Tag: Speeches

Ed Vaizey – 2011 Creative Ecology Speech

Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister of State at the Department of Culture, Media and Sport, held at the State of the Arts Conference in London on Thursday 10th February 2011.

Good morning.

The State of the Arts conference has, in one year, established itself as the most important occasion in the calendar for the discussion of cultural policy. So today is a great opportunity for me to set out where we are now and what Government sees as the challenges ahead.

I want to take the opportunity today to make the case for the importance of the creative ecology – an alliance between the subsidised and commercial arts; the professional and the voluntary arts; and the arts and the creative industries.

I want to argue that arts policy should take this creative ecology into account, in order to see the bigger picture and the wider opportunities. We are a hugely creative nation. We have tough times to face, and we will get through them if we face them together.

But the great strength of the arts is its ecology – subsidised arts feeding the commercial arts, the voluntary arts and the amateur arts ensuring the creative spirit is present in every corner of the nation.

And what creative spirit it is. Whether it’s Rory Kinnear’s Hamlet, Akram Khan’s Gnosis or the Halle’s Mahler season. Or whether it’s Newcastle’s new City Library, Burberry’s collection last year or James Dyson’s beautiful bladeless fan that’s sitting in my office.

We should never forget the UK is still revered around the world for its culture and its creativity. Tough times can make us think the glass is half empty. My view is that our cup is still plentiful.

Funding

Nevertheless, much of the debate about the arts focuses solely on the level of grant funding, so let me begin by talking about money. It’s worth reminding people – and some still seem oblivious to this fact – that last year’s settlement took place against the background of the largest budget deficit in peacetime history.

The economic situation means that we are borrowing £120 million a day; this is more than the British Museum, the Tate and the National Gallery receive in a year; one pound in every four that we spend is borrowed; only Spain and Ireland have deficits greater than ours.

We never pretended that we could maintain arts funding at current levels. No one who was being honest about the state of the public finances could possibly have argued that. And anyone who pretends that it would have been possible is being at best disingenuous. So although I am under no illusions that these next few years are going to be tough, I believe we have done all we can to help.

Despite a decrease in grant-in-aid, an increase in Lottery funding means the Arts Council’s budget will fall by just 11 per cent over the next four years;

Core funding for arts organisations funded by the Arts Council has been protected, and will fall by less than 15 per cent over the Parliament;

Funding for our national museums will fall by just 15 per cent, and the decision to release £143 million in reserves will make a significant difference to many of their finances;

Renaissance funding will fall by just 15 per cent. And the increase in Heritage Lottery Funding will help here as well – more than a third of HLF’s grants go to museums;

Lottery funding for film will increase by 60 per cent, from about £27 million to about £43 million;

In order to help protect the frontline, DCMS is also reducing its costs by 50 per cent.

And £80 million over four years to be matched by private giving to boost philanthropy

Funding across the arts will be more than £1billion in 2011/12. That’s still a hugely significant sum. It’s broadly in line with the sums of money that have been received over the last fifteen years, since the creation of the Lottery.

It’s interesting to see that combined Lottery and grant-in-aid funding for the Arts Council has only beaten 1997 levels in two subsequent years – and in each of those years by less than one per cent. So let’s not pretend that we are moving from feast to famine.

We have also ensured that we have simplified the landscape. So we have moved responsibilities from the MLA to the Arts Council, to create a single home for the arts, regional museums and libraries, giving the Arts Council a much stronger voice to make the case for culture at a local and regional level. We have created a single home for British film in the British Film Institute. And we are also establishing Creative England to support the creative industries throughout the country.

But at the same time we recognise the challenge faced in other parts of the public sector. I know that one of the biggest worries at the moment is local authority funding. The Government is passionately committed to devolving power to the local level, to locally elected officials and to communities.

On the whole, local government knows the needs of local people far better than a central government department ever can. And while I might not agree with every decision made by every local authority, I absolutely respect their right to make that decision themselves. The last thing the arts need is a Whitehall Minister demanding changes to every decision in a local authority that he or she doesn’t agree with. I know a lot of local councillors and that would be hugely counter-productive.

The challenge for the arts is to work with their local authorities.

Persuade a Council leader that the local library or the local theatre or the local arts centre is a fundamental part, not just of the arts in their area, but their entire community, and that it can deliver more than just an arts service, it can deliver health, education, social services and act as a hub for the community, and you’re three-quarters of the way there.

The good local authorities get this already. For all the bad news I also hear good news in places like Newcastle and Gateshead and Reading, working to join all their services up, thinking of the arts as part of a much wider offer to their communities. The challenge we jointly face is how to help the good ones share that expertise with the ones who are still struggling, and help you to win over sceptical chief executives and councillors right across the country.

The Future of Arts Policy

I have often commented about how fortunate we are in this country to have some of the most inspiring arts leaders and performers in the world. Through our settlement, we have secured funding for our leading arts organisations, free entrance to our national museums, and core funding for our regional museums.

So there is an argument for allowing the arts to get on with it on the basis of their four-year settlement. In terms of who gets what, we’ve already done this. We’ve given the Arts Council their allocation and we trust them to make the right decisions on how best to deploy it. And we trust artists to use that money and do what they do best, create great art that has the greatest impact on the widest audience.

But there are several key areas where we have decided to intervene, in order to make a long-term difference.

Philanthropy

In December last year, we announced our ten point strategy for increasing philanthropy across the country. This will focus on greater public recognition, better long term cultivation of donors, more planned giving, harnessing new technologies to boost fundraising and possible tax changes that will make it easier to give to arts institutions.

DCMS and the Arts Council have announced £80 million of new money for a series of match funding schemes over the next five years, beginning in April 2011.

It’s important that that matched fund is targeted and used to help those organisations that find it most difficult to fund-raise – those outside London, those that are smaller, those from arts forms that traditionally find it more difficult to attract philanthropy. We also want to use that fund to kick-start endowments.

There are two quick points to make here. First, this is a long-term strategy. If you’re talking about endowments, you won’t see the fruit of your work for many years. And secondly, the emphasis we place on philanthropy is emphatically not with a view to replacing core funding.

Leadership and Innovation

The other great opportunity for the arts is in leadership and innovation. The past decade has seen some enormous leaps in how we think about leadership in our sectors. The consistently amazing support of Dame Vivien Duffield and the work of Hilary Carty and the Cultural Leadership Programme have brought the importance of good leadership to the front of everyone’s minds and have inspired a new generation of exciting, innovative cultural leaders.

But not only do we need to keep thinking about where the next generation of leaders comes from, and the next after that, but we need to think about the other kinds of opportunities that we need to grasp to continue to flourish.

The rapid changes in technology provide just such an opportunity. It is vital that arts organisations take advantage of new technology, as a new way to engage with audiences, and dare I say it, even make money.

Through technology, arts organisations can really begin to understand where their audiences come from, who they are failing to reach, to push out content, to become broadcasters and content providers.

Michael Kaiser from the Kennedy Center wrote a piece last week for the Huffington Post about some of the themes I have talked about. In seven simple points he nails exactly why technology has, and will continue to revolutionise the way we go about our lives and what that means for artists and for audiences.

As he stated: “…to most arts leaders I meet, new technologies are viewed as a threat. They are perceived as competitors for our audiences’ time and attention rather than our biggest allies. Arts organizations have been slow to exploit the power of new technology and cling to older, more expensive techniques that are not as effective. We are clearly doing something wrong. We must find ways to embrace the new technologies. We need to apply the creativity we bring to our stages and galleries to the use of these new tools. The business world, entertainment industry and sports world are all doing so. If we don’t make a committed effort, we will fall hopelessly behind and the arts will lose their place in our society.”

I couldn’t agree more. Far be it for me to accuse the arts world of being conservative, but there are clearly opportunities to be had here.

That’s why I’m delighted that the Arts Council and NESTA are establishing a new joint fund to support all types of innovation right across the creative and cultural sector.

The new programme will take the people with the most innovative ideas on leadership, business models, technology, content creation, fundraising and audience development, from right the way across the creative industries, providing seed funding for some of the best and help them share their learning. It will also inform a much wider programme of digital innovation that the Arts Council plan to launch in the spring.

The Arts Council has also announced its partnership with the BBC, working with the BBC Academy with its media and digital experience to support the development of the arts sector’s media production skills.

The partnerships with NESTA and the BBC show where the Arts Council, through a network of new partnerships, can add even greater value for the sector. I want the Arts Council to be an organisation that is a source of advice and expertise for everyone who works or participates in the arts – not just for the organisations it funds, but right the way across the creative ecology.

I want the Arts Council to work with other organisations as well – why not the Technology Strategy Board, the BFI and Creative England? I also want to see them learn from the huge number of other creative organisations who need no encouragement in developing innovative partnerships across the creative industries, but also to help those who lack the resources, the knowledge or the guidance to do the same and who are trapped in what often still looks like a landscape of individual silos.

The work the Arts Council is doing with the BBC, with NESTA and with others is designed to address this, and marks the start of a new focus from government on innovation in the arts.

Cultural Education

As well as developing new technologies and our capacity to innovate, we also need to develop the audiences of the future. Earlier this week Darren Henley published his review of music education. I’m delighted that as a result we have secured funding for music education in schools, with £82.5m committed next year. He made a number of key recommendations which will strengthen music education for the future and we will be setting out our full response to these in a National Plan for Music Education later in the year.

I think the strength of the policy that the Plan will address is that it is more than just about the money. It is the desire to bring rigour and accountability to public investment– a determination to join up random initiatives to create a coherent whole, and not to accept second best.

So it should be with cultural education. We have therefore asked Darren to carry out a second review to look at the best way of ensuring that our children have access to a solid cultural education, bringing together the wide range of opportunities available in the arts, heritage, film and museums.

I hope that you will all engage in the debate about how best to support cultural education and support him in this important work.

Conclusion

Our strategy for the arts is very simple. We want to help all the arts – those that receive subsidy, those that are purely commercial, those that are voluntary and amateur.

We aim to do this

By securing core funding for the arts, as we have done;

By expanding the funding base for the arts;

By reinvigorating philanthropy;

By focusing on how best to support innovation, whether that’s technological, leadership, artistic or business innovation;

By encouraging new alliances between the Arts Council and other bodies across the creative industries;

By helping artists and creative organisations do the same, whether that’s by brokering relationships or sharing expertise;

And by supporting high quality music and cultural education in schools.

I think the next few years provide huge opportunities for the arts, and Government’s role is to support you in taking advantage of them. I’m looking forward to a discussion about how best we can do that.

November 30, 2015
Theresa Villiers – 2015 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 7 October 2015 to the Conservative Party Conference.

It’s a great privilege for me to deliver my fourth party conference speech as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland…

… and of course I’m delighted that for the very first time, I’m addressing you as part of a majority Conservative government following the election victory which every single pundit and pollster said wasn’t going to happen.

On the 7^th May we were given a mandate to govern throughout the whole of our United Kingdom.

We’re doing so as a One Nation government committed to bringing our country together.

That includes Northern Ireland … where we will deliver our manifesto commitments and continue the political journey first begun by a Conservative Government twenty years ago.

That’s a journey towards a more peaceful, stable and prosperous Northern Ireland … where working people have the chance to get on to the best of their ability, regardless of their community background…

… a Northern Ireland which is secure within the UK on the basis of consent … and which we want to be a place no longer defined by its divided past, but instead by its shared future.

This time last year I stood before you and acknowledged that the devolved institutions were in difficulty …

… that political relationships were being damaged by disagreements on matters like flags, parading and the past

… and that a budget dispute threatened the whole future of the Stormont Executive.

My realistic assessment was the time had come for a fresh round of cross party talks …. and these began shortly afterwards with the five main Northern Ireland parties, and the Irish Government on matters falling within their responsibility.

The talks ran for 11 weeks and there were many times when it seemed that a successful outcome was unachievable….

… but after a final 25 hour long stretch of negotiations, the Stormont House Agreement was reached on 23^rd December.

That Agreement has been widely acknowledged as a landmark achievement, including by the President of the United States … and we can take pride in the fact that it was a Conservative-led Government which secured it.

The Agreement sets out a way to make progress on some of the most difficult issues facing Northern Ireland today … many of which have eluded previous attempts at negotiation.

It provides a clear path to putting the finances of the Stormont Executive on a sustainable footing for the future.

It offers a way forward on flags and parades.

It would establish broadly based institutions to help address the legacy of the past … offering better outcomes for victims and survivors … institutions which are to be rooted in principles of fairness, balance and impartiality.

And it contains measures to make devolution work better … including an official opposition at Stormont for which we Conservatives have long argued.

All of this was underpinned by a generous funding package that would give the Executive £2 billion in extra spending power.

But as that great peace process veteran, George Mitchell, reminded me earlier this year … getting an agreement is about 20% of the job ….

… the other eighty per cent is getting it implemented.

For our part the Government is determined to do exactly that.

We’ve passed legislation to enable the devolution of corporation tax powers.

That’s a change that could have a genuinely transformative impact on jobs and prosperity in Northern Ireland because of the land border it shares with a low tax jurisdiction.

To take forward much needed public sector reform, we’ve released funding for the voluntary redundancy scheme contained in the Agreement.

And we will soon be introducing a Bill at Westminster to deliver the new institutions envisaged on the past.

Today I want to give you these assurances in relation to that legislation.

As our Northern Ireland manifesto made very clear …

… as we look back at the history of the Troubles, we in this party will never accept any form of equivalence between the police officers and soldiers who put their lives on the line to protect people from harm and defend the rule of law… and the terrorists who waged a thirty year campaign of violence to inflict harm and subvert the rule of law.

We will never accept any attempt to re-write history or legitimise the actions of those who pursued their aims by the bullet or the bomb.

And we will not countenance any form of amnesty for those suspected of criminal behaviour.

Under this Conservative Government the law will always take its course without fear or favour … and the Bill we introduce will be wholly consistent with that fundamental principle.

And I have to say that many will view with grave concern the fact that, as recently as August, the leader the Labour Party have just elected was asked five times in an interview to condemn IRA terrorism and five times failed to do so.

And while the Shadow Chancellor might have issued a carefully worded apology for the hurt caused by his comments on the IRA … I say it’s time he retracted in full his call to honour IRA terrorists and admit that he was entirely wrong ever to have made that statement in the first place.

The Conservative manifesto commits us to working with all parties to ensure everyone fulfils their obligations under the Stormont House Agreement.

But progress in the Northern Ireland Executive stalled in March when the two nationalist parties withdrew their support for crucial provisions on finance and welfare reform.

We are clear … the Government will not fund a more generous welfare system in Northern Ireland than it does in the rest of the UK.

There is no more money.

Without welfare reform and efficiency measures to deal with in-year pressures, the Executive’s budget simply does not add up.

Pouring millions of pounds every week into an unreformed, high cost, welfare system in Northern Ireland means less and less money available for front line public services.

As a direct result … NHS waiting times are already getting longer and the pressure will only increase in the weeks to come.

The Government cannot stand by and let this situation drag on indefinitely, with Stormont increasingly unable to deliver key public services.

That’s why I have confirmed that we’re prepared to legislate at Westminster for welfare reform in Northern Ireland, if that becomes necessary.

It would be a last resort…. it’s an outcome we’re striving to avoid.

And that is one of the main reasons why we acted swiftly to reconvene the intensive cross party talks now underway once again to try to break the deadlock.

It’s too early to say whether they’ll succeed … though I sense a genuine willingness on all sides to make progress.

But time is short.

Unlike last year, we simply don’t have the luxury of endless long hours of discussions stretching on and on until Christmas.

What’s at stake is not just the credibility of devolved government in Northern Ireland but the survival of devolved government in Northern Ireland.

One only has to look round Europe to see the problems caused when an administration cannot live within its budget and the harsh impact that can have on some of the most vulnerable in society.

Replaying that scenario in Northern Ireland would stretch political relationships within the Executive well beyond breaking point.

There’s a real risk that those taking a hard line against welfare reform will end up running the devolved institutions into collapse as collateral damage.

A return to direct rule would be a severe setback after everything that’s been achieved over recent years … and we are doing all we can to prevent it.

What Northern Ireland needs is an effective devolved power-sharing government that is capable of making the kind of difficult choices on spending priorities, welfare and public sector efficiency with which more or less every other administration in the developed world has had to grapple in the years since the crash of 2008.

That’s what we’re striving to achieve.

But these talks aren’t just about implementing the Agreement … crucial though that is.

In recent months the fallout from two brutal murders in Belfast has highlighted the continued presence of paramilitary organisations … and the involvement of some of their members in criminality and organised crime.

Let’s be clear.

Paramilitary organisations have no place in a democratic society.

They were never justified in the past.

They are not justified today.

And they should disband.

