Tag: Speeches

  • Tim Farron – 2017 Speech at Liberal Democrat General Election Manifesto Launch

    Below is the text of the speech made by Tim Farron, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 17 May 2017.

    A couple of weeks ago, in Kidlington near Oxford, I met a guy called Malcolm. I say met…he came up to me in the street and started shouting at me.

    You might have seen it on the news. Or the internet.

    In the end we actually got along. But he was angry with me for not getting behind Theresa May and backing Brexit. I think I calmed him down a bit when we spoke, but I don’t think I changed his mind.

    And that’s fine. You see, when last year’s referendum took place I campaigned harder than anyone else to remain. I believed passionately that our children would have a brighter future if Britain remained in the European Union.

    But we lost – and I accept that.

    But that doesn’t mean I have changed what I believe.

    I believe that our children will have a brighter future if we are inside the European Union. That they will be safer and better off. That our economy will be stronger and our country will have more influence in the world.

    But just because I believe that doesn’t mean I think people who voted to leave are bad people. Of course they’re not. We just disagree.

    You see, I grew up in Preston in Lancashire. And most of the people in Preston voted to leave. There are parts of Lancashire where two-thirds of people voted to leave.

    Friends of mine did. Members of my family did. They don’t all admit that to my face, but I know they did.

    Those people, they’re my people. I like them. They’re good people. Decent people.

    And, as it happens, I liked Malcolm too. Once he stopped shouting at me.

    But here’s the difference between me and Theresa May – I want Malcolm, and everyone in Preston, and every single one of you, to have your say over what comes next.

    Nobody knows what Brexit will look like.

    The choices Theresa May will make will affect your life and our country for decades – your job, your weekly shop, your environment, your safety, where you can travel to and where you can live.

    And she’s already making choices that will affect those things, including the most profound choice she could make – taking Britain out of the Single Market.

    That decision alone is a time bomb under our economy. And when it blows up it is going to take our NHS and our schools down with it.

    It is going to wreck our children’s future for decades to come.

    And it is a choice. Plain and simple. It wasn’t inevitable.

    There was nothing on the ballot paper last June that said we were choosing to pull out of the Single Market. There are other countries that are outside the EU but inside the Single Market – just look at Norway or Switzerland.

    There was nothing on the ballot paper that said that people and families from Europe who have made this country their home would be left in limbo, not knowing if they can stay in the country they raise their kids in.

    And there was definitely nothing on the ballot paper that said we would turn our allies into enemies. Yet here we are, with our government making accusations of our neighbours and even threatening war with Spain.

    The choices Theresa May makes – and the compromises she negotiates with bureaucrats in Brussels – will affect our children’s future for decades to come.

    My children, your children, Malcolm’s grandchildren.

    In June last year we voted for a departure, but we didn’t vote for a destination.

    So I want you to have your choice over your future.

    Someone is going to have the final say over the Brexit deal.

    It could be the politicians or it could be the people.

    I believe it should be the people.

    You should have the final say on whether Theresa May’s Brexit deal is right for you and your family in a referendum.

    And if you don’t like that deal, you should have the choice to remain in the European Union.

    Giving you the choice over your future is exactly what our manifesto is about.

    I want you to imagine a brighter future.

    Imagine a future where our children can grow up in a country where people are decent to each other.

    Where we have good schools and hospitals.

    Where we take the challenge of climate change seriously.

    Where give our teachers and nurses and soldiers the pay rise they deserve for the service they give our country.

    Where we have an open, innovative economy.

    Where we treat the poorest and the most vulnerable with compassion.

    Where we don’t turn our back on desperate refugees.

    That’s the Britain I love. That’s the Britain I want to lead.

    But that’s not the future Theresa May is offering you. If you want to know the most revealing thing that has been said during this election, look at Nigel Farage’s Twitter.

    He wrote: “Theresa May is using the exact words and phrases I’ve been using for twenty years.”

    Think about that for a minute. The ‘exact words and phrases’.

    The Prime Minister of our great country saying the same things that Nigel Farage has been saying for twenty years.

    And not just the words and phrases. The policies too, that’s what UKIP MEP Patrick O’Flynn said this week.

    Brexit never did just mean Brexit. For Nigel Farage, Brexit was always part of a package, a world view.

    It’s a world view that includes shunning climate change…

    …that includes shrinking the state by starving our schools and our NHS of the funding they need.

    …that includes turning our backs on some of the poorest and most vulnerable people in the world, as Theresa May did when she shamefully closed the door to desperate child refugees.

    That’s Nigel Farage’s world view. The same one that leads to Donald Trump banning Muslims and building a wall. The same one that Marine Le Pen tried to impose on the decent people of France.

    Nigel Farage’s vision for Britain is now Theresa May’s. He has taken over the Conservative Party.

    Anti-Europe. Anti-refugees. Slashing funding to schools and hospitals.

    No wonder UKIP is standing down candidates and backing the Tories.

    After all, who needs UKIP if the Government is doing what they want anyway.

    Somebody has to stand up to them. Someone has to fight for the decent, compassionate Britain we love.

    But it won’t be Jeremy Corbyn.

    On the biggest issue facing us all in a generation, when all this is at stake, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour hasn’t shown up.

    Jeremy Corbyