to demand that we get on with it.

    As European nations, we must increase our defence spending and take on a greater role in Nato. Non-US Nato nations have already increased defence spending by 20 per cent in the past year, but we must go further.

    Russia is still waging war and Ukraine is still fighting for its freedom, which is why we must not relent in our efforts to get the kit Ukrainians need for their fighters on the front line. While the fighting continues, we must put Ukraine in the strongest possible position ahead of any talks.

    The UK is ready to play a leading role in accelerating work on security guarantees for Ukraine. This includes further support for Ukraine’s military, where the UK has already committed £3 billion a year until at least 2030. But it also means being ready and willing to contribute to security guarantees to Ukraine by putting our own troops on the ground if necessary.

    I do not say that lightly. I feel very deeply the responsibility that comes with potentially putting British servicemen and women in harm’s way. But any role in helping to guarantee Ukraine’s security is helping to guarantee the security of our continent, and the security of this country.

    The end of this war, when it comes, cannot merely become a temporary pause before Putin attacks again.

    But second, while European nations must step up in this moment – and we will – US support will remain critical and a US security guarantee is essential for a lasting peace, because only the US can deter Putin from attacking again. So I will be meeting president Trump in the coming days and working with him and all our G7 partners to help secure the strong deal we need.

    We must be clear that peace cannot come at any cost. Ukraine must be at the table in these negotiations, because anything less would accept Putin’s position that Ukraine is not a real nation.

    President Zelensky and the Ukrainian people have shown the most extraordinary resilience and made such great sacrifices in the defence of their nation. We cannot have another situation like Afghanistan, where the US negotiated directly with the Taliban and cut out the Afghan government. I feel sure that president Trump will want to avoid this too.

    While Nato membership may take time, we should continue to support Ukraine’s irreversible path to joining the alliance.

    We should also show greater strength in applying economic pressure. Putin’s economy is feeling the strain – he is worried about his energy revenues and his financial sector.

    Working together, the US, Europe and all our G7 allies should seek to go further on the oil price cap, the Shadow Fleet, the sanctioning of oil giants, and going after those banks that are enabling the evasion of sanctions.

    These crucial days ahead will determine the future security of our continent. As I will say in Paris, peace comes through strength. But the reverse is also true. Weakness leads to war.

    This is the moment for us all to step up, and the UK will do so because it is the right thing to do for the values and freedoms we hold dear, and because it is fundamental to our own national security.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Speech at the G20 in South Africa

    David Lammy – 2025 Speech at the G20 in South Africa

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, at the G20 Foreign Ministerial Meeting in South Africa on 20 February 2025.

    Thank you very much Ronald [Ronald Lamola, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa] and let me say, my dear brother, what a joy is to see the G20 in Africa at long last. And we thank Brazil for its stewardship last year.

    The challenges that we face are truly global. We will not begin to tackle them unless we harness the potential of this continent, bursting with growth and opportunities and with so many young people, talented young people at its heart.

    The starkest challenge we face is escalating conflict, both between and within nations, driving vicious cycles of grievance, displacement and low growth.

    Your presidency, Ronald, calls for solidarity, and solidarity starts by recognising and naming the victims of war and injustice:

    • innocent Ukrainians enduring bombardment night after night from Odessa to Zaphorizhya
    • the hostages still cruelly held underground by Hamas, 16 months on from the trauma of October the 7th
    • the Palestinian civilians driven from their homes in Gaza and the West Bank
    • the Sudanese refugees flee their burning villages to escape across the border to Chad, the overwhelming majority of them, women and children having endured the most unimaginable and indiscriminate violence

    As I said when I visited Chad, there can be no geopolitical stability, whilst there remains a hierarchy of conflicts, with those on this continent finding themselves at the bottom of the global pile.

    And that’s why, since starting this job, I’ve made a reset with the so called Global South, a central plank of the UK foreign policy, and it’s why I doubled British aid for Sudan, and I prepared a conference in London to push for a political process which will end the fighting and protect civilians.

    And that’s why I’ve called out the Rwandan Defence Force operations in the eastern DRC as a blatant breach of the UN Charter which risks spiralling into a regional conflict, and that’s why I will again make clear to President Kagame, that further breaches of DRC’s sovereignty will have consequences.

    Because at the heart of my government’s approach to foreign policy lies the belief that regional and geopolitical stability can only be delivered through respect for international law and the principles of the UN Charter.