So a key aim of the talks is to find a way to bring an end to this continuing blight on Northern Ireland society.

These are very serious matters … as is the continuing terrorist threat from dissident republican groupings who maintain both lethal intent and the capacity to mount lethal attacks.

And I would like to put on record today the deeply felt gratitude of this Government, and this party, for the outstanding work done by the Police Service of Northern Ireland in defending the community from terrorist attack.

There is so much to be positive about in today’s Northern Ireland.

After being hit hard by Labour’s great recession … the economy there is growing again … expanding opportunity for hard working people.

There over 32,000 more people in work than when we came to office in 2010 … all now given the security of a pay packet to support their families.

Belfast is one of the most attractive destinations in the country for Foreign Direct Investment.

Year after year, Northern Ireland’s young people outperform England and Wales at GCSE and A level.

And last month county Fermanagh was officially named as the happiest place in the United Kingdom.

So in conclusion … I consider myself to be immensely lucky to have been given the chance to serve as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland….

… and whilst there are times when the situation looks grim and the divisions seem impossible to bridge ….

… there three reasons why I approach this latest round of cross party talks with hope … and even a glimmer of optimism.

Firstly, I have an outstanding team around me … including Ben Wallace, Andrew Dunlop, Charles Elphicke and Rebecca Harris … who grapple with all the many challenges thrown at them with both dedication and enthusiasm.

Secondly, I report to a Prime Minister whose very real affection for Northern Ireland and its people means that he has been unstinting in his support for all the painstaking work needed to keep the political process up and running despite the bumps in the road of the last few years.

And thirdly … and most importantly of all … I believe that Northern Ireland’s leaders do want to make the political settlement work … and they do want to find a way to resolve the two crucial questions about which I have addressed this conference today.

Success or failure over the coming days lies in their hands.

They have rightly received praise around the world for all that they achieved in reaching the 1998 peace settlement which has transformed life in Northern Ireland for the better.

If we are to build a brighter, more secure future for everyone, now is the time to show that same spirit again.

I believe that they can do it … a resolution is possible … I will be working with perseverance and determination to see that happen.

Thank you.

November 30, 2015
David Cameron – 2014 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 1 October 2014 to the Conservative Party Conference.

I am so proud to stand here today as Prime Minister of four nations in one United Kingdom.

I was always clear about why we called that referendum.

Duck the fight – and our union could have been taken apart bit by bit.

Take it on – and we had the chance to settle the question.

This Party has always confronted the big issues for the sake of our country.

And now…

…England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland…

…we are one people in one union and everyone here can be proud of that.

And we can all agree, during that campaign a new star – a new Conservative star – was born…

…someone who’s going to take our message to every corner of Scotland: our very own Ruth Davidson.

The lead-up to that referendum was the most nerve-wracking week of my life.

But I can tell you the best moment of my year.

It was June 6th, the 70th anniversary of D Day.

Sam and I were in Bayeux, in France, with my constituent, Patrick Churchill…

…no relation to the great man – but a great man himself.

Patrick is 91 years old – and 70 years ago, he was there fighting fascism, helping to liberate that town.

I’ll never forget the tears in his eyes as he talked about the comrades he left behind..

…or the pride they all felt in the job they had done.

As we walked along the streets he pointed out where he had driven his tank…

…and all along the roadside there were French children waving flags – Union Jacks – the grandchildren of the people he had liberated.

Patrick’s here today with his wife Karin – and I know, like me, you’ll want to give them the warmest welcome.

When people have seen our flag – in some of the most desperate times in history – they have known what it stands for.

Freedom. Justice. Standing up for what is right.

They have known this isn’t any old country.

This is a special country.

June 6th this summer. Normandy.

I was so proud of Great Britain that day.

And here, today, I want to set out how in this generation, we can build a country whose future we can all be proud of.

How we can secure a better future for all.

How we can build a Britain that everyone is proud to call home.

The heirs to those who fought on the beaches of Northern France are those fighting in Afghanistan today.

For thirteen years, young men and women have been serving our country there.

This year, the last of our combat troops come home – and I know everyone here will want to show how grateful and how proud we are of everyone who served.

But the end of the Afghan mission does not mean the end of the threat.

The threat is Islamist extremist terrorism – and it has found a new, hellish crucible – with ISIL, in Iraq and Syria.

These people are evil, pure and simple.

They kill children; rape women; threaten non-believers with genocide; behead journalists and aid workers.

Some people seem to think we can opt out of this. We can’t.

As I speak, British servicemen and women are flying in the skies over Iraq.

They saw action yesterday.

And there will be troops on the frontline – but they will be Iraqis, Kurds, and Syrians…

…fighting for the safe and democratic future they deserve.

We are acting in partnership with a range of countries – including those from the region.

Because let’s be clear:

There is no “walk on by” option.

Unless we deal with ISIL, they will deal with us, bringing terror and murder to our streets.

As always with this Party, we will do whatever it takes to keep our country safe.

And to those who have had all the advantages of being brought up in Britain, but who want to go and fight for ISIL – let me say this.

If you try to travel to Syria or Iraq, we will use everything at our disposal to stop you:

Taking away your passport; prosecuting, convicting, imprisoning you…

…and if you’re there already – even preventing you from coming back.

You have declared your allegiance.

You are an enemy of the UK – and you should expect to be treated as such.

When it comes to keeping Britain safe, I had one man by my side for four years.

When he was a teenager, he didn’t only address the Tory party conference…

…he read Hansard in bed…

…and had a record collection consisting of one album by Dire Straits and dozens of speeches by Winston Churchill.

All I can say is this: that boy became a fine Parliamentarian…

…a brilliant Foreign Secretary…

…our greatest living Yorkshireman…

…and someone to whom I owe an enormous debt of gratitude: William Hague.

William, there’s one more task I want you to carry out: bringing fairness to our constitution.

During that referendum campaign we made a vow to the Scottish people that they will get more powers – and we will keep that vow.

But here’s my vow to the people of England, Wales and Northern Ireland.

I know the system is unfair.

I know that you are asking: if Scotland can vote separately on things like tax, spending and welfare….

….why can’t England, Wales and Northern Ireland do the same?

I know you want this answered.

So this is my vow: English votes for English laws – the Conservatives will deliver it.

We’ve delivered a lot these past four years…

…but we’ve had to do it all in a coalition government.

Believe me: coalition was not what I wanted to do; it’s what I had to do.

And I know what I want next.

To be back here in October 2015 delivering Conservative policies…

…based on Conservative values…

…leading a majority Conservative Government.

So where do we want to take our country?

Where do I want to take our country?

During these four years, I hope that the British people have come to know me a little.

I’m not a complicated man. I believe in some simple things.

Families come first. They are the way you make a nation strong from the inside out.

I care deeply about those who struggle to get by…

…but I believe the best thing to do is help them stand on their own two feet – and no, that’s not saying “you’re on your own”, but “we are on your side, helping you be all you can.”

And I believe in something for something; not something for nothing.

Those who do the right thing, put the effort in, who work and build communities – these are the people who should be rewarded.

All of this is underpinned by a deep patriotism.

I love this country – and my goal is this:

To make Britain a country that everyone is proud to call home.

That doesn’t just mean having the fastest-growing economy, or climbing some international league table.

I didn’t come into politics to make the lines on the graphs go in the right direction.

I want to help you live a better life.

And it comes back to those things I believe.

A Britain that everyone is proud to call home is a Britain where hard work is really rewarded.

Not a free-for-all, but a chance for all…

…the chance of a job, a home, a good start in life…

…whoever you are, wherever you are from.

And by the way – you never pull one person up by pulling another one down.

So this Party doesn’t do the politics of envy and class warfare…

…we believe in aspiration and helping people get on in life – and what’s more, we’re proud of it.

The past four years have been about laying the foundations for that Britain.

The next five will be about finishing the job.

Put another way – if our economic plan for the past four years has been about our country – and saving it from economic ruin…

…our plan for the next five years will be about you, and your family – and helping you get on.

But Conservatives know this.

Nothing comes easy.

There’s no reward without effort; no wealth without work; no success without sacrifice…

…and we credit the British people with knowing these things too.

Other parties preach to you about a Brave New World…

…we understand you have to start with the real world and make it better.

So let other politicians stand on stages like this and promise an easy life. Not me.

I am here today to set out our Conservative commitment for the next five years.

If you want to provide for yourself and your family, you’ll have the security of a job…

…but only if we stick to our long-term economic plan.

If you work hard, we will cut your taxes…

…but only if we keep on cutting the deficit, so we can afford to do that.

For those wanting to buy a home, yes – we will help you get on that housing ladder…

…but only if we take on the vested interests, and build more homes – however hard that is.

We will make sure your children get a great education; the best education…

…but only if we keep taking on everyone who gets in the way of high standards.

For those retiring, we will make sure you get a decent pension; and real rewards for a life of work…

…but only if we as a country accept we all have to work a bit longer and save a bit more.

It’s pretty simple really: a good job, a nice home, more money at the end of the month, a decent education for your children, a safe and secure retirement.

A country where if you put in, you get out.

A Britain everyone is proud to call home.

And a real long-term plan to get there.

It starts with more decent jobs.

And look how far we’ve come.

Today there are 1 million 800 thousand more jobs in our country than there were in 2010.

We are creating more jobs here in Britain than in the whole of Europe put together.

1.8 million jobs.

You know – when Britain is getting back to work, it can only mean one thing…

…the Conservatives are back in Government.

So here’s our commitment for the next five years.

What the economists would call: the highest employment rate of any major economy.

What I call: full employment in Britain.

Just think of what that would mean.

Those who can work, able to work…

…standing on their own two feet, looking at their children and thinking “I am providing for you.”

We can get there – but only if we stick to our plan.

Companies are coming from all over the world to invest and create jobs here.

That’s not happened by accident.

It’s because they see a Government rolling out the red carpet for them, cutting their red tape, cutting their taxes.

So here is a commitment: with the next Conservative Government – we will always have the most competitive corporate taxes in the G20…

…lower than Germany, lower than Japan, lower than the United States.

But George said something really important in that brilliant speech on Monday.

A message to those global companies:

We have cut your taxes – now you must pay what you owe.

We must stick to the plan on welfare too.

With us, if you’re out of work, you will get unemployment benefit…

…but only if you go to the Job Centre, update your CV, attend interviews and accept the work you’re offered.

As I said: no more something-for-nothing.

And look at the results: 800,000 fewer people on the main out-of-work benefits.

In the next five years we’re going to go further.

You heard it this week – we won’t just aim to lower youth unemployment; we aim to abolish it.

We’ve made clear decisions.

We will reduce the benefits cap, and we will say to those 21 and under: no longer will you have the option of leaving school and going straight into a life on benefits.

You must earn or learn.

And we will help by funding three million Apprenticeships.

Let’s say to our young people: a life on welfare is no life at all…

…instead: here’s some hope; here’s a chance to get on and make something of yourself.

What do our opponents have to say?

They have opposed every change to welfare we’ve made – and I expect they’ll oppose this too.

They sit there pontificating about poverty – yet they’re the ones who left a generation to rot on welfare.

And while we’re at it: let’s compare records.

Under Labour, unemployment rose. With us, unemployment is falling faster than at any time for 25 years.

Under Labour, inequality widened. With us, it’s narrowed.

Those are the facts.

So let’s say it loudly and proudly…

…with Britain getting off welfare and back to work…

…the real party of compassion and social justice today is here in this hall – the Conservative Party.

It’s not just the job numbers that matter – it is the reality of working life for people in our country…

…especially the lowest-paid.

Anyone should be free to take on different jobs so they can get on.

But when companies employ staff on zero hours contracts and then stop them from getting work elsewhere, that’s not a free market – it is a fixed market.

In a Britain that everyone is proud to call home, people are employed, they are not used.

Those exclusive zero hours contracts that left people unable to build decent lives for themselves – we will scrap them.

But there’s still more injustice when it comes to work, and it’s even more shocking.

Criminal gangs trafficking people halfway around the world and making them work in the most disgusting conditions.

I’ve been to see these – houses on terraced streets, built for families of four, cramming in 15 people like animals.

To those crime lords who think they can get away with it, I say…

No: not in this country; not with this party.

…with our Modern Slavery Bill we’re coming after you and we’re going to put a stop to it once and for all.

Once you have a job, I want you to take home more of your own money.

If you put in, you should get out – not hand so much of it to the taxman.

That’s why these past four years, despite everything, I’ve made sure we provide some relief to taxpayers in our country – especially the poorest.

No income tax until you earn £10,000 a year – and from next April, £10,500 a year.

Three million people taken out of income tax altogether.

A tax cut for 25 million more.

And our commitment to you for the next five years: we want to cut more of your taxes.

But we can only do that if we keep on cutting the deficit.

It’s common sense – tax cuts need to be paid for.

So here’s our plan.

We are going to balance the books by 2018, and start putting aside money for the future.

To do it we’ll need to find £25 billion worth of savings in the first two years of the next Parliament.

That’s a lot of money, but it’s doable.

£25 billion is actually just three per cent of what government spends each year.

It is a quarter of the savings we have found in this Parliament.

I am confident we will find the savings we need through spending cuts alone.

We will see the job through and get back into the black.

And as we do that, I am clear about something else.

We need tax cuts for hardworking people.

And here and now, I have a specific commitment.

Today, the minimum wage reaches £6.50 an hour, and before long we’ll reach our next goal of £7.

I can tell you now that a future Conservative Government will raise the tax-free personal allowance from £10,500 to £12,500.

That will take 1 million more of the lowest paid workers out of income tax – and will give a tax cut to 30 million more.

So with us, if you work 30 hours a week on minimum wage, you will pay no income tax at all. Nothing. Zero. Zilch.

Lower taxes for our hardworking people…

…that’s what I call a Britain that everyone is proud to call home.

But we will do something else.

The 40p tax rate was only supposed to be paid by the most well-off people in our country…

…but in the past couple of decades, far too many have been dragged into it: teachers, police officers.

So let me tell you this today.

I want to take action that’s long overdue, and bring back some fairness to tax.

With a Conservative government, we will raise the threshold at which people pay the 40p rate.

It’s currently £41,900…

…in the next Parliament we will raise it to £50,000.

So here’s our commitment to the British people:

No income tax if you are on Minimum Wage.

A 12 and a half thousand pound tax-free personal allowance for millions of hardworking people.

And you only pay 40p tax when you earn £50,000.

So let the message go out:

With the Conservatives, if you work hard and do the right thing…

…we say you should keep more of your own money to spend as you choose.

That’s what our long-term economic plan means for you.

And while I’m on the subject of the big economic questions our country faces – on spending, on tax – did you hear Ed Miliband last week?

He spoke for over an hour, but didn’t mention the deficit once. Not once.

He said he ‘forgot’ to mention it.

Ed – people forget their car keys, school kids sometimes forget their homework…

…but if you want to be Prime Minister of this country, you cannot forget the biggest challenge we face.

A few weeks ago, Ed Balls said that in thirteen years of Government, Labour had made ‘some mistakes’.

‘Some mistakes’.

Excuse me?

You were the people who left Britain with the biggest peacetime deficit in history…

…who gave us the deepest recession since the war…

…who destroyed our pensions system, bust our banking system…

…who left a million young people out of work, five million on out-of-work benefits – and hundreds of billions of debt.

Some mistakes?

Labour were just one big mistake.

And five years on, they still want to spend more, borrow more, tax more.

It’s the same old Labour, and you know what?

They say that madness is doing the same thing over and over again but expecting different results.

Well I say: madness is voting for this high spending, high taxing, deficit ballooning shower and expecting anything other than economic disaster.

In a country that everyone is proud to call home, you should be able to buy a home – if you’re willing to save.

It shouldn’t be some impossible dream.

But we inherited a situation where it was.

Young people watched Location, Location, Location not as a reality show – but as fantasy.

We couldn’t solve this housing crisis without some difficult decisions.

The planning system was stuck in the mud – so we reformed it…

…and last year, nearly a quarter of a million houses were given planning permission.

Young people needed massive deposits they just couldn’t afford…

…so we brought in Help to Buy.

Of course there were those who criticised it…

…usually speaking from the comfort of the home they’d bought years ago.

But let’s see what actually happened.

They said Help to Buy would just help people in London…

…but 94 per cent of buyers live outside the capital.

They said it would help people with houses already…

…but four-fifths are first-time buyers.

They said it would cause a housing bubble…

…but as the Bank of England has said, it hasn’t.

So here’s our renewed commitment to first-time buyers: if you’re prepared to work and save, we will help you get a place of your own.

This conference we have announced a landmark new policy.

It’s called Starter Homes.

We’re going to build 100,000 new homes – and they’ll be twenty percent cheaper than normal.

But here’s the crucial part.

Buy-to-let landlords won’t be able to snap them up.