    And as my Canadian, Australian, Japanese colleagues have said, respect for international law must underwrite a free and open Indo Pacific, just as it must underwrite the Euro Atlantic, with the security of those 2 regions ever more closely linked.

    And as we turn to the Middle East, the ceasefire in Gaza is painfully fragile, I’m grateful that so many of us here today are working together to ensure that it holds we must continue to work together tirelessly to secure the release of the remaining hostages, to bolster the Palestinian Authority, and to boost aid into Gaza and to develop a long term plan for governance and security on the strip so that we can advance towards, a two-state solution, which remains the only long-term viable pathway to peace.

    And finally, in Ukraine, the only just and lasting peace will be a peace that is consistent with the UN Charter, and we want that as soon as possible.

    You know, mature countries learn from their colonial failures and their wars, and Europeans have had much to learn over the generations and the centuries.

    But I’m afraid to say that Russia has learned nothing. I listened carefully to Minister Lavrov intervention just now – he’s, of course, left his seat -hoping to hear some readiness to respect Ukraine’s sovereignty.

    I was hoping to hear some sympathy for the innocent victims of the aggression. I was hoping to hear some readiness to seek a durable peace.

    What I heard was the logic of imperialism dressed up as a realpolitik, and I say to you all, we should not be surprised, but neither should we be fooled.

    We are at a crucial juncture in this conflict, and Russia faces a test. If Putin is serious about a lasting peace, it means finding a way forward which respects Ukraine’s sovereignty and the UN Charter which provides credible security guarantees, and which rejects Tsarist imperialism, and Britain is ready to listen.

    But we expect to hear more than the Russian gentleman’s tired fabrications.

  • Peter Kyle – 2025 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    Peter Kyle – 2025 Speech at the Munich Security Conference

    The speech made by Peter Kyle, the Technology Secretary, in Munich on 14 February 2025.

    Innovation is defined by its ability to surprise.

    Only a few years ago, GPT-2 meant nothing to the public.

    For many of us, AI felt like a distant possibility at best.

    Something that would never – could never – live up to the hype.

    And yet, overnight, ChatGPT became a household name.

    It unleashed an unprecedented wave of technological change.

    And the pace of progress shows no signs of slowing down.

    With DeepSeek, we’ve just seen once again just how sudden, how unpredictable, innovation can be.

    The AI revolution is happening.

    Ignoring it is simply not an option.

    In the UK, we reject the doomsayers and the pessimists.

    Because we are optimistic about the extraordinary potential of this technology.

    And hopeful for the radical, far-reaching change it will bring.

    We launched the AI Opportunities Action Plan to put us on the front foot.

    Working in collaboration with our international partners, we’re going to create one of the biggest clusters of AI innovation in the world and deliver a new era of prosperity and wealth creation for our country.

    This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity.

    If we can seize it, we will close the door on a decade of slow growth and stagnant productivity.

    Of taxes that are just too high.

    We will deliver new jobs that put more money in working people’s pockets.

    And we will drive forward a digital revolution inside government to make our state smaller, smarter, and more efficient.

    But none of that is possible unless we can mitigate its risks that AI presents.

    After all, businesses will only use these technologies if they can trust them.

    Security and innovation go hand in hand.

    AI is a powerful tool and powerful tools can be misused.

    State-sponsored hackers are using AI to write malicious code and identify system vulnerabilities, increasing the sophistication and efficiency of their attacks.

    Criminals are using AI deepfakes to assist in fraud, breaching security by impersonating officials.

    Last year, attackers used live deepfake technology during a video call to mimic bank officials.

    They stole $25 million.

    And now we are seeing instances of people using AI to assist them in planning violent and harmful acts.

    These aren’t distant possibilities.

    They are real, tangible harms, happening right now.

    The implications for our people could be pervasive and profound.

    In the UK, we have built the largest team in a government dedicated to understanding AI capabilities and risks in the world.

    That work is rooted in the strength of our partnerships with the companies who are right at the frontier of AI.

    Working with those companies, the government can conduct scientifically informed tests to understand new AI capabilities and the risks they pose.

    Make no mistake, I’m talking about risks to our people, their way of life, and the sovereignty and stability which underpins it.

    That is why today, I am renaming our AI Safety Institute as the AI Security Institute.

    This change brings us into line with what most people would expect an Institute like this to be doing.

    They are not looking into freedom of speech.

    They are not deciding what counts as bias or discrimination.

    They are not politicians – nor should they be.

    They are scientists – scientists who are squarely focused on rigorous research into the most serious emerging risks.

    They are researching AI’s potential to assist with the development of chemical and biological weapons.

    They are building on the expertise of our National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) to understand how this technology could be used to help malicious actors commit cyber-attacks.

    They want to understand how AI could undermine human control.

    Our research shows that those risks are clear:

    There has been a clear upward trend in AI system capabilities most relevant to national security in the past 18 months.

    • For the first time last year, AI models demonstrated PhD-level performance on chemistry and biology question sets.
    • The safeguards designed to prevent these models doing harm are not currently sufficient.
    • Every model tested by the Institute is vulnerable to safeguard evasion attacks.
    • And it is almost certain that these capabilities will continue to improve, while novel risks will emerge from systems acting as autonomous agents to complete tasks with only limited human instruction.

    The more we understand these risks, the better we can work with companies to address them.

    And the faster we can keep our nation safe, the faster our people can embrace the potential of AI to create wealth and improve their lives.

    There are certain security risks which require immediate action.

    That is why the Security Institute will collaborate with the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory, the Ministry of Defence’s science and technology organisation, to assess the dual-use scientific capabilities of frontier AI.

    Today, we are also launching a criminal misuse team in the Security Institute, who will partner directly with the Home Office to conduct research on a range of crime and security issues which threaten to harm our citizens.

    Earlier this month, the UK set out plans to make it illegal to own AI tools optimised to make images of child sexual abuse.

    Reports of AI-generated child sexual abuse material found online by the Internet Watch Foundation have quadrupled in a single year.

    The Security Institute will work with the Home Office to explore what more we can do to prevent abusers using AI to commit their sickening crimes.

    A security risk is a security risk, no matter where it comes from.

    US companies have shown the lead in taking security risks seriously.

    But we need to scrutinise all models regardless of their jurisdiction of origin.

    So I’ve instructed the Security Institute to take a leading role in testing AI models wherever they come from, open or closed.

    While we can’t discuss these results publicly, we will share them with our allies.

    We are alive to the security risks of today.

    But we need to focus on tomorrow, too, and the day after that.

    We are now seeing the glimmers of AI agents that can act autonomously, of their own accord.

    The 2025 International AI Safety Report, led by Yoshua Bengio, warns us that – without the checks and balances of people directing them – we must consider the possibility that risks won’t just come from malicious actors misusing AI models, but from the models themselves.

    We don’t yet know the full extent of these risks.

    However, as we deploy AI across our economy, our society, and the critical infrastructure that keeps our nation secure, we cannot afford to ignore them.

    Because losing oversight and control of advanced AI systems, particularly Artificial General Intelligence (AGI), would be catastrophic.

    It must be avoided at all costs.

    I want to be clear exactly what this testing is, and what it’s not.

    It’s not a barrier to market access. Not a blocker to innovation.

    It is urgent scientific work to understand serious risks to our country.

    Governments are not passive bystanders in the AI revolution.

    We have agency in how AI shapes our society.

    And we have a responsibility to use that agency to defend our democratic way of life.

    Only countries with a deep and knowing understanding of this technology will be able to build the capacity they need to deliver for their citizens in the twenty-first century.

    But success is not a given.

    It depends on the democratic world rallying together to maintain our leadership in AI.

    Together, we can protect our fundamental values – freedom, openness, and opportunity.

    If we do that, we won’t just keep our people safe.

    We will ensure that they are first to benefit from the new era of wealth and prosperity which AI will bring.

  • Jonathan Reynolds – 2025 Speech at Samsung KX

    Jonathan Reynolds – 2025 Speech at Samsung KX

    The speech made by Jonathan Reynolds, the Business Secretary, in London on 13 February 2025.

    Good morning, and thank you very much for that warm introduction, Aleyne, and my sincere thanks to the whole team here at Samsung for so generously hosting us, today.

    It’s actually quite emotional to be honest, it would have been someone like my grandfather who dug out that coal, sent it down here, and a few generations later I get to be on this stage doing this.

    But Samsung is a company synonymous with the best in cutting-edge design and innovation;  and much of it is on full display here within these four walls.

    It is a fitting venue to discuss this government’s ambition to go further and faster in our growth mission…ensuring that your investments that you outlined here in the UK pay dividends.

    Three years ago, I gave my first speech as the then Shadow Business Secretary – and I promised we would be both a pro-business and a pro-worker party…

    …A party rooted not just in the experience of working people, but which recognises, above all else, that you cannot rebuild an economy without a flourishing private sector; backed by an unapologetically pro-business government.