Wealthy foreigners won’t be able to buy them.

Just first-time buyers under the age of 40.

Homes built for you, homes made for you – the Conservative Party, once again, the party of home ownership in our country.

In a Britain that everyone is proud to call home, you wouldn’t be able to tell a child’s GCSEs by their postcode or what their parents do.

There must be a great education for every child.

A month ago I had this wonderful moment.

Florence is now 4 and just starting school, so for the first time, all three of my children are at the same primary school.

It was such a joy to take them to school together; Florence clinging on for dear life until she saw a new friend and rushed off to her classroom.

It’s hard to describe what a relief it is as a parent to find a decent school for your child.

It shouldn’t be a lottery.

What we have in our state primary in London I want for every child in the country.

And we’re getting there.

More children in good or outstanding schools.

More children studying science, languages and history.

A new curriculum – with five year olds learning fractions; eleven years olds coding computers.

And the biggest change is the culture.

Teachers who feel like leaders again.

Who say: this is our school, we’re proud of it, the children must behave in it, we will not tolerate failure in it.

We’ve come so far – and make no mistake – the biggest risk to all this is Labour.

You know what drives me the most mad about them?

The hypocrisy.

Tristram Hunt, their Shadow Education Secretary – like me – had one of the best educations money can buy.

But guess what? He won’t allow it for your children.

He went to an independent school that wasn’t set up by a local authority…

…but no, he doesn’t want charities and parents to set up schools for your children.

He had the benefit of world-class teachers who happened not to have a government certificate…

…but no, he wants to stop people like that from teaching your children.

I tell you – Tristram Hunt and I might both have been educated at some of the best schools in our country.

But here’s the difference:

You, Tristram – like the rest of the Labour Party – want to restrict those advantages…

…I want to spread them to every child in Britain.

We know Labour’s real problem on education.

Every move they make, they’ve got to take their cue from the unions.

That’s who they really represent. The unions.

Well, I’ve got a bit of news for you.

It’s not something we’ve ever said before.

We in this party are a trade union too.

I’ll tell you who we represent.

This party is the union for hardworking parents…

…the father who reads his children stories at night because he wants them to learn…

…the mother who works all the hours God sends to give her children the best start.

This party is the trade union for children from the poorest estates and the most chaotic homes.

This party is the union for the young woman who wants an Apprenticeship…

…for the teenagers who want to make something of their lives…

…this is who we represent, these are the people we’re fighting for…

…and that’s why on education we won’t let Labour drag us back to square one – we’re going to finish what we have begun.

A real education isn’t just about exams.

Our young people must know this is a country where if you put in, you will get out.

Now I’ve got in trouble for talking about Twitter before, but let me put it like this.

I want a country where young people aren’t endlessly thinking: ‘what can I say in 140 characters?’ but ‘what does my character say about me?’

That’s why I’m so proud of National Citizen Service.

Every summer, thousands of young people are coming together to volunteer and serve their community.

We started this.

People come up to me on the street and say all sorts of things…

…believe me – all sorts of things…

…but one thing I hear a lot is parents saying “thank you for what this has done for my child.”

I want this to become a rite of passage for all teenagers in our country.

So I can tell you this: the next Conservative Government will guarantee a place on National Citizen Service for every teenager in our country.

That rule: that if you put in, you should get out…

…more than anywhere it should apply to those who want dignity and security in retirement.

But for years it didn’t.

There were three great wrongs.

Wrong number one: the Pension Credit that was basically a means test – the more you saved, the less you got.

Wrong number two: compulsory annuities that meant you couldn’t spend your own money as you wished.

Wrong number three: when people passed away, the pension they had saved was taxed at 55 per cent before it went to their family.

Three wrongs – and we are putting them right.

The means test – it’s going.

In its place: a new single-tier pension of £142 a week…

…every penny you have saved during your working life, you will keep.

Those compulsory annuities – scrapped…

…giving you complete control over your private pension.

As for that 55 per cent tax on your pension?

You heard it this week: we’ve cut it to zero per cent.

Conservative values in action.

When it comes to our elderly, one thing matters above everything.

Knowing the NHS is there for you.

From Labour last week, we heard the same old rubbish about the Conservatives and the NHS.

Spreading complete and utter lies.

I just think: how dare you.

It was the Labour Party who gave us the scandal at Mid Staffs…

…elderly people begging for water and dying of neglect.

And for me, this is personal.

I am someone who has relied on the NHS – whose family knows more than most how important it is…

…who knows what it’s like to go to hospital night after night with a child in your arms…

…knowing that when you get there, you have people who will care for that child and love that child like their own.

How dare they suggest I would ever put that at risk for other people’s children?…

…how dare they frighten those who are relying on the NHS right now?

It might be the only thing that gets a cheer at their Party conference but it is frankly pathetic.

We in this party can be proud of what we’ve done.

We came in and protected the NHS budget.

Funding six and a half thousand more doctors – 3300 more nurses…

…a Cancer Drugs Fund to save lives…

…more people hearing those two magic words: “all clear”.

And think of the amazing things around the corner.

From the country that unravelled DNA, we are now mapping it for each individual…

…it’s called the genome, and I’ve got a model of one of the first ones on my desk in Downing Street.

Cracking this code could mean curing rare genetic diseases and saving lives.

Our NHS is leading the world on this incredible technology.

I understand very personally the difference it could make.

When you have a child who’s so ill and the doctors can’t work out what he’s got or why – you’d give anything to know.

The investment we’re making will mean that more parents have those answers – and hopefully the cures that go with them.

And let’s be clear: all this is only possible because we have managed our economy responsibly.

That is why I can tell you this: we will do it again.

The next Conservative Government will protect the NHS budget and continue to invest more.

Because we know this truth…

… something Labour will never understand – and we will never forget…

…you can only have a strong NHS if you have a strong economy.

A Britain that everyone is proud to call home.

A place where reward follows effort; where if you put in, you get out.

But it also means a country that is strong in the world – in control of its own destiny…

…and yes – that includes controlling immigration.

To me, this is about working on all fronts.

It’s about getting our own people fit to work.

Fixing welfare – so a life on the dole is not an option.

Fixing education – so we turn out young people with skills to do the jobs we are creating.

And yes – we need controlled borders and an immigration system that puts the British people first.

That’s why we’ve capped economic migration from outside the EU…

…shut down 700 bogus colleges – that were basically visa factories…

…kicked out people who don’t belong here, like Abu Qatada…

…and let’s hear it for the woman who made it happen: our crime-busting Home Secretary, Theresa May.

But we know the bigger issue today is migration from within the EU.

Immediate access to our welfare system. Paying benefits to families back home.

Employment agencies signing people up from overseas and not recruiting here.

Numbers that have increased faster than we in this country wanted…

…at a level that was too much for our communities, for our labour markets.

All of this has to change – and it will be at the very heart of my renegotiation strategy for Europe.

Britain, I know you want this sorted so I will go to Brussels, I will not take no for an answer and when it comes to free movement – I will get what Britain needs.

Anyone who thinks I can’t or won’t deliver this – judge me by my record.

I’m the first Prime Minister to veto a Treaty…

…the first Prime Minister to cut the European budget…

…and yes I pulled us out of those European bail-out schemes as well.

Around that table in Europe they know I say what I mean, and mean what I say.

So we’re going to go in as a country, get our powers back, fight for our national interest…

…and yes – we’ll put it to a referendum…

…in or out – it will be your choice…

…and let the message go out from this hall: it is only with a Conservative Government that you will get that choice.

Of course, it’s not just the European Union that needs sorting out – it’s the European Court of Human Rights.

When that charter was written, in the aftermath of the Second World War, it set out the basic rights we should respect.

But since then, interpretations of that charter have led to a whole lot of things that are frankly wrong.

Rulings to stop us deporting suspected terrorists.

The suggestion that you’ve got to apply the human rights convention even on the battle-fields of Helmand.

And now – they want to give prisoners the vote.

I’m sorry, I just don’t agree.

Our Parliament – the British Parliament – decided they shouldn’t have that right.

This is the country that wrote Magna Carta…

…the country that time and again has stood up for human rights…

…whether liberating Europe from fascism or leading the charge today against sexual violence in war.

Let me put this very clearly:

We do not require instruction on this from judges in Strasbourg.

So at long last, with a Conservative Government after the next election, this country will have a new British Bill of Rights…

…to be passed in our Parliament…

…rooted in our values…

…and as for Labour’s Human Rights Act?

We will scrap it, once and for all.

So that’s what we offer: a Britain that everyone is proud to call home.

And a very clear plan to get there.

Over the next five years we will deliver the following things:

3 million Apprenticeships.

Full employment.

The most competitive corporate taxes in the G20.

Eliminating the budget deficit through spending cuts, not tax rises.

Building 100,000 new Starter Homes.

Letting you pass on your pension tax-free.

Ring-fencing NHS spending so not a penny is cut.

Renegotiating in Europe.

Delivering that in-out referendum.

Scrapping the Human Rights Act.

No income tax until you earn £12,500.

No 40p tax rate until you earn £50,000.

If you want those things, vote for me.

If you don’t, vote for the other guy.

And let’s be clear.

This is a straight fight.

It doesn’t matter whether Parliament is hung, drawn or quartered, there is only one real choice.

The Conservatives or Labour.

Me in Downing Street, or Ed Miliband in Downing Street.

If you vote UKIP – that’s really a vote for Labour.

Here’s a thought…

…on 7th May you could go to bed with Nigel Farage, and wake up with Ed Miliband.

So this is the big question for that election.

On the things that matter in your life, who do you really trust?

When it comes to your job…

…do you trust Labour – who wrecked our economy – or the Conservatives, who have made this one of the fastest-growing economies in the West?

When it comes to Britain’s future, who do you trust?

Labour – the party of something-for-nothing, and human wrongs under the banner of human rights…

…or the Conservatives – who believe in something for something, and reward for hard work?

Who do you trust?

…the party of big debt; big spending, big borrowing…

…or the party – our Party – of the first pay cheque, the first chance, the first home…

…the one that is delivering more security, more opportunity, more hope …

…the one that is making this country great again…

…yes, our party, the Conservative Party.

We’re making Britain proud again.

Look what we are showing the world.

Not just a country that is paying down its debts…

…and going from the deepest recession since the war to the fastest-growing major advanced economy in the world…

…but at the same time: a country that has kept its promises to the poorest in the world…

…that is leading not following on climate change…

…and that’s just saved our union in one of the greatest shows of democracy the world has ever seen.

We’re making Britain proud again.

Our exports to China doubling…

…our car industry booming…

…our aerospace expanding…

…our manufacturing growing… we’re making Britain proud again.

Car engines – not imported from Germany, but built down the road in Wolverhampton.

New oil rigs – not made in China, but built on the Tyne.

Record levels of employment…

…record numbers of apprenticeships…

…Britain regaining its purpose, its pride and its confidence.

We’re at a moment where all the hard work is finally paying off…

…and the light is coming up after some long dark days.

Go back now and we’ll lose all we’ve done…

…falling back into the shadows when we could be striding into the sun.

That’s the question next May.

Do you want to go back to square one – or finish what we’ve begun?

I don’t claim to be a perfect leader.

But I am your public servant, standing here, wanting to make our country so much better – for your children and mine.

I love this country, and I will do my duty by it.

We’ve got the track record, the right team…

…to take this plan for our country and turn it into a plan for you.

I think of the millions of people going out to work, wiping the ice off the windscreen on a winter’s morning…

…raising their children as well they can, working as hard as they can…

…doing it for a better future, to make a good life for them and their families.

That is the British spirit – there in our ordinary days as well as our finest hours.

This is a great country and we can be greater still.

Because history is not written for us, but by us, in the decisions we make today…

…and that starts next May.

So Britain: what’s it going to be?

I say: let’s not go back to square one.

Let’s finish what we have begun.

Let’s build a Britain we are proud to call home…

…for you, for your family, for everyone.

November 30, 2015
David Cameron – 2015 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 8 October 2015 to the Conservative Party Conference.

I am so proud to be standing here in front of you today – back in government…

…and not just any government – a majority Conservative Government.

To the people in this hall, I want to say thank you.

You are the greatest team a Prime Minister could ever have.

And to the British people:

When you put your cross in the Conservative box, you were putting your faith in us.

To finish the job we started. To back working people. To deliver security for you and your family.

And I’ll tell you now: we will not let you down.

But just for a moment, think back to May 7^th.

I don’t know about you, but it only takes two words to make me smile. Exit poll.

And then what happened that night:

The Conservatives, winning across Wales; on the march in the Midlands.

Bolton West, Derby North, Berwick, Wells – Conservative once more…

…Gower for the first time ever.

The North, more Tory; the South, the East, almost a clean sweep…

…and Cornwall – that wonderful county – 100 per cent Conservative.

As dawn rose, a new light – a bluer light – fell across our isles.

And I will never forget that morning. Getting back to London. Seeing many of you. Then sitting down in the flat at No10 with Sam and the kids getting ready for school.

There we were, surrounded by half-packed boxes and bin bags. Well, you have to be ready for anything.

I was writing my speech and preparing to go and see Her Majesty. And I thought… I’ll just lie down and let it all sink in.

As I shut my eyes, Ed Balls had gone. And when I woke up and I switched on the radio, Nigel Farage had gone too.

There was a brief moment when I thought it was all a dream.

But there’s a serious point.

Why did all the pollsters and the pundits get it so wrong?

Because, fundamentally, they didn’t understand the people who make up our country.

The vast majority of people aren’t obsessives, arguing at the extremes of the debate.

Let me put it as simply as I can: Britain and Twitter are not the same thing.

The British people are decent, sensible, reasonable…

…and they just want a government that supports the vulnerable, backs those who do the right thing and helps them get on in life.

Good jobs; a decent home; better childcare; controlled immigration; lower taxes so there’s more money at the end of the month…

…an NHS that’s there for them, 7 days a week; great schools; dignity in retirement…

…that is what people want and that is what we will deliver.

The party of working people, the party for working people – today, tomorrow, always.

PARTY CHANGE

Ten years ago, I stood on a stage just like this one and said if we changed our party we could change our country.

We’ve done that – together.

I didn’t campaign on the NHS alone – you joined me.

It wasn’t just me who put social justice, equality for gay people, tackling climate change, and helping the world’s poorest at the centre of the Conservative Party’s mission – we all did.

And I didn’t select our candidates – it was you.

Look who was elected in May.

Nusrat Ghani, whose parents, just a generation ago, were living in a small village in Kashmir.

Seema Kennedy, who was five when she and her family were forced to flee revolutionary Iran.

Five years ago, Johnny Mercer was on his third tour of duty in Afghanistan. Caught in an ambush, he was left cradling a dear comrade as he lay fatally wounded.

Just days before the election, Scott Mann was doing his postal round in Cornwall – delivering not just his own campaign leaflets, but his rivals’ too.

Different journeys, often difficult journeys, all leading here.

So let us hear it for them now – the new generation of Conservative MPs.

Round the cabinet table, a third of my colleagues are women.

A few months ago, we were discussing childcare.

It was introduced by the Black British son of a single parent, Sam Gyimah.

He was backed up by the daughter of Gujarati immigrants who arrived in our country from East Africa with nothing except the clothes they stood up in, Priti Patel…

…and the first speaker was Sajid Javid, whose father came here from Pakistan to drive the buses.

This is what we’ve done together.

And now with couples married because of us…

…working people backed because of us…

…the NHS safe because of us…

…and children in the poorest parts of the world saved because of us…

…everyone in this hall can be incredibly proud of our journey – the journey of the modern, compassionate, One Nation Conservative Party.

GREATER BRITAIN

So as five years of government stretch out before us, what do I see on the skyline?

I love Britain. I love our history and what we’ve given to the world.

I love our get-up-and-go; that whenever we’re down, we’re never out.

I love our character; our decency; our sense of humour.

I love every part of our country. England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland – we are one nation and I will defend our Union with everything I have got.

Every day, in every way, Great Britain lives up to its name.

And I know this: we can make it greater still.

A Greater Britain. Where people have greater hope, greater chances, greater security.

I really believe we’re on the brink of something special in our country.

This year, we’ve seen more people in work than at any time in our history…

…more of our children starting university than ever before…

…more British entrepreneurs setting up shop than anywhere else in Europe.

Wages are rising. Hope is returning. We’re moving into the light.

But we’re not there yet.

We’re only half way through.

For me, that has a very literal meaning.

I can say something today that perhaps no Prime Minister has ever really been able to say before.

I’m starting the second half of my time in this job.

As you know, I am not going to fight another election as your leader. So I don’t have the luxury of unlimited time.

Let me tell you: I am in just as much of a hurry as five years ago.