    I committed to partnering with you in making our offer to the country one you could get behind.

    And you gave us the ideas, energy and, in some cases, explicit support that was needed to win a strong majority and an even stronger mandate from the British people. A mandate to deliver our Plan for Change.

    Today, I want to reflect on the progress that we have made as a government. I want to talk candidly about what I believe we need to do;

    …And I want to provide a clear direction, some reassurance and – I hope – some excitement and optimism about the future.

    Now I am extremely proud of the work that my department has done in the first seven months of this Government.

    That includes our record-breaking International Investment Summit…where we secured £63bn of inward investment commitments for the UK…

    …that was where we published our Industrial Strategy Green Paper…

    …and where we launched our Industrial Strategy Council expertly led by Clare Barclay. I’m so glad Clare could join us ahead of the council’s meeting later today.

    Building on from the investment summit, at Davos last month, the Chancellor and I sent a clear message to the international community: that the UK is a great place to invest and do business. We have the lowest corporation tax in the G7, uncapped R&D tax credits, and 100% full expensing on capital allowances.

    And ahead of our Trade Strategy’s publication, we are leveraging our relationships with Europe, China, India and the Gulf and beyond so businesses can make the UK their base to connect with global markets.

    And this is important, because in response to the announcements made by the US this week, I want to reiterate that under this government, the UK will always champion free, fair and open trade. That is what is in our national interest.

    And where we have seen the opportunity for an active government to bring business and workers together, my department has always been on the pitch…

    …Whether that’s securing a better deal for the workforce at Port Talbot

    …engaging on the takeover of Royal Mail…

    …Or the renegotiated deal that saw Navantia acquiring Harland and Wolff and protect 1,000 jobs at shipyards across the UK. I will always roll up my sleeves and get involved.

    But – being candid – none of this work in itself is sufficient, if it does not lead across the board to improved business confidence, to greater investment, and to higher household income, in every part of the country.

    And on that I, and the whole government, recognise the challenge, and we accept it.

    In the Budget the government had a responsibility to fix the foundations and restore economic stability.

    And while I recognise that the Budget capped corporation tax, extended capital allowances, and raised the employment allowance threshold from this April, I know it asked a great deal of business. I don’t underestimate that for a second.

    We will never take that contribution – your contribution – for granted.

    You are playing your part in fixing this country, in stabilising the public finances, in investing in our people and helping us rebuild our crumbling infrastructure.

    And we know it is imperative that therefore we clear the path for the private sector to thrive… that we deliver the right conditions for growth.

    It’s why, on top of the £100 billion of investment unveiled at the Budget, this Government has thrown its full support behind a third runway at Heathrow.

    It’s why we’re making the Oxford Cambridge growth corridor a success with the right transport and public services to foster growth.

    It’s why through our expanded Office for Investment and the National Wealth Fund we will be supporting transformative investments throughout the country from West Yorkshire to the West Midlands, and Glasgow and Greater Manchester.

    The challenges we face as government make all the things we promised to do even more critical.

    And I relish that.

    And I don’t believe there are easy answers to complex problems.

    But I do believe that good policy, good strategies, and good government working hand-in-hand with the private sector, can make a difference.

    And I want my constituents to feel, and to be, better off.

    And only a pragmatic, business-orientated government can deliver that.

    And that to me is what being pro-worker, and pro-business means.

    And I believe this national UK Government is able to deliver on this mission because, fundamentally, we can offer what no-one else can:

    First of all, political stability – sadly, a rare commodity in many countries these days.

    Secondly, openness to the rest of the world – at a time where that is clearly coming under pressure.

    And most importantly of all, we are offering a willingness to use our mandate in Parliament to transform the business and investor environment.

    And we are using our Industrial Strategy to ensure that our policies are made with business, for business.

    As you know, in October last year, we consulted on our Industrial Strategy Green Paper; our blueprint to channel investment and support into our country’s high-growth sectors and high potential places.

    In that green paper, we posed a series of questions, and you answered in great detail. You told us that you need access to a high-skilled workforce.

    And that is why we have launched Skills England, bringing in flexibilities for the Growth and Skills levy, allowing for shorter apprenticeships and giving employers more control over training.

    Meanwhile our Great Britain Working White Paper has already set out detailed plans to support people back into work.

    And for key sectors such as AI and life sciences, we’ve committed to looking at visa routes for the most highly skilled, ensuring those routes continue to work for the UK. The upcoming Immigration White Paper will set out plans to make our immigration, skills, and visa systems work better and more coherently.