Securing our country, growing our economy; jobs, exports, growth, infrastructure…

…these are the stepping stones on the path to greatness for our country – and we’ve been laying them every day since we came to office.

We will continue to do so.

But to make Britain greater, we need to tackle some deep social problems…

…problems we only just made a start on, as we focused on the economic emergency that faced us.

The scourge of poverty.

The brick wall of blocked opportunity.

The shadow of extremism – hanging over every single one of us.

A Greater Britain doesn’t just need a stronger economy – it needs a stronger society.

And delivering this social reform is entirely fitting with the great history of the Conservative Party…

…who have always been the optimists, the agents of hope and the leaders of change.

That’s why I joined it.

That’s why I wanted to lead it.

And now, in my final term as Prime Minister, I say: let’s live up to the greatest traditions of Conservative social reform.

CONSERVATIVE VALUES

In all the challenges we face, we will be guided by our Conservative values.

Our belief in strong defence and sound money.

Our belief in an enterprise economy…

…that if you set free the ambition that burns so deeply within the British people, they will strike out on their own, take on new workers, take on the world.

Our belief in equality of opportunity, as opposed to equality of outcome…

…not everyone ending up with the same exam results, the same salary, the same house – but everyone having the same shot at them.

Now some people may argue these things are obvious.

I have to tell you, they’re not.

It becomes clearer by the day that the Labour Party has completely abandoned any notion of these ideas.

So let us resolve here, at this conference, to do what we’ve always done: to prove our Conservative truths…

…to save Britain from the danger of Labour…

…and to rebuild Britain so it is greater still.

A Greater Britain – that is our goal.

NATIONAL SECURITY

It begins by making the case for strong defence.

My first duty as Prime Minister is to keep people safe.

Some of the loneliest moments in this job are when you are reading intelligence reports about plots being planned against the British people.

This summer I was told that Reyaad Khan and Junaid Hussain were in Syria planning terrorist attacks on UK soil.

Of course, I asked all the proper questions.

How do we stop them? Is there another way? Do we have that capability? Is it legal?

I knew that whatever action I took would provoke a big debate.

But my job as Prime Minister is quite simple, really: ultimately, it’s not to debate; it’s to decide.

And the choice I faced was this:

Act – and we could stop them carrying out their plans.

Stall – and we could see innocent people murdered on our streets.

So I took decisive action to keep Britain safe – and that’s what I will always do.

LABOUR LEADER

And on the subject of protecting our country from terrorism, let me just say this:

Thousands of words have been written about the new Labour leader.

But you only really need to know one thing: he thinks the death of Osama bin Laden was a “tragedy”.

No.

A tragedy is nearly 3,000 people murdered one morning in New York.

A tragedy is the mums and dads who never came home from work that day.

A tragedy is people jumping from the towers after the planes hit.

My friends – we cannot let that man inflict his security-threatening, terrorist-sympathising, Britain-hating ideology on the country we love.

MIGRATION

Another big judgement call to make is when a refugee crisis confronts our world.

Like most people, I found it impossible to get the image of that poor Syrian boy Aylan Kurdi out of my mind.

We know in our hearts our responsibilities to help those fleeing for their lives.

But we know, too, that we must keep our heads.

Let’s start with a simple fact.

Twelve million people have been made homeless by the conflict in Syria. And so far only 4 per cent of them have come to Europe.

If we opened the door to every refugee, our country would be overwhelmed.

The best thing Britain can do is help neighbouring countries, the Syrian people and the refugees in the camps …

…and when we do take refugees, to take them from the region, rather than acting in a way that encourages more to make that dangerous journey.

As we do this, let’s remember: we haven’t only just started caring about Syrians.

We’ve been helping them over the past four years, giving more in aid to that part of the world than any other country except America.

And we have been able to do that because this party made a promise and kept a promise – to spend 0.7 per cent of our national income on aid.

Other countries also made that promise. But they didn’t keep it.

I say to them: if Britain can keep her promises, so should you.

But the real answer to the refugee crisis lies in helping countries like Syria become places where people actually want to live.

That means having a government that’s not terrorising its people – and that’s why Assad must go.

In its place, we need a government that can be our ally in the defeat of ISIL…

…because we will never be safe here in Britain until we eradicate that death cult.

Some think we can contract that out to America. We shouldn’t. We must play our part too.

And we can, because of that commitment we made this summer: yes, we will spend two per cent of our GDP on defence – this year, next year, throughout this decade.

In the coming years, we’ll be launching the biggest aircraft carriers in our history…

…a new class of Hunter Killer submarines…

…new Joint Strike Fighter jets; improved Apache helicopters; a new fleet of drones…

…and because our independent nuclear deterrent is our ultimate insurance policy – this Government will order four new trident submarines.

In government, I have a team who keep us safe at home and abroad…

…Justine Greening, Michael Fallon, Philip Hammond and Theresa May.

But above all, we have Britain’s Armed Forces.

Let me tell you this:

In the last year alone they tackled Ebola in West Africa; protected the skies over the Baltic; flew missions over Iraq.

They built defences against ISIL in Lebanon; trained army officers in Afghanistan; and patrolled the seas around the Falklands.

There they were, in the Pacific, flying supplies to cyclone victims; in the Atlantic, shipping assistance to those hit by hurricanes; in the Med, pulling people out of sinking dinghies.

Little England? No. Never.

Great Britain. And I’ll tell you what, with Armed Forces like this, we can be even greater still.

So let’s stand and thank them for everything they do to keep us safe.

EUROPE

A Greater Britain is one that is strong in the world – and that should mean one that is strong in Europe, too.

It comes back to those Conservative values: our belief in the nation state, but also in free trade.

We all know what’s wrong with the EU – it’s got too big, too bossy, too interfering.

But we also know what’s right about it – it’s the biggest single market in the world.

Now, some people say: “take what we’ve got and put up with it”.

Others say: “just walk away from the whole thing”.

I say: no. This is Britain. We don’t duck fights. We get stuck in. We fix problems.

That’s how we kept our border checkpoints when others decided to take theirs down.

It’s how we kept the pound when others went head first into the Euro.

Because we do things our way.

We get rebates. We get out of bailouts.

But do you know what? It’s not just what we get out of, it’s what we get Europe into.

Who do you think got Europe to open trade talks with America, which would be the biggest trade deal in our history?

Who do you think got Europe to agree to sanctions on Iran, which brought that country to the negotiating table?

Us. Britain. We did.

Believe me, I have no romantic attachment to the European Union and its institutions.

I’m only interested in two things: Britain’s prosperity and Britain’s influence.

That’s why I’m going to fight hard in this renegotiation – so we can get a better deal and the best of both worlds.

Let me give you one example.

When we joined the European Union we were told that it was about going into a common market, rather than the goal that some had for “ever closer union”.

Let me put this very clearly: Britain is not interested in “ever closer union” – and I will put that right.

ECONOMIC SECURITY

A Greater Britain needs a dynamic economy.

Today, it’s a beacon in an uncertain world…

…we’ve got more foreign investment flooding into our country than anywhere else in Europe – anywhere in the world except for America and China.

But if anyone thinks the battle on the economy is won, they need to think again. The battle has only just begun.

We still need to find savings and produce more; still need to become more competitive; still need to make the most of our entire country – and build the Northern Powerhouse.

And all at a time when our opponents have given up any sensible, reasonable, rational arguments on the economy.

We live in a country where the main opposition party – let’s not forget, the alternative government – believes in nationalising industries without compensation, jacking up taxes to 60 per cent of people’s income, and printing money.

There’s an academic called Richard Murphy. He’s the Labour Party’s new economics guru, and the man behind their plan to print more money.

He gave an interview a few weeks ago. He was very frank. He admitted that Labour’s plan would cause a “sterling crisis”, but to be fair…

…he did add, and I quote, that it “would pass very quickly”.

Well, that’s alright then.

His book is actually called “The Joy of Tax”. I’ve read it. It’s got 64 positions – and they’re all wrong.

This is actually serious.

I tell you: our party’s success in growing our economy and winning the economic arguments has never been more vital.

Nothing less than the security of every single family in our country depends on it.

And as we do that, I know that we will have on our side not just the British people, not just British business…

…but our Iron Chancellor, George Osborne.

You know what makes me most angry about Labour?

It’s not just that their arguments are wrong; it’s the self-righteous way they make them.

The deficit-deniers, who go around saying we’re hurting the poor.

Hang on a second.

Who gets hurt when governments lose control of spending and interest rates go through the roof?

Who gets hurt when you waste money on debt interest and have to cut the NHS?

Who gets hurt when taxes go up and businesses start firing rather than hiring?

No – not the rich…

…it’s poor people, working people.

Yes, the very people Labour claim to be for.

Well let’s just remember: Labour ideas don’t help the poor, they hurt the poor.

That’s right, Labour: you’re not for working people, but hurting people.

If you want a lecture about poverty, ask Labour.

If you want something done about it, come to us, the Conservatives.

There’s another argument we need to win.

There are some people who understand the deficit needs to come down, but don’t get why we need a surplus.

I’ll tell you why.

I don’t stand here like a former Prime Minister once did and say I have abolished boom and bust.

We can’t just be thinking about today, we should be thinking about the rainy days that could come – just like a family does.

They put something aside, take out the insurance plan, pay off some of the mortgage when they have something spare.

That’s what we should do as a country – making sure we are ready to cope with future crises.

There’s a word for those who say live for today, forget about tomorrow: it’s selfish.

I’m not here to mortgage our children’s future. I’m here to insure it.

HOME OWNERSHIP

But for me, there’s one big piece of unfinished business in our economy: housing.

A Greater Britain must mean more families owning a home of their own.

It goes back to those Conservative beliefs: reward for hard work.

If you’ve worked hard and saved, I don’t want you just to have a roof over your head – I want you to have a roof of your own.

In the last 5 years, 600,000 new homes have been built.

More than 150 people a day are moving in thanks to our Help to Buy scheme.

And in our manifesto, we announced a breakthrough policy: extending the Right to Buy to housing association tenants.

Some people said this would be impossible. Housing associations would never stand for it. The legislation would never pass.

Let me tell you something.

Greg Clark, our brilliant Communities Secretary, has secured a deal with housing associations to give their tenants the Right to Buy their home.

That will mean the first tenants can start to buy their homes from next year.

Yes, as we said in our manifesto, 1.3 million to be given the chance to become homeowners. A promise made. A promise kept.

But the challenge is far, far bigger.

When a generation of hardworking men and women in their 20s and 30s are waking up each morning in their childhood bedrooms – that should be a wakeup call for us.

We need a national crusade to get homes built.

That means banks lending, government releasing land, and yes – planning being reformed.

And in all these things I’ll be working with a great London Mayoral candidate – and, I hope, soon to be our London Mayor – Zac Goldsmith.

But I want to single someone out. He’s served this country. He’s served this party. And there’s a huge amount more to come.

So let’s hear it for the man who for two terms has been Mayor of the greatest capital city on earth: Boris Johnson.

Increasing home ownership means something else.

For years, politicians have been talking about building what they call “affordable homes” – but the phrase was deceptive.

It basically meant homes that were only available to rent. What people want are homes they can actually own.

After all, the officials who prepare the plans for the new homes, the developers who build them, the politicians who talk about them…

…most of these people own the homes they live in.

Don’t they realise other people want what they’ve got – a home of their own?

So today, I can announce a dramatic shift in housing policy in our country.

Those old rules which said to developers: you can build on this site, but only if you build affordable homes for rent…

…we’re replacing them with new rules…

…you can build here, and those affordable homes can be available to buy.

Yes, from Generation Rent to Generation Buy…

…our party, the Conservative party…

…the party of home ownership in Britain today.

SOCIAL REFORM

A more prosperous Britain.

But we must not stop there as we build a Greater Britain.

We are not a one-trick party.

For us, economic success – that’s not the finished article.

It’s the foundation on which we can build a better society.

Our patriotism has never been simply some grand notion of ruling the waves, or riding high in the money markets…

…but a deep compulsion which says: “you make a country greater by making life better for its people.”

And today, that means entering those no-go zones, where politicians often don’t dare to venture.

It means taking on our big social problems…

…entrenched poverty, blocked opportunity, the extremism that blights our communities.

Why?

So when the new mum looks at her new-born baby – the most precious thing she’s ever seen – and she vows to provide for it, she knows she actually can.

When the schoolgirl sits in that classroom, she knows that her studies really can take her to the very top.

When the child of immigrants sees our flag, he feels so loyal to this country – his country – he wants to put on a uniform and defend it.

That is what fires me up. Not pounds and pence, plans and policies, but people.

And to those who say: our social problems are too big and there’s no way you can sort them out.

I say: You said our party wouldn’t change – we have.

You said our long-term economic plan wouldn’t work – it is.

You said we wouldn’t win the election – we did.

So we are going to tackle those big social problems – just you watch us.

POVERTY

Central to that is an all-out assault on poverty.

Conservatives understand that if we’re serious about solving the problem, we need to tackle the root causes of poverty.

Homes where no-one works; children growing up in chaos; addiction, mental health problems, abuse, family breakdown.

Today, a teenager sitting their GCSEs is more likely to own a smartphone than have a dad living with them.

Think of your own child, think of the day they were born; how fragile they were…

…and then think that, every day, three babies are born in Britain addicted to heroin.

We’ll never deal with poverty unless we get to grips with these issues.

We made a start in the last five years with our Troubled Families programme.

It’s already turned around the lives of over 100,000 families.

And do you know one of its central aims?

It’s simple: get the adults a job.

Because we know in this party that the best route out of poverty is work.

That’s why we reformed welfare, introduced the cap and helped create 2.5 million jobs.

But it’s not enough simply to have a job: work has got to pay.

Nearly two-thirds of children in poverty have parents who are in jobs. For them, work hasn’t worked.

That’s why we’ve cut taxes for the lowest paid and we’ll keep on doing that.

And from next year, we’ll take a giant leap forward.

Yes, a new National Living Wage.

Over £9 an hour by the end of the decade.

An £80-a-week pay rise for the lowest paid.

Work paying for millions of people.

So let the message go out: if you work hard, want to get on, want more money at the end of the month…

…the party for you is right here in this hall.

But being out of work is only one of the causes we must tackle.

Children in care are today almost guaranteed to live in poverty.

84 per cent leave school without five good GCSEs.

70 per cent of prostitutes were once in care.

And tragically, care leavers are four times more likely to commit suicide than anyone else.

These children are in our care; we, the state, are their parents – and what are we setting them up for…

…the dole, the streets, an early grave?

I tell you: this shames our country and we will put it right.

Just as we said to failing schools, “do a better job with our children or we will send new leaders in”, so we will say to poorly performing social services, “improve or be taken over”.

Just as we got the best graduates teaching at our most difficult schools, let’s get our brightest and best to the frontline of social work.

But we must also stop children needing to be in care at all.

When we came to office, the adoption rate in our country was frankly a scandal.

It has gone up. Our Adoption Bill will help it increase still further.

But there’s so much more to do.

So let us in this hall say to all those children desperate for a family, and all those families yearning for a child:

We, the Conservatives, we are the ones who will bring you together.

There’s another service run by the state that all too often fails and entrenches poverty.

Prison.

Now I believe if you’ve committed a crime, punishment must follow.

And when it’s serious enough, that punishment must mean prison.

Let’s not forget, since we came to office, crime is down by a quarter.

But the system is still not working.

Half of criminals offend within a year of being released.

Nearly half go into prison with no qualifications; many come out with none either.

And all the problems that may have led them to that life – drug addiction, mental health problems, childhood abuse – remain unchanged.

We have got to get away from the sterile lock-em-up or let-em-out debate, and get smart about this.

When prisoners are in jail, we have their full attention for months at a time – so let’s treat their problems, educate them, put them to work.

When we restrict someone’s freedom outside prison, we can make sure they’re working and paying taxes, rather than spending £30,000 a year keeping them in a cell – so where it makes sense, let’s use electronic tags to help keep us safe and help people go clean.

And when our prisons are relics from the time of Dickens – it’s time to sell them off and build new ones that actually work.

This is going to be a big area of social reform in the next five years. And I have just the man for the job.

The man who takes on every vested interest and gives everyone a chance…

…the man who began the great transformation of our education system and is now going to do the same for prisons…

…yes, the great Conservative reformer, Michael Gove.

OPPORTUNITY

If we tackle the causes of poverty, we can make our country greater.

But there’s another big social problem we need to fix.

In politicians’ speak: a “lack of social mobility”.

In normal language: people unable to rise from the bottom to the top, or even from the middle to the top, because of their background.

Listen to this: Britain has the lowest social mobility in the developed world.

Here, the salary you earn is more linked to what your father got paid than in any other major country.

I’m sorry, for us Conservatives, the party of aspiration, we cannot accept that.

We know that education is the springboard to opportunity.

Our reforms are already working.

More children studying maths and science. More learning coding and engineering. More doing the extra-curricular activities that teach confidence and build character.

Recently, I was at a school in Runcorn. Last year, 53 of their children went off to university. 52 of them were the first ever in their family to do so.

That is why I’m so passionate about academies and free schools:

Head teachers are growing in confidence as they throw off the shackles of local council control…

…raising the aspirations of children, parents, communities.

This movement is sweeping across our country.

So my next ambition is this.

500 new Free Schools.

Every school an academy…

…and yes – Local Authorities running schools a thing of the past.

But let’s be honest.

For too many people, even a good education isn’t enough.

There are other barriers that stand in their way.

Picture this.

You’ve graduated with a good degree.

You send out your CV far and wide.

But you get rejection after rejection.

What’s wrong? It’s not the qualifications or the previous experience.

It’s just two words at the top: first name, surname.

Do you know that in our country today: even if they have exactly the same qualifications, people with white-sounding names are nearly twice as likely to get call backs for jobs than people with ethnic-sounding names?

This is a true story.

One young black girl had to change her name to Elizabeth before she got any calls to interviews.

That, in 21^st century Britain, is disgraceful.

We can talk all we want about opportunity, but it’s meaningless unless people are really judged equally.

Think about it like this.

Opportunity doesn’t mean much to a British Muslim if he walks down the street and is abused for his faith.

Opportunity doesn’t mean much to a black person constantly stopped and searched by the police because of the colour of their skin.

Opportunity doesn’t mean much to a gay person rejected for a job because of the person they love.

It doesn’t mean much to a disabled person prevented from doing what they’re good at because of who they are.

I’m a dad of two daughters – opportunity won’t mean anything to them if they grow up in a country where they get paid less because of their gender rather than how good they are at their work.

The point is this: you can’t have true opportunity without real equality.

And I want our party to get this right.

Yes us, the party of the fair chance; the party of the equal shot…

…the party that doesn’t care where you come from, but only where you’re going…

…us, the Conservatives, I want us to end discrimination and finish the fight for real equality in our country today.

EXTREMISM

Tackling the causes of poverty. Fighting for real opportunity.

And there’s one more big social reform in our mission to rebuild Britain as an even greater country.

We need to confront – and I mean really confront – extremism.

When I read what some young people born and brought up in this country are doing, it makes me feel sick to my stomach.

Girls not much older than my eldest daughter, swapping loving family homes and straight-A futures for a life of servitude under ISIL, in a land of violence and oppression.

Boys who could do anything they wanted in Britain – who have benefitted from all this country stands for – instead ending up in the desert wielding a knife.

This ideology, this diseased view of the world, has become an epidemic – infecting minds from the mosques of Mogadishu to the bedrooms of Birmingham.

And here’s what we need to do.

One: tear up the narrative that says Muslims are persecuted and the West deserves what it gets.

Never mind that it’s Britain and America behind the biggest effort to help the victims of Syria.

Who is ISIL murdering more than anyone else? Muslims.

No-one should get away with this politics of grievance anymore.

Two: take on extremism in all its forms, the violent and non-violent.

People don’t become terrorists from a standing start.

It begins with preachers telling them that Christians and Muslims can’t live together.

It moves to people in their community saying the security services were responsible for 7/7.

It progresses to a website telling them how to wage jihad, fight in Syria, and defeat the West.

And before you know it, a young British boy, barely 17, is strapping bombs to his body and blowing himself up in Iraq.

We have to stop it at the start – stop this seed of hatred even being planted in people’s minds, let alone allowing it to grow.

Three: we need to tackle segregation.

There are parts of Britain today where you can get by without ever speaking English or meeting anyone from another culture.

Zoom in and you’ll see some institutions that actually help incubate these divisions.

Did you know, in our country, there are some children who spend several hours each day at a Madrassa?

Let me be clear: there is nothing wrong with children learning about their faith, whether it’s at Madrassas, Sunday Schools or Jewish Yeshivas.

But in some Madrassas we’ve got children being taught that they shouldn’t mix with people of other religions; being beaten; swallowing conspiracy theories about Jewish people.

These children should be having their minds opened, their horizons broadened…

…not having their heads filled with poison and their hearts filled with hate.

So I can announce this today:

If an institution is teaching children intensively, then whatever its religion, we will, like any other school, make it register so it can be inspected.

And be in no doubt: if you are teaching intolerance, we will shut you down.

This goes to a wider truth.

For too long, we’ve been so frightened of causing offence that we haven’t looked hard enough at what is going on in our communities.

This is passive tolerance. And I’ll tell you where it leads:

To children, British children, going to Pakistan in the summer holidays, before they’ve even started their GCSEs, and forced to marry a man they’ve never met…

…children, British children, having their genitals mutilated, not just in a clinic in Lagos but the backstreets in Britain.

This passive tolerance has turned us into a less integrated country; it’s put our children in danger. It is unforgivable.

So let me say it right here: no more passive tolerance in Britain.

We’ve passed the laws – now I want them enforced.

People who organise forced marriages – I want them prosecuted.

Parents who take their children for FGM – I want them arrested.

And as we do that, we shouldn’t just be saying what’s wrong with these practices; we should be saying what’s right with Britain.

Freedom. Democracy. Equality. These are precious.

People fought for them – many died for them…

…in the trenches, a century ago; on the beaches, 30 years later…

…in the Suffragettes; in Gay Pride.

Half the world is crying out for these freedoms – they see what we’ve achieved with them.

Free speech – and the best literature in the world.

Freedom of religion – and many faiths living side by side, peacefully.

Free thinking – and the endless advances in medicine and technology that has brought.

A free economy – and a standard of living our grandparents could only have dreamed of.

I want my children – I want all our children – to know they’re part of something big – the proudest multi-racial democracy on earth.

That’s why we’re making sure they learn British history at school.

That’s why we started National Citizen Service to bring different people together.

I want them to grow up proud of our country.

That’s right: less Britain-bashing, more national pride – our way, the Conservative way, the only way to greater days.

CONSERVATIVES

So big battles. Big arguments. A Greater Britain.

Keeping our head as Labour lose theirs.

So I have a message for those who voted for us and those who never have:

If you believe in strong defence, and helping the poorest, most desperate people in the world.

If you want an NHS that’s there for everybody, and schools that stretch our children…

…and you understand none of that is possible without a strong economy.

If you believe we can become the enterprise capital of the world and beat poverty.

If you believe that the fight against extremism is the fight for our existence; and you want this to be the generation that ends discrimination.

If you want these things, the party you need is the party right here.

And it’s never too late.

Bernard Harris from Leicester wrote to me before polling day and said this.

“Aged 82, this is possibly my last election.

“In my life I have foolishly voted Labour, believing it served the working class.

“How wrong I was. Labour is against all I aspire to.

“I am 100 per cent for a United Kingdom, a sound economy, free enterprise, a trading Europe and a decent standard of living.

“Only a Conservative Government will achieve this.”

Bernard, you found the right party – and I want many more to follow in your footsteps.

CONCLUSION

So I believe that we can make this era – these 2010s – a defining decade for our country…

…the turnaround decade…

…one which people will look back on and say: “that’s the time when the tide turned…

…when people no longer felt the current going against them, but working with them.”

We can be that Greater Britain.

Because we know this: nothing is written.

We’ve proved it in schools across our country…

…that the poorest children don’t have to get the worst results – they can get the best.

Over the next five years we will show that the deep problems in our society – they are not inevitable.

That a childhood in care doesn’t have to mean a life of struggle.

That a stint in prison doesn’t mean you’ll get out and do the same thing all over again.

That being black, or Asian, or female, or gay doesn’t mean you’ll be treated differently.

Nothing is written.

And if we’re to be the global success story of the 21^st century, we need to write millions of individual success stories.

A Greater Britain – made of greater expectations…

…where renters become homeowners…

…employees become employers…

…a small island becomes an even bigger economy…

…and where extremism is defeated once and for all.

A Greater Britain…

…no more, its people dragged down or held back…

…no more, some children with their noses pressed to the window as they watch the world moving ahead without them.

No – a country raising its sights, its people reaching new heights…

…a Great British take-off – that leaves no-one behind.

That’s our dream – to help you realise your dreams.

A Greater Britain – made of greater hope, greater chances, greater security.

So let’s get out there – all of us – and let’s make it happen.

November 30, 2015
Vera Baird – 2001 Maiden Speech

Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Vera Baird in the House of Commons on 9 July 2001.

Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for calling me to make my maiden speech to the House.

We are debating a topic of considerable public interest. I say that in particular because the first parliamentary correspondence that I opened when I arrived here four weeks ago was a letter from the Redcar branch of Campaign Against Arms Trade bemoaning the failure to pass such a Bill in the previous Session and asking whether I would support its introduction.

The second letter that I opened four weeks ago was from the Redcar branch of Campaign Against Arms Trade bemoaning the fact that no such Bill had been passed in the previous Session and asking whether I would support its introduction.

The third letter that I opened as a new Member of Parliament was from the Redcar branch of Campaign Against Arms Trade. And so on. I replied to all 34 letters, saying that I would support the introduction of such a measure and that, furthermore, I would write to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State to commend the Bill to her. So I sent the letters on to her. We are all very pleased to see the Bill, but I think this is an unpromising first step towards the eventual publication of my collected parliamentary correspondence.

My distinguished predecessor is said to be about to publish. As to that, I cannot say; but I do know that the right hon. Dr. Marjorie Mowlam—my distinguished predecessor—has earned, and will keep, what can only be described as the affectionate veneration of the people of Redcar. I suspect that she will also long retain the admiration of the House. In Redcar, she has helped countless people. On the doorstep, stories of Mo’s good deeds were legion—and she did them, famously, always remembering an individual’s name, and treating that individual as a friend.

Mo did so much for the place. Legendary is the occasion on which the biggest retailer for our new town centre might have pulled out. Mo left her Whitehall office. Mo strode down the street. Mo entered the developers’ office and told them, in what I believe was a quite straightforward way, what they had better do. The supermarket, happily, was re-engaged.

Mo’s well known warmth, her openness and her lack of pretension undoubtedly played a great part in all that she did, but, centrally, she was a great shadow Minister, a great Minister and a stateswoman, because she is a formidable intelligence. She will go on to a different career; I know that the whole House, together with the people of Redcar, will wish her good health, success and satisfaction in that new career.

Redcar was fortunate in having Mo as its Member of Parliament, and now I am its lucky representative. The constituency’s western boundary is the River Tees, which, although it is an industrial artery for much of its old age, is pure enough at its mouth for seals to play around the lighthouse at the tip of the breakwater. There is usually a chain of massive ships anchored off, until the pilot cutter can come to guide them through the narrow channel into Teesmouth, the second busiest port in the United Kingdom.

I pause to indicate what a debt of gratitude hon. Members and the public owe to Customs officers who serve at Teesport, for it was they who, on 10 April 1990, detained eight large steel tubes which they believed might require an export licence and which were, in fact, the components of the Iraqi supergun. There can be no doubt that, but for their vigilance, serious military consequences could have followed. I believe that those diligent officers—who, in many senses, have brought about this Bill—will welcome its introduction.

A mile from the estuary where the officers work, down a duney coast, is the seaside town of Redcar itself, set on miles of golden sand. Fish and chips, amusements, buckets and spades and bracing walks along the esplanade summarise its principal attractions. Until 1872, the beach was used for horse racing; then they built our famous Redcar race course. It is in the middle of the town, and race days fill the streets with a carnival atmosphere.

Four miles away is Marske, an ancient fishing village, now a pleasant residential area. Inland lies the leafy Domesday book village of Kirkleatham, with its newly renovated Sir William Turner almshouses. Inland, also, is Dormanstown, built in 1917 as a garden city for the steelworkers of Dorman Long. It is green and it is spacious, but it now suffers from the inner-urban deprivation that is all too often the concomitant of a damaged industrial base, and to which I must later return.

Within a tiny distance of pretty Kirkleatham lies, rather less prettily, the Wilton International chemical site. It is a major manufacturing location for petrochemicals, polymers and fibre intermediaries, and is one of three complexes on Teesside that, together, make up the United Kingdom’s largest cluster of chemical manufacturers. Currently, they directly employ 11,000 people; indirectly they employ 25,000 more; and they contribute an annual cash turnover that sustains many more thousands of jobs.

There is one matter about the complex that I hope to pursue with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State—namely, that it is imperative to our Teesside economy that she support as actively as possible proposed new investment in the complex. That is particularly so since the complex is in cluster formation, with plant linked with plant, and some components of some chains are now approaching the end of their viable life.

The Tees has a proud history of shipbuilding and repair. In April, however, Cammell Laird went into receivership. The next day, 110 workers at the South Bank yard in my constituency were told, “Pack up and go.” The yard, which used to be called Smiths dock, is a byword in the north-east for the highest skills and craftsmanship. It was a shattering blow, dealt in an unacceptable manner. The council, regional agencies and I are doing everything that we can to support the efforts of a respected local business man to restart the yard, to run it on its own as a viable local enterprise.

Between Redcar and the river is the mighty Cones Teesside steelworks. In the same week in April as the shipyard went down, the closure of the Lackenby coil plate mill was confirmed. In all, 1,100 jobs are to be lost in a work force who have improved productivity year after year. They, too, were treated with scandalous disregard. Both of those body blows to the traditions, morale and economy of my constituency have made it plain to me that it is unacceptable that such restructuring and cutting should be lawful without any reference to loyal employees. Those of my constituents who have suffered thus join me in giving a strong welcome to the directive on information and consultation rights for employees.

Travelling west in the constituency, one comes to Eston, at the foot of the Eston hills, where the iron ore that gave Teesside that industry was found. The first blast furnace was built in 1851, after which the area produced one third of the country’s output, with nearby South Bank and Grangetown two of its proud industrial producers.

Now, Grangetown has a 14.6 per cent. unemployment rate, which is about four and a half times the national average. With South Bank, it suffers according to every index from critical social deprivation. I need not list its characteristics, as they are all too familiar to hon. Members whose regional constituencies were, like mine, neglected to the point of abandonment by the previous, Conservative, Government. Those hard-hit communities house what that Government called an underclass, but what I see, and what I believe the Government recognise, are families who want nothing more than to work, earn a living, educate their children and live in dignity and safety.

Although the figures all remain high, critical ones such as youth unemployment, nursery provision and five A to C GCSE scores in schools are much improved in the past three years. Such communities welcome the Government’s certainty that regional economies must be made to flourish if the national economy as a whole is to grow still stronger. We applaud the Government’s resolution to apply substantial regeneration resources on a regional basis to poor areas such as these.

The constituency could therefore be described as going from Redcar rock to many a struggling industrial hard place. The Redcar people are positive, however. That can be seen by the fact that, despite a heavy industrial culture, which usually reinforces traditional polarised gender roles, they have elected two successive women Members of Parliament. I do not know what comment to make about the fact that they have now elected their first lawyer, but I do know a lot of jokes about lawyers.

My two roles merge when I welcome the Bill to encourage women further into democratic life. It is a far from straightforward legislative drafting task, and one that I urge be carried out in time to legislate this Session. Local authority elections for, among others, Redcar and Cleveland council, are but a short time away. We intend, in our new party women’s forum, to set up a system of prospective councillor candidates, so that those who are selected to stand can get involved early in their wards’ affairs. It is essential, if we are to build on the confidence that my electors have shown in women, quickly to have available to us weapons to use against any reactionary backlash.

As a criminal lawyer, I am interested in issues of crime control, access to justice, the courts and criminal sentencing. Sadly, the communities that I have described in my constituency have high crime rates and seemingly intractable drugs problems. This morning’s bad news was that knife crime has soared on Teesside. In the past six months, there were 62 stabbings, three of them murders, one of which was in Grangetown.

The police see the problem as drugs related, with dealers mainly arming themselves in self-defence in this dangerous world. In that context, I welcome the Home Secretary’s weekend announcement that he will hold an open-minded inquiry into the possibility of legalizing cannabis. Unless it proves to be a gateway to hard drugs, it is an area of crime on which I suspect that police have to spend an amount of time disproportionate to its social mischief, leaving them less time for graver criminal matters.

I further welcome many of the proposals in “Making Punishment Work”, the report on sentencing by Mr. Halliday, delivered last week—especially its emphasis on extended periods of post-prison supervision in the community for violent offenders, and its revelation that the social exclusion unit is already working with the Home Office on ways of cutting ex-prisoners’ reoffending rates by boosting employment and lowering homelessness: joined-up government of the very best kind.