    You told us that planning has become a by-word for inefficiency.

    So, we’re making it quicker and simpler for developers to build on brownfield land.

    We’re making it much easier to build laboratories, gigafactories, data centres, and digital network grid connections.

    And we’re preventing campaigners from repeatedly launching hopeless legal challenges against planning decisions.

    You have also told us that access to capital needs drastic improvement.

    Here again we’re listening and we’re responding. That is why the Government is creating pension megafunds, unlocking billions of pounds of investment. At the same time, we’re delivering on Lord Hill’s Listing Review to allow the FCA to rewrite the UK’s Prospectus Regime for faster fund-raising.

    And, finally, you told us that we need a ‘regulation reset’ in this country.

    Day in, day out I hear from business leaders who say to me that regulation and regulators are too cumbersome.

    They’re too slow.

    They’re too focused on theoretical issues, with little understanding of how businesses and markets actually operate.

    And I’ve heard that message loud and clear.

    One of our foremost regulators, the Competition and Markets Authority, has recently made great strides in addressing some of these issues.

    And today, my department is publishing a consultation on a new Strategic Steer for the CMA to accelerate this work.

    This isn’t about meaningless platitudes – about the ‘cutting of red tape.’

    It’s about effective consumer protection, competition law and digital market powers so that we create a level-playing field for businesses to compete on. We need to address genuine harm done by those who are not playing by the rules.

    Our Strategic Steer asks the CMA to minimise uncertainty for business – by being proactive, transparent, timely, predictable and responsive in its engagement.

    And I know, under Sarah Cardell and the new Interim Chair, Doug Gurr, the CMA has already taken significant steps in adopting this approach…in always having growth and investment in mind.

    Its extensive work around the merger of Vodafone and Three is a fantastic example of that…as is the CMA’s launch of a Growth and Investment Council to identify opportunities for greater competition.

    And there is more to come.

    I know Sarah and the CMA have set out their plans to deliver real, meaningful reforms to the merger control processes already today. Its eyes are trained firmly on more direct engagement with businesses. On speeding up its decision-making to deliver more certainty for investors. On adopting a faster, more agile approach to protecting competition.

    I fully endorse these measures because this Government believes in effective, independent institutions. In promoting competition and protecting competition – that is fundamental to our growth mission. And with the current CMA team in place, we want to support them every step of the way in the changes they’re making.

    I want to see that same level of ambition from our other regulators because right now, I don’t think our regulatory environment is doing enough to drive investor confidence and support growth.

    So, I’m taking this first step today but watch this space.

    I’m serious about delivering our wider regulatory reform over the coming weeks and months…

    …I’m also serious about building the pro-innovation, pro-worker, pro wealth creation economy that we promised at the general election. I know you in the room share that commitment, too.

    I’m proud of the reforms that we’ve set out in the Employment Rights Bill – of the opportunities they will afford working class families and working-class communities like the one I grew up in.

    I want everyone to benefit from the stronger economy I know we can have.

    But I always said, however, that we would work with – and not against – business to deliver these generational reforms.

    I said that we would never introduce changes that would make it harder for firms to hire with confidence.

    And this is precisely why my department is consulting on many of the key aspects of our Make Work Pay reforms – not least on probationary periods.

    I want a statutory probation period that lets businesses get a good sense of how new employees are performing.

    And it’s common sense to ensure that there are lighter touch standards for dismissal during those initial months of people starting a job.

    I know how important this is for employers. And I get it.

    It’s why my department will continue to engage face-to-face with business to develop a sensible, balanced proposal before we go out for formal consultation.

    And we will also consult on the length of the statutory probation period, with our preference being 9 months.

    We have also made clear that the changes we make to unfair dismissal will come into effect no sooner than the autumn of next year.

    I want there to be a buffer – a proper, business readiness period – so employers fully understand the details of our reforms, and can prepare long before they enter into force.

    That is the right thing to do – for both employers and employees.

    So, let there be no doubt – we are still the party of business.

    And we are willing to do the difficult things.

    Be that a third runway at Heathrow, a step change at the CMA, or stopping endless court challenges over the job-creating projects this country needs.

    We can share our ideas and ambition with each other.

    Take the big bets.

    Take some risks.

    Be the disruptors.

    My desire to be your champion in government has never wavered.

    And it is as resolute now as ever.

    We have to go further and faster in driving growth.

    And, friends, together, I know that we will.

    Thank you very much.