Our phrase, “A lot done, a lot still to do,” applies to crime. I resort again to my dual role as a woman representative and a lawyer in mentioning that I hope to ask Ministers to examine again the question of rape and the use of women’s previous sexual history in trials; to reassess the criminal defences to murder, which ill serve women victims of domestic violence who finally kill their batterers; and to implement straight away the gender impact assessment scheme for criminal justice measures, which was set up at the Home Office when my right hon. Friend the Minister without Portfolio was Minister of State there, but which is not yet in operation.

I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State on her appointment to high office, and seriously return to where I facetiously started in complementing her on the coincidence of her judgment with that of many of my constituents in the wisdom of the measure that she has introduced today.

November 30, 2015
Sadiq Khan – 2013 Speech to Labour Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Sadiq Khan, the Shadow Secretary of State for Justice, to the 2013 Labour Party conference in Brighton.

Conference,

Our justice system – a One Nation justice system – relies on a fundamental principle.

Confidence.

Victims, witnesses and communities need to have confidence in the system.

Victims need confidence so that they report crimes.

Witnesses need confidence so they come forward and give evidence to the police and in trials.

Communities need confidence those committing crimes will be caught and properly punished.

Confidence is precious.

But it’s also fragile.

We must do all we can to protect this confidence.

But we must also strive to do better.

And make people more confident in our justice system.

But too many incidents over recent years have damaged people’s confidence.

Did the Dowler family have confidence after the way they were treated at the trial of the man responsible for Milly’s murder?

Does putting Milly’s parents through mental torture, as Milly’s sister described it, lead to confidence in the system?

Or when the victims of vile sexual grooming are told by the authorities that it’s a lifestyle choice?

Does it promote confidence when a 13 year old victim of sexual abuse is called a “sexual predator”?

Bad enough for a Crown Prosecution Service lawyer, but a disgrace when a judge says it too.

And did the rape victims who, on the 30 occasions last year reported the crime, feel confident when their rapist got away with just a caution?

Does it inspire confidence in the victim of a violent assault who does everything possible to secure a conviction?

And then finds out the attacker is freed from jail by bumping into them in the local supermarket?

Does it inspire confidence when the Prime Minister rewards failure?

Rewarding the current Justice Secretary, Chris Grayling, with a promotion.

Despite being the architect of the failing Work Programme.

Rewarding G4S and Serco with more and more contracts.

Despite them letting down the taxpayer time, and time again.

And let’s not forget the monumental gamble that Chris Grayling is proposing with public safety.

Privatising our Probation Service, and handing over supervision for dangerous and violent offenders to G4S and Serco.

Public safety in the hands of the same companies that let us down on Olympic security, tagging and prisoner transport.

Not let down by the workers.

We’ve all seen the great job G4S staff have done on conference security.

But let down by their management.

And what happens if these companies repeat their failings, and let us down in probation?

Our communities lose confidence in a justice system that rewards failure.

Victims of crime lose confidence in the ability of our justice system to punish and reform criminals.

Public safety is put at risk.

So there must be no half-baked dismantling of probation.

No reckless gambles with public safety.

No dangerous privatisation of probation by this out of touch Government.

But this out of touch Prime Minister is damaging confidence.

His Government is time and again letting down victims.

What happens when you slash compensation for innocent victims of crime?

I’ll tell you what happens.

The losers are people suffering permanent brain injuries and fractured joints through no fault of their own.

What do you get when you abolish indeterminate sentences?

You weaken public protection against the most serious and violent offenders.

What happens if you give half off sentences for guilty pleas?

You insult victims, who think the system is too tame on criminals.

What happens when you cut back judicial review?

You betray bereaved families, like the Hillsborough campaigners, who can’t challenge terrible decisions.

What’s the outcome of cutting legal aid?

The family of Jean Charles De Menezies, the innocent Brazilian man shot at Stockwell tube station would no longer have access to expert lawyers in the future. Nor indeed the Gurkhas or the Lawrence family.

It’ll be harder for victims of domestic violence to break away from abusive partners.

And what if the Conservatives succeed in their clamour to abolish human rights laws?

There’d be less protection for victims of crime.

We’d lose:

– Laws that halted the diabolical situation of rape victims being cross-examined directly by their attackers.

– Laws that helped bereaved families find out how loved ones died.

– Laws that offer protection against the grotesqueness of modern day slavery, human trafficking.

Human rights laws the Tories want to scrap.

Human rights laws of which Labour is proud.

Human rights laws Labour will defend.

And Conference, Britain can do better.

It deserves a One Nation justice system with victims and witnesses at its heart.

I spend a lot of time visiting courts and prisons,

And speaking to victims of crime and those who work in our justice system,

So I know the task is impossible for any Justice Secretary to do this alone.

We want to stop people becoming victims of crime in the first place.

That’s the best thing Governments can do.

The Justice Secretary must work closely with other members of the cabinet to achieve it.

We need a Justice Secretary who’ll persuade the Education Secretary that cutting Sure Start or family intervention projects is a false economy.

One who’ll work with health colleagues to end the scandal of those with mental health problems languishing in our prisons.

One who’ll work with local government, the voluntary sector and those employed in or using the justice system.

I will be that Justice Secretary.

And as a One Nation Justice Secretary I understand the needs of victims.

And on that, can I just say I’m so proud that Parliament is gaining the enormous expertise of Doreen Lawrence.

I’m privileged and honoured she has accepted Ed’s offer and will be joining Labour’s benches in the Lords. On issues like these Doreen brings considerable personal experience, shining a light on all the issues I’ve raised in my speech.

So what would a One Nation Labour justice policy mean?

Number One – when someone reports a crime, the police will tell them what action will be taken and kept regularly updated.

Number Two – when someone’s charged with an offence, victims will track the progress of the case, from beginning to end, charge to sentence, using IT.

Number Three – victims will be kept informed when the offender is released from custody.

Simple, common sense changes that would transform thousands of lives.

We need a change of culture.

But that needs to be led and underpinned by a new Act of Parliament.

That will sweep away the worthless codes of practice that’s nothing more than pieces of paper hidden away in a drawer.

Labour will ensure victims who regularly complain that they aren’t aware of their rights and entitlements will know where they stand.

And so will judges, magistrates, the CPS, the police, lawyers, court officials, victim support, probation and everyone else.

There will be no excuses for ignoring or overlooking the rights of victims and witnesses!

And it’s not on that only legal experts truly understand how long someone will spend behind bars when a judge sentences.

Under Labour, judges and magistrates will set out in plain English a clear minimum and maximum time that will be served in prison.

With sentences published on the internet.

Labour will also raise the standard and scope of restorative justice.

We know that victims who sit down with the offender, helped by well-trained facilitators, emerge feeling better from the experience.

And done properly it reduces reoffending and, yes, saves money too.

Win, win, win!

And Labour will turn the Victims Commissioner into a full time job with real teeth and powers, reversing this Government’s disgraceful downgrading of the role.

And victims and witnesses treated as criminals in our courts must end.

Labour will push judges to stop this happening, and protect the innocent from feeling criminalised.

How we treat the vulnerable is a hallmark of a civilised society.

So we owe it to victims to put their needs first and not be treated as an afterthought.

We’ll change the culture of our justice system so victims are a priority.

We’ll bring in clear, tangible, and enforceable rights set out in an easy to understand Act of Parliament.

We’ll have a Justice Secretary, a Victims Commissioner and everyone who works in the justice system on the side of victims.

We’ll have a One Nation justice system – because Britain can do better.

November 30, 2015
Sadiq Khan – 2011 Speech to Labour Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Sadiq Khan, the Shadow Secretary of State for Justice, to the Labour Party conference on 28th September 2011.

Conference.

It’s a privilege and a pleasure to be here today for the first time as your Shadow Secretary of State for Justice.

This past 12 months the challenges of our criminal justice system have become all too apparent.

The groups and campaigning organisations; I’ve met the prisons, young offenders institutions and courts; I’ve visited the judiciary and legal professionals I’ve listened to; and the victims whose experiences I’ve heard.

Take Barry and Margaret Mizen who, following the tragic and unprovoked murder of their young son Jimmy, have channelled all their energies into working towards a safer community for young people across London through the Jimmy Mizen Foundation.

I’m honoured to have Barry advising my policy review.

And the probation officer in Preston with 30 years of experience who spoke of her frustration and disappointment at seeing several generations of the same family come into conflict with the law.

These experiences have shaped my thinking and have reminded me of the progress we made in government but highlighted the hard work that still needs to be done.

As you know, I shadow the Justice Secretary Ken Clarke.

Someone once said that a downside of being in the Shadow Cabinet is that you begin to resemble the cabinet minister that you shadow!

Well, so far, I don’t wear hush puppies.

Don’t smoke cigars.

And manage to stay awake during my leader’s speeches.

Ken and I are very different.

Unlike Ken, I’m not hopelessly out of touch on the issues of crime and justice.

I grew up on a council estate in my South London constituency of Tooting.

I know that often victims and criminals live side by side.

And I understand how important it is for communities blighted by crime to gain important respite from persistent and serial offenders by the handing down of custodial sentences.

Over the past year some of you may have agreed with the tone and sentiment of Ken Clarke’s verdict on our justice system.

And I admit he can sometimes talk a good talk.

After all, who could disagree in principle with a ‘rehabilitation revolution’?

But, Conference, do not be hoodwinked.

Because of Ken Clarke’s and this Government’s policies the Ministry of Justice faces a budget cut of a quarter risking the effective functioning of our justice system.

Dedicated experienced professionals in our prison and probation service face uncertainty about the future of their crucial work.

Even his own Chief Inspector of Prisons, Nick Hardwick, said this month he’s found no evidence at all of a rehabilitation revolution!

However, I’m not going to pretend that had we won the last election I wouldn’t have made cuts.

I would’ve closed down some courts.

We would’ve introduced a new scheme for contracting solicitors for criminal legal aid.

I would’ve continued Labour’s work on payment by results!

But let’s be clear, not only are the Coalition’s cuts deeper and faster than we would’ve made but Ken Clarke along with Teresa May has simply rolled over to the Treasury without even a whimper.

Because of their timidity and complacency, communities up and down the country will pay the price for botched law and order policies.

With no strategy for cutting crime, this Government’s policies on crime and justice are a shambles.

The truth is the Tories cannot be trusted on law and order.

Ken Clarke has not only fallen asleep on the job but he’s also dangerously out of touch.

Remember his insensitive and offensive comments on rape?

On Radio 5Live, and in response to the statement “rape is rape, with respect?”

He said, and I quote: “No, it’s not”.

Mr Clarke, let me tell you rape is rape.

On our watch, we prioritised victims of rape.

We strengthened the law on consent.

Trained 500 more specialist rape prosecutors.

Increased investment on centres offering help to victims of rape and sexual assaults.

And, because of human rights legislation, rape victims are no longer put through the traumatic experience of being cross-examined in person by their alleged assailants.

And remember this Government’s proposals for a 50% reduction in sentence for early guilty pleas?

This would’ve meant that someone pleading guilty to rape being back on the streets after only 15 months.

I believe we should all worry that this Coalition Government threatens to undermine our hard work.

This Government inherited crime 43% lower than in 1997.

We were the first government in history to leave office with crime lower than when we began.

Leaving a justice system much better resourced be it the prison estate, probation services, youth justice or diversion and rehabilitation policies.

More joined up than ever, building the necessary multi-agency, cross-government approach to tackling re-offending.

Investing in prevention policies like Sure Start, parenting classes, early intervention projects, Educational Maintenance Allowance and much more.

Record numbers of police and community support officers.

And yes, being tough on crime and tough on the causes of crime.

As relevant in 2011 as it was when Tony Blair first uttered it in 1993.

But, Conference, I know all wasn’t rosy on our watch.

Re-offending rates nudged down far too slowly.

Too many in our justice system are repeat offenders.

The public perceive non-custodial sentences as a soft option.

And there’s the challenge of moving on from the overly-simplistic “prison works” versus “prison doesn’t work” debate.

Of course, society should seek to prevent crimes taking place in the first place.

That’s what we mean by being tough on the causes of crime.

Recognising the complex and deep roots of criminality.

In government we drew together agencies to work on improving education, health, housing, employment opportunities, seeking out and eradicating inequality.

Sure Start through to EMA.

All now threatened by this Government.

But, it’s also about having enough police to catch those who still commit criminal acts.

Yet under this government, police numbers are falling.

Getting prevention right should make the job of Secretary of State for Justice easier!

Less crime and less repeat crime would mean fewer people in our criminal justice system.

But Conference, we shouldn’t forget that we must also punish those that commit crime.

That’s what we mean by ‘tough on crime’.

It’s an absolutely fundamental part of any justice system that for those committing serious and violent offences, custody is the only appropriate option.

My own background has shown to me that we owe it to communities blighted by crime to give them respite from criminals through custodial sentences.

We owe it to victims to punish criminals.

But we also owe it to communities and victims to prevent offenders drifting back into criminality.

And this isn’t about being easy on offenders it’s ultimately about making communities safer by preventing offenders from returning to crime.

The National Audit Office estimate that the economic cost of offending by young people alone is £11billion a year.

But the social impacts blighted communities, frightened residents, victims of crime are huge too.

For Labour, we’ve an economic and a social imperative to reduce crime.

It’s a win-win. We want to eradicate the economic and social costs, reform offenders, and support communities and victims dealing with the consequences of crime.

Justice relies on the public having confidence in those in authority holding to account those responsible for criminal actions and victims need confidence they’ll be treated properly.

During our time in government:

We made progress with victims

We introduced victim impact statements

We increased investment in victims support

We established a Victims Commissioner and did much more.

Yet, all this is in danger of being undone by this Government.

They’ve slashed resources to victim support services.

Compensation for victims of overseas terrorism such as those affected by bombings in Mumbai and Bali has shamefully yet to materialise.

They’ve refused to create the Office of Chief Coroner – a post that would provide an appeals system for families unhappy with a coroner’s decision on the death of a loved one.

They are planning to slash the budget of the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority.

By restricting the definition of domestic violence, Ken Clarke has removed access to legal aid for some of the most vulnerable women in society posing a threat to women’s safety and that of any children in the family.

And, in fact, this Government is cutting legal aid altogether for housing, debt, benefits and employment issues at a time when people need this the most.

Advice deserts being created as law centres and CABs close down.

And their changes to “no-win, no-fee” cases mean that people like Milly Dowler’s family and other victims of wrong doing by organisations wealthier and more powerful won’t be able to hold them to account.

I want the Labour Party to build a justice system with victims at its heart.

Giving the public, including victims, the confidence that the justice system is on their side.

My policy review will be reporting next year on policies to strike the right balance between punishment and reform, setting out what works to protect the public, support victims, and stop crime.

But, Conference, I am able to announce today that a future Labour Government will introduce a new Victims Law as called for by the Victims Commissioner, Louise Casey, enshrined in statute so that the rights of bereaved families of victims of homicide are honoured.

Delivering effective justice, and treating victims with respect and dignity.

Supporting victims through all stages of the process, including the deeply traumatic experience of when a case reaches court.

Under Labour, victims will be at the heart of our criminal justice system.

And I will work with victims groups to ensure we get this right.

This summer’s riots show that we need a government that isn’t out of touch.

Our country deserves better than knock down justice.

We need to make the important decisions on crime and justice at the same time as making tough fiscal choices.

But Ken Clarke and this Government are simply getting these choices wrong.

It will be down to us to put it right.

There’s only one party that can be trusted on law and order.

That’s us – the Labour Party.

November 30, 2015
Sadiq Khan – 2011 Speech to Barnado's

Below is the text of the speech made by Sadiq Khan, the then Shadow Justice Secretary, to Barnado’s on 8th September 2011.

I would like to thank you all for coming here this morning and to thank Barnardos for organising this event.

For almost 150 years Barnardos has been supporting our country’s most vulnerable children.

The basic sentiment that informs Barnardos work on youth justice and youth offending – that, regardless of their background or behaviour, all children, even the most troubled, deserve the opportunity to turn their lives around – is perhaps more relevant now than ever.

In recent weeks, following the riots which began in London and spread across the country, we have heard children described as ‘feral’, ‘out of control’ and a ‘drain on police time and our penal resources’. As Anne Marie [Carrie] has already pointed out on her blog last month – a 2008 Barnardos poll found that 54% of the public thought that British children were beginning to behave like animals. I’m afraid we can only imagine what that figure would be if the poll was carried out now.

Although the riots were by no means exclusively perpetrated by young people, the ages of some of those involved were as shocking as the crimes themselves. And despite the fact that the vast majority of young people, including those in riot-hit areas, are law abiding citizens, there is no doubt that the unrest we saw in August will shape debates we have from now on on youth provision, youth services and – the issue I’m going to focus on today – youth justice.

The fact that the majority of the public have supported tough sentences, even for young people involved, is understandable. Nothing can excuse or justify the actions of those – however young or old – who caused the unrest last month. People were scared in their homes, their places of work and on their streets and it is right that those who instilled that fear face the consequences of their actions.

But punishment is just one function of our criminal justice system, which must also protect the public, reform offenders and try to prevent people entering it in the first place.

For as much as people want perpetrators of the riots punished, they also want assurances, as far as is possible, that crimes of this sort – and others – won’t happen again.

In the aftermath of the unrest people I have met, in my own community in south London and elsewhere, while unequivocal in their condemnation, have also expressed a deep desire to explain and understand why it happened. Particularly in relation to the involvement of young people:

What led young people to take to the streets and commit these crimes?

Why are so many young people being drawn into gangs?

What caused this breakdown of respect for the law? For authority? For each other?

What would deter them and what can reform them?

The solution to the problem of all youth offending, not just rioting, lies in the answers to questions like these.

We now have, I hope, an opportunity for a grown up debate on how to make our youth justice system work, for the young people within it and the communities it protects – by examining the root causes of youth offending, what preventative action can be taken, how to most appropriately punish and reform offenders and rehabilitate them back into our society.

In seeking root causes, it is tempting but futile to make sweeping generalisations about the backgrounds of young people who commit crime. About their parents, their family make up, or their ethnicity.

But we can look at the statistics. And they demonstrate the scale of the challenge we face:

– Over 70% of children in custody have been involved with, or in the care of social services

– 40% had been homeless before entering custody

– More than a quarter of children in the youth justice system have been identified with special educational needs, almost half are under achieving in school and 90% of young men in prison were excluded from school

– More than half of all offenders were convicted of their first crime before they reached 18 and a further 21% before their 24th birthday.

It is this data that we need to focus on. And in government tackling this is what we meant when we said we would be tough on the causes of crime.

We understood that the right way to halt the unrestrained rise in crime we saw in the 1980s and early 1990s and to cut the number of young people in custody was to stop them turning to crime in the first place.

This meant several agencies working together to deliver a national strategy at a local level. So we tried to develop a joined up youth justice system, with the Home Office and later the MoJ, the Departments of Health and Education as well as the police and local government – all of this overseen by the Youth Justice Board.

Via the YJB, we armed prevention professionals with the resources they needed to intervene early to try to stop at risk young people from turning to crime. They worked with local Youth Offending Teams to deal with young offenders through the Youth Justice System – from arrest to diversionary options or to charge. Through to sentencing and to the management of their reintegration back into their community.

And we knew that early intervention can never be too early. That’s why we created schemes like Sure Start to support very young children and their families and why we developed targeted Family Intervention Projects to offer intensive, personalised support to parents and guardians to help provide the stability families need to bring up their children to be responsible citizens.

And we continued to support young people in their passage to adulthood: with Youth Inclusion Programmes for young teenagers most at risk of offending and the Education Maintenance Allowance (EMA) to give older teenagers the option to stay in full time education.

Of course when we left office last year things weren’t perfect. There was still more work to do, but we did make significant progress in preventing youth crime. Over the last parliament alone we saw a:

– A 43% reduction in first time youth offenders

– A 34% reduction overall in crimes committed by young people

– And we’ve also witnessed the closure of some of the youth secure estate because of falling levels of youth crime

So prevention is the key.

But prevention doesn’t always work. Once a crime is committed by a young person and he or she is caught, there is still the matter of “what next?”

For low level first offences committed by young people effective divergence mechanisms from the criminal justice system have been developed in recent years. Police can refer a low-level young offender to a triage programme instead of charging them if they admit their offence during police interview. Instead of going through the court system the young person will be sent to a Youth Offending Service office where an intervention plan to address their offending behaviour and make restorations to the victim will be drawn up and which they will be expected to follow. And if they don’t comply, they will be charged by the police. So there is a carrot and a stick.

However, for more serious crimes committed by young people, charge by the police and entry into the youth justice system where a legal punishment is passed down will be necessary.

Legal punishment of young people is, of course, controversial.

There are abolitionists who feel punishment for young people is wrong in all instances. And there are those that militate in favour of draconian punishments. In the riots calls for flogging, live ammunition and the stocks were common place according to the polls and the popular press. These were dismissed as lamentable by lawmakers of all parties and of course rightly so.

But public confidence in our justice system, including the youth justice system, does require some punishment for crimes committed to be inflicted on the perpetrator. And the debate about what is the most appropriate and proportionate punishment is best held in the centre, not at the fringes. I believe that most citizens – teachers, nurses, shopkeepers as well as politicians – have a balanced and moderate view of legal punishment and in government we did continue to develop and fund non-custodial forms to compliment custodial options.

Although we successfully brought the numbers of children requiring a custodial sentence more in line with international norms by providing productive alternatives for young offenders, custody is sometimes the only appropriate course of action.

But children given a custodial sentence in the secure estate are still just that: children.

It is only too clear to me when I visit Youth Offending Institutions and Secure Training Centres that I am dealing with children, even if their physical size makes them seem more grown up. They often have incomplete moral vocabulary, stunted emotional intelligence and a limited understanding of how the actions that led to their detention harmed victims and violated the covenants that allow our society to function.

So, when we do detain children, as well as addressing offender behaviour, it is right to invest in their education, their emotional development and general wellbeing. It is tragic to me when I see a young person who thrives under the stability offered to them in the secure estate, en gaged in healthy relationships, perhaps getting qualifications they would never have considered outside at hugely increased costs. And it reinforces to me that every crime committed by a child represents missed opportunities by multiple state agencies and the family, the community as well as the individual. That is why a joined-up approach between all these actors is necessary.

And in this sense, we shouldn’t view crime as transactional between two parties – the offender and the victim. Crime creates social volatility and affects everyone. It damages the communities and the society as a whole, particularly when committed by young people. It is right that the state, representing the people, recognises the duty to incapacitate, punish, reform and deter. But we must find the best ways do this – by looking at what works.

Community punishments are a valuable part of our youth justice system. They can sometimes be more effective in reforming young offenders and in reducing reoffending than short custodial sentences. We believe that tough community sentences for young offenders should be expanded and their funding guaranteed.

But youth justice projects are being squeezed or forced to shut down in the face of cuts to local authority budgets, NOMS, the YJB and YOTs. YOTs are taking hits of up to 60 per cent to non-statutory functions like prevention initiatives including working with gangs. As a result Intensive Intervention Projects are closing down or reducing their services. Already East Sussex, Gateshead, Haringey, Liverpool, Manchester, Nottingham, Peterborough, Southampton and Trafford have discontinued their projects!

This is drastically restricting the options available to magistrates and judges to pass down non-custodial community sentences. If they don’t have the confidence in the availability and efficacy of community punishment they will be forced to resort to the secure estate. We’re already hearing from magistrates that cuts to YOT budgets in just the last year are impacting their sentencing options.

It is economically misguided to diminish YOT and community justice budgets and is undermining the Government’s plan to reduce detention numbers.

Strategically incoherent and a false economy seems to sum up the current approach.

According to the Independent Commission on Youth Crime and Anti-Social Behaviour, it can cost up for £193,000 per year to hold a young person in a secure training centre. And for some it is the best option. But it is a very costly alternative to a community disposal for those for whom it is not necessary or proportionate.

Forcing magistrates and judges into that position because of short term cuts will not result in long term savings and is hugely detrimental to the future life chances of the children placed into custody and the communities who will be the victims of further crimes due to the reoffending of these young people.

I’m proud that we reversed the unconstrained increase in youth detention by investing to tackle the causes of crime.

The number of under 18 year olds imprisoned has reduced by a third over the last three years. And during the same period we also saw a reduction in crime. But this took time. It took investment. And it took a concerted joined-up effort.

I’m glad that the institutional innovations of Labour – Youth Offending Teams and the Youth Justice Board – both exist (for the time being anyway) and are able to do their valuable work in providing pre-sentencing support and advice, and where necessary, working to ensure young people in the secure estate are treated as children and that the secure estate recognises their particular needs and vulnerabilities as far as possible.

I’ll admit, It’s not perfect. For example, we don’t do enough on sharing best practice. We don’t do enough on exploring which interventions work best by leveraging the work of criminologists and experts in the field to plan as rationally as possible.

And while we need to be careful not to inflate the scale of the problem of gangs, it is clear that there are areas where territorial gangs are proving to be a key driver of local criminality. This is where politicians need to listen to and work with the organisations engaging with young people in gangs who know what works to get them out.

Again, there is best practice out there – both overseas and domestically – into how best we tackle the gang problem, involving early interventions and targeting resources

But you don’t have to go far back to remember the problems that existed in the youth justice system prior to 1997. A system that was broken. A system that was still, to a great extent, predicated on Willy Whitelaw’s “short, sharp shock”.

The innovations of the last Labour government – intensive family intervention, a focus on education, recognition of a child’s unique needs – were a repudiation of the past and a genuine and heartfelt attempt to build a brighter future.

When this government unveiled their approach to youth justice there was excitement in the sector – that this may genuinely be something new from the Conservatives on crime reduction and a continuation of the progress we started.

But the Government plans to roll the YJB back into the Ministry of Justice which could risk unravelling some of the progress we’ve seen. Legitimate concerns that rationalisation of functions with NOMS will lead to the erosion of the child-centric approach the YJB began are being dismissed by this government, despite the House of Lords already voting to keep the YJB independent.

Independence, to a degree, insulates the Youth Justice Board from the worst ravages of populist rhetoric. Not entirely, but sufficiently to give them greater latitude than would be afforded a politician and a greater emphasis on what actually works to cut youth crime.

And why are they letting a public body with a proven track record of reducing crime go up in the smoke of the bonfire of the quangos? The decision was not based on a review of performance. As with everything, the decision seems largely based on costs, not value.

But cutting the YJB won’t save much money – around £100,000 over three years – and threatens, through undermining a joined-up youth justice system, to actually increase costs over the long term through higher criminality and the attendant costs to individuals and the state.

The system is not just under assault in that sense though. There are also deep concerns about funding the secure estate. The rate of detainee deaths in custody this year is far higher than in past years. The secure estate is having to absorb big cuts in budgets. And anything less than an obsessive focus on ensuring safety is not compromised is, to my mind, a severe abrogation of duty. We will continue to press the Prisons Minister on the matter of deaths of young people in custody and will work with the government and any other agencies to do what we can to ensure the secure estate is safe for detainees.

Basic safety and protection of well being, both physical and mental, should be the least we expect when it comes to treatment of young people who come into conflict with the law.

We also have a duty to prevent the all too frequent transition from youth offender to adult offender.

Although we were able to reduce it somewhat in government; the stubbornly high rates of reoffending amongst young people need to be urgently addressed.

We don’t only have a moral duty to try to rehabilitate young people and offer them a second chance at responsible citizenship. It is also an economic imperative.

The National Audit Office has estimated the cost to the UK economy of offending by young people as £11bn per year. If we are to bring this cost down, not to mention the unquantifiable emotional costs to victims of crime, we must invest in rehabilitation.

And when we’re dealing with young people, this does not just mean giving them the practical educational skills they will need to play a productive part in public life. It must also involve fostering an understanding about the consequences their actions have not only for their own lives but for the victims of their crimes. An understanding often lacking for many young offenders.

Restorative justice programmes that make young offenders take responsibility for their crimes can indeed be transformative justice. It can help develop the moral vocabulary, emotional intelligence and offer a level of reparation for the victim that punishment alone can’t always deliver.

Where restorative justice has been used, in Northern Ireland it has produced lower reconviction rates and higher satisfaction rates for victims. A 2010 Prison Reform Trust report shows almost a 50 per cent reduction in the reoffending rates of young offenders that took part in Northern Ireland’s restorative justice programme.

It is of course not appropriate for every crime or every young offender. A fifteen year old that kills or rapes as part of a gang initiation needs to be dealt with differently. But it is a mechanism that merits further emphasis within our youth justice system and something Labour would be committed to expanding where victims feel it would help.

So I can announce this morning that Labour will be seeking to amend the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders (LASPO) Bill so that courts have an explicit duty to consider making an order to participate in a restorative justice course. And if the government is true to its word that it wants to replicate Northern Ireland’s restorative justice programme, then supporting our amendment would be a positive step.

But their record to date makes me doubtful of their commitment.

It is not only the preventative innovations of the last government that are at risk – the Sure Start centres and youth clubs which are closing, family Intervention Projects being put at risk by ring fenced funding being removed, the EMA being scrapped, Youth Offending Teams being disbanded – rehabilitative measures are also taking a hit. My fear is that it will not only be young people whose lives will be wasted to crime that will suffer, but also communities up and down the country battling anti-social behaviour and youth offending.

The intolerable outbreak of crime we saw on the streets of our cities this summer shined a light on our youth justice system and the underlying reasons why young people sometimes feel they have nothing to lose and a lot to gain from crime.

We need to look carefully at what this light has uncovered – from the shadowy world of gangs to opportunities for work and training that young people need.

That is precisely why we’re reaching out – to experts, practitioners and young people themselves – for solutions.

I am chairing an extensive policy review looking at all aspects of criminal justice policy. My review will be analysing the evidence of what works to prevent young people from committing criminal acts in the first place and how we can best reform the ones that do. We will scratch below the surface to deal with the complex issues we know play a part – including deprivation, gang culture and exclusion. And how our youth justice system can be made to work for the young people within it.

I will need your help. The work of organisations like Barnardos and many others represented here today should inform youth justice policy so it is genuinely child-centric, evidence based and effective. We will also need to look at what lessons from the successes we’ve seen in youth justice can be transferred to the adult criminal justice system.

Youth crime went down in recent year s and youth custody levels fell. So there is something distinctive about the youth justice system which shows we can reduce crime and imprisonment at the same time. Unlike the adult penal system.

The relationship between custody and crime is never simple, but I don’t think it’s immodest to say that an important factor was the investments Labour made, in money and in effort, to prevent and deter youth crime.

Casting simplistic assertions about a ‘feral underclass’ as Ken Clarke has about those involved in riots is lazy. This kind of language absolves people from responsibility for their actions, implying that somehow they had no self control or no choice. Instead we will be looking at how we can make young people responsible citizens who understand the consequences of their actions and have the opportunities and the means to stay away from crime. But at the same time, have a youth justice system that effectively punishes and reforms those who do commit offences.

It is a moral and economic imperative to stop young lives being wasted to crime. The vast majority of young people want to play a productive, not destructive role in society. It is all our responsibility to make that happen and to help reform those who are struggling to do so – for everyone’s sake.

November 30, 2015
Sadiq Khan – 2010 Speech to Labour Party Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Sadiq Khan to the 2010 Labour Party conference.

Good Morning Conference,

This week, we have elected a new leader and we have asked him to lead us on a journey of change, so we can reconnect with the British people, win back the voters we lost and return to power.

To do that, and set out the right vision for the future, we have to learn the lessons of the past.

We must take pride in our achievements.

And we must be humble about our mistakes.

And we must learn from them.

So let me first tell you what I am proud of:

And it’s not being the first ministerial appointment to be announced on twitter.

As we all are, I am proud of our great achievements – the minimum wage, tax credits, the hundreds of thousands of pensioners taken out of poverty.

The progress on equality that allowed me to become the first MP of Muslim faith to attend cabinet.

Amidst all these successes, it would be easy for some to overlook the progress we made for transport.

But not for me.

Because my dad was a bus-driver.

And there was no escape at the in-laws either.

My wife’s dad worked f or London Underground.

Most people feel nagged by their parents from time to time, but very rarely is it about the future of bus regulation.

But talking shop with my family made sure that I never forgot the shambles of a transport system we inherited from the Tories in 1997.

So I am proud of the progress we made.

Embracing market solutions where they are right, but never forgetting the important role government can play.

Time and again challenging the conventional wisdom to stand up for those that rely on our transport network – passengers, motorists, businesses and business people.

Rejecting the ideology that drove the Tory rail privatisation by replacing Railtrack with a body that prioritises safety, not shareholders.

Recognising that access to public transport is more, not less important, in impoverished neighbourhoods and so giving local authorities more control over bus routes.

Opening Britain’s first high speed rail line.

Cutting deaths on the roads.

Nationwide free bus travel for over 60s and disabled people.

Giving millions of people more freedom and quality of life.

And in London, we saw what Labour leadership can mean – upgrades to the tube, electronic ticketing, bus services transformed, the congestion charge, and a deal for Crossrail, a scheme which will contribute billions to Britain’s economy.

All reasons I’ll be proud to campaign once again for Ken Livingstone to become Mayor of London.

We showed the importance of strong regulation, but also that the public sector and the private sector can work together to deliver investment to improve our roads and buses and railways.

It is an approach that was right in the past and will be right in the future.

But this week cannot just be about learning from where we got things right.

We also need to learn from where we got things wrong.

Because to tackle the great challenges to the transport system of the future – rising passenger numbers, growing congestion, the spectre of climate change.

We need to have a clear view about what we need to do differently.

So there are places where we need to change.

We made great strides on ensuring bus services for all communities.

But we could have done more to give local councillors more control and we need to recognise that and move on.

We made great strides on getting children and adults to cycle more.

But we did wait too long to promote cycling as a mainstream form of transport.

As Andrew Adonis reminded us last year… for us “on your bike” is a transport option not an insult to the unemployed.

And we made great strides on tackling carbon emissions.

We have set out some of the most detailed plans in the world, not just on how to cut emissions but also how to support greener motoring, create jobs and ensure that it is in the UK that we manufacture the clean cars of the future.

But we didn’t always get the answers right and we need to recognise that and move on.

Part of moving on means working with this government when they make good decisions, where we agree with them we should support them.

But where they put our transport system at risk we should say so as well.

So we hear that they doubt:

The value of investment in new trains.

The value of supporting bus companies to provide services in deprived areas.

The value of our plans for high speed rail.

Of course, we will support responsible cuts when times are hard, but right wing ideological cuts are wrong, unacceptable and we will expose them.

Under David Cameron, much of what we gained is at risk.

Passengers will not pay more for less.

And that will mean one thing.

People who currently use public transport returning to the roads.

Bad for motorists, bad for businesses, bad for the economy.

Conference, of course there would have been cuts under a Labour Government.

Some schemes would have had to be postponed or even scrapped.

I can’t stand here and tell you that every local transport project would have been funded.

But I can tell you this:

We would not fall into the trap of short-termism, making cuts now which would still be holding our country back in twenty years time.

We would not reduce transport policy to economy, but always remember that it is essential to fairness that people in all parts of our society can afford to get to where they need to be.

We would stand up for ambition and for optimism.

And, because you don’t get real change by tinkering around the edges.

That means being prepared to make radical change as a party.

To help build a fairer and more prosperous society.

Tony Blair told us that we are at our best when at our boldest.

Two days ago, our new leader Ed Miliband told us we are at our best when we are restless reformers.

And of course, they are both right.

We must not let being in opposition stifle our ambition, nor austerity smother our hopes.

We’ll win the next General Election if we show people a vision of a better fairer Britain that they can believe in.

Not just a vision for the next 5 years – but for the Britain that we want to leave behind for the generations to come.

Conference, I believe that we have that vision in us and we’ve shown the world this week that we’re coming back, bolder than ever.

November 30, 2015
Charles Kennedy – 2005 Speech to Liberal Democrat Spring Conference

Below is the text of the speech made by Charles Kennedy, the then Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 5 March 2005 to the party’s Spring Conference.

Conference,

We Liberal Democrats are ready for a General Election.

And we are looking forward to it.

We have a strong message and a powerful case to put forward.

In so many ways the story of this parliament, now coming to an end, has been the way the Liberal Democrats have emerged as the real opposition to Tony Blair’s Labour Government.

The Real Opposition to an illegal war in Iraq.

The Real Opposition to Labour’s authoritarian instincts.

The Real Opposition against student top-up fees, against poverty pensions, against the Council Tax, against false choice in our public services.

We have been principled.
We have stood up for the people of Britain.
We have not wavered when the going got tough.

We have shown our resolve as a national opposition party.
As a result we have grown in strength and in support.

At this General Election – we will be the Real Alternative.
We will be the party that people turn to.
People want a credible, principled political party which offers a different vision of what Britain can be.

They want a real alternative to Labour.
At this General Election the Liberal Democrats will be that Real Alternative.

The main issue currently before parliament – is an issue and a set of principles alongside it which go to the very heart of our democracy.

And it shows just how important it is to have a real alternative in Britain.

I am talking of course of the proposed control orders being introduced by the Home Secretary.

The Liberal Democrats – for the past three years – have been principled and persistent critics of the situation at Belmarsh Prison.

For us it is utterly unacceptable for individuals to be incarcerated – facing indefinite detention – without charge and without trial.

That it is not the Liberal Democrat way.
And that is not the British way.

And that’s why the Law Lords declared the Government’s policy illegal.

So the government were duty-bound to respond.
And respond they did with their ill-fated proposals for house arrest.

3 weeks ago, at Prime Minister’s Questions, I raised with Tony Blair our central concern.

It must be a judge – never a politician – who decides whether someone is to be locked up.

Mark Oaten and I sustained that key concern at the Downing Street discussions which then followed.

And we welcomed the degree of undoubted movement on the Government’s part which had taken place in the intervening period.

Welcome movement – but by no means enough.

Fundamental objections remained.

And those concerns still remain.

Now, as this legislation is before the House of Lords, let us be crystal clear about the ongoing Liberal Democrat position.

There is an onus here on the politicians – irrespective of party – to seek a consensus where responding responsibly to what I acknowledge is both the threat and the reality of international terrorism.

We are willing to try and find a solution which delivers proper security with a respect for human rights.
We are not however about to set off down a path which leads inexorably to a surrender of principles.
Anything but.

That is the spirit in which we have engaged on these matters.
We have a real alternative which will maintain our security and protect our liberties:-
And these will continue to be our guiding principles.

1. Prosecution should always be the first option.

2. Decisions over detention must be judicial and not in the first instance political.

3. The standard of proof must be of the highest possible order.

4. Defendants must have access to defence lawyers and to see the evidence against them.

A sensible Government would have come up with proposals based on these principles in the first place.

Without these safeguards Liberal Democrats in Parliament will not support this Bill.

All too often with this government, when presented with a genuine problem the instinctive response is an authoritarian one.
Undermining trial by jury, house arrest, compulsory Identity Cards

That is not the Liberal Democrat way.
That is not the British way.

This issue is not the only one where our party has been well tested in this parliament.

Take of course the issue of Iraq.

With regard to the war itself, our views of course are well known.
We took that stand in Parliament against the war.
The Conservatives backed Tony Blair.

Tony Blair took us to war in Iraq on the basis of the supposed threat of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction.

Mere weeks before the war the Prime Minister was still telling Parliament “I detest his regime?but even now, he could save it.”

Now, because it has been shown that there were no weapons of mass destruction, the Prime Minister says that the removal of Saddam justifies the war in itself.
Not what he was saying just before it.

And today – if he is so confident of his case – why will he not allow the Attorney General’s legal advice to be published?

The Prime Minister wants us to move on – but we cannot until we know the full facts.

He should publish – and if necessary be damned.

Of course Britain should honour its legal and moral responsibilities with regard to the situation in Iraq.
But we need to focus on a proper exit strategy – as we warned at the outset.
That should mean a phased withdrawal of British troops to coincide with the end of the United Nations mandate this year.

It is vital to apply your principles with consistency – at home and abroad.

And nowhere is that responsibility more required of politicians than when it comes to discussion of the issues concerning immigration and asylum.

I believe the duty here for politicians is to begin with a straightforward statement of personal belief.

And this is mine.

I believe that our country is a richer, more vibrant society precisely because it is a multi-racial, multi-ethnic society.

Let that be the starting point for any debate over immigration and asylum.

And let us not confuse the two in people’s minds either.

On immigration we have no problem over identifying quotas for skilled shortages in our society.

But we would do so on the basis of an independent evaluation of the needs of the British economy – not the prejudices of politicians.

Where would the National Health Service be without the numbers of migrant workers – doctors and nurses – on our wards?

On asylum, let us not go down the route of declaring artificial limits.

This country has a proud history of opening its doors to generations of people fleeing personal persecution, civil unrest and war.

We must never surrender that track record.

So my message here is clear.

Where immigration and asylum issues are concerned, the challenge is for the politicians to make the systems work in the best long-term interests of the country.

But never to pander and play to people’s fears.

In recent weeks, much of the political debate has centred on what the parties plan to put in their election manifestos – and rightly so.

But if you take the big issues of this Parliament – Iraq, the Hutton and Butler inquiries, anti-terrorist legislation, top up fees, foundation hospitals – these were scarcely mentioned during the campaign four years ago.
They largely fall into the category – which Harold McMillan once described as ‘events, dear boy, events.’

Manifestos will obviously matter, but voters will simultaneously be making a more fundamental judgement;
They will be assessing how the different parties might deal with those ‘events’ in the next four years;
And seeking solutions which reflect their personal hopes and fears.

How will they judge the Conservatives?
Their record in this parliament has been pathetic.
They have flip-flopped over the big issues of the day.
Iraq, Hutton, Butler, top-up fees, ID cards?I could go on.
When called upon to make a judgement – in the heat of the moment – the Conservatives have consistently made the wrong one – then tried to back-track when they see political advantage.
Poor judgement and opportunism.
You won’t win elections like that because people won’t trust you with Government.

And Labour?
What a squandering of the good will which greeted Tony Blair in 1997!
What an abuse of public trust!
Will voters really forgive being misled on Iraq?
Or the broken promises on tax?
Or top up fees?
Or the instinctive authoritarianism?

And what about the dismal failure to take a lead on Europe?

Which leaves us – the Liberal Democrats. The Real Alternative.

Throughout the course of this parliament, week on week, issue after issue, we have acted in accordance with our principles.

We argue sincerely for what we believe is in the best interests of our country.

For us politics isn’t about gimmicky pledge cards with vacuous statements.
It’s about real solutions to real problems.
It’s about being straightforward about how you will deliver.
And it’s about being straightforward also about how much it will all cost.

Throughout this parliament, I have insisted that our balance sheet must add up.

And on tax, we seek to be both bold and fair.

Britain is the 4th largest economy in the world.
We have world class businesses and a world class workforce.
So why are 2 million of our pensioners living below the poverty line?
And why are the poorest in our society paying a higher proportion of their income in tax than the richest?

There is another way – that is what being the real alternative is all about.

Being bold doesn’t mean making promises we can’t keep.

Boldness requires us to make the case for taxation. Why? Because people know you can’t get something for nothing.
And boldness means making the case for tax reform, so that it is fair.

At the last election Labour promised not to put up income tax. What did they do? They raised National Insurance.

The Conservatives are currently suggesting that they can cut income tax, stamp duty, inheritance tax, capital gains tax, council tax, savings tax, small business tax, environmental taxes AND increase public spending all at the same time.
Oh – and cut the national debt while they are at it.
No one really believes them. Candy floss economics.

And even if you do look at the small print of their plans it shows the tax burden will actually rise under the Conservatives – by £24 billion.
So much for straight-talking there.
In contrast, what we propose is credible.

Anyone who earns over £100,000 would pay 50p in the pound on every pound earned above £100,000.
According to government figures, that would raise £5.2 billion a year.
What would we use that sum for?
1. We would abolish top-up and tuition fees
2. We would provide free personal care for the elderly, just as we have delivered in Scotland
3. We would scrap the Council tax and hold down the rate of local taxes.

Now this is targeted taxation for targeted spending commitments.

And for those who predict gloom and doom, the end of civilisation as we know it – remind them, this is still a lower rate of top tax than was the case for the majority of the period that Mrs. Thatcher was Prime Minister of this country.

And, strange to record, the sun kept rising in the east and setting in the west.

What’s more, this tax change will affect just 1% of the wealthiest income tax payers in the country.
So by definition 99% of people will not be paying more.
But the benefits will be for 100% of people.
Now that is a real alternative.

As for tax reform – a fair tax system is one which is based on the principle of people’s ability to pay.

Council tax is fundamentally unfair. It bears no relationship to earnings and means that the poorest in our society pay more from their income than do the richest. That cannot be right.

So we would scrap the Council Tax and replace it with a local income tax.
We would do it through the Inland Revenue which is cheaper to administer.
As confirmed by the Institute of Fiscal Studies last week about half of people would pay less. A quarter would be unaffected. And a quarter would pay a bit more.
A typical family would be £450 a year better off.
And over half of all pensioners, would pay no local tax at all.
Now that is the real alternative.

Being in Government is all about priorities.
What you choose to spend tax payer’s money on – and what you choose not too.

Being the real alternative means spending public money differently.

We would raise £5 billion a year by scrapping departments like the DTI and ODPM and transferring key functions elsewhere.
We would scrap the next stage of Eurofighter, the baby bonds and the compulsory Identity Cards scheme.
Now these are tough choices.
But look at what we would deliver with that money

10,000 more police of the streets – cutting crime and the fear of crime.

A Citizen’s Pension for the over 75s – Over £100 a month extra on the basic state pension, millions of pensioners off means testing, and an end to the scandalous discrimination in the pensions system against women.

An end to the hidden NHS waiting lists – quick diagnosis so treatment is not delayed.

Free eye tests and dental checks.

Lower class sizes for our youngest children – because children taught well in their early years have a far better chance of successful and rewarding lives.

Now that is the Real Alternative –
Costed, affordable polices to make Britain better, fairer, safer.
The balance sheet is balanced; the costs add up.
It’s a matter of priority.
And I think it’s a good deal.
And what’s more – I think the people of Britain will think it is a good deal.

All of this will be underpinned by a Green thread running through our manifesto.

The environment is central to our vision.

A Britain in which sustainable living is a reality so that we minimise the impact of the way we live on the world around us.

A Britain that looks beyond the Kyoto treaty to the next stage of the battle to limit climate change; standing up to the conspiracy theorists and those in denial over the threat of global warming.

You know – a month ago I challenged Tony Blair and Michael Howard about just this issue because I think the seriousness of the threat transcends party colours.

I wanted the three parties to come together to agree that the science is real and the threat is real.

To pledge ourselves to pursue new and stronger international goals on climate change.

And to make sure Britain has its own house in order by agreeing a series of long-term baseline targets for our own environment.

Sensible, consensual politics to deal with a long-term threat that faces all of us now, and the generations to come.

But such an initiative simply does not fit in with Tony Blair or Michael Howard’s idea of politics.

So again at this election, the Liberal Democrats will be the Real Alternative on the environment.

So far this campaign has had all the hallmarks of the kind of spin that turns people off.

Take the latest row over cancelled hospital operations.

The slanging match between Labour and the Conservatives – as they both scrabble for headlines – demeans our politics.

What people want are positive solutions to sustain and strengthen our National Health Service.
Right now they deserve better than they are getting.

What they seek is good schools and hospitals – run efficiently.
They want proper public provision for the weakest and most vulnerable members of our society.
They want straight talk from politicians and fairness.
They don’t want to be patronised with token promises.

And they don’t want politicians always interfering.
People want to get on with their own lives.
They want to take their own decisions in and about their own neighbourhoods and communities.

So this election will be about more than just manifesto promises.

Our party has been the real opposition in this parliament.
If you voted Conservative in 2001, yet opposed the war in Iraq.
If you don’t want compulsory Identity Cards cards.
If you are suffering under the Council Tax.
If you are worried about the environment.
What good did it do you voting Conservative?
Your vote was wasted.

Because today, the Conservatives are out of the race in Scotland and Wales, and most of urban Britain.
While they are fading, we are growing.

The challenge for our party throughout this period, and my aim as your leader, has been to show that the Liberal Democrats are credible; that we are the real alternative.

When people grow tired of the old parties they turn to us to see what we can do.
This is what has been happening in Liverpool and Newcastle – big cities run by the Liberal Democrats.
And Liberal Democrat Ministers in Scotland.

Up and down the country the Liberal Democrats exercise real power and real responsibility.

As we enter this general election people now have a much clearer idea of what we’re about.

They do see in us a real alternative on offer.

And a real alternative that’s on their side.

Where the big issues are concerned.

Axing the council tax.

Abolishing student tuition fees.

Guaranteeing free personal care for the elderly.

Tackling pension unfairness – especially for women.

Pursuing positive engagement in Europe – and the wider world.

With real action to promote the environment.

Two years ago one million people took to the streets of Britain to try to make politicians listen –
They wanted to send a message to Tony Blair – don’t go to war in Iraq.
When I am told that people in Britain don’t care about politics,
I think about the people I marched alongside that day.

People of a different political persuasion from me and people of no political persuasion.

They were fed up with the way the Prime Minister was behaving;
Fed up with the way both the old parties – Labour and the Tories – were standing shoulder to shoulder in defence of George Bush.

What they needed was a real alternative;
A party which was listening to their concerns;
A party which was prepared to stand up and say so;
The party which said no to the Prime Minister.

I am proud that we were the real alternative then.
I am proud that we have continued to stand apart from the other two parties on important issues of principle.
I am proud that when it comes to tackling unfairness in this country,
the Liberal Democrats put that top of the agenda.

We enter this election as a truly independent political party.
We will campaign through this election as an independent political party.
And we will emerge in the next House of Commons as an independent political party.

That way we will do best – by ourselves and by the country.

More votes, more seats – beyond that no glass ceilings to our ambitions.

Now that’s the real alternative in this election.

And it’s called the Liberal Democrats.

November 30, 2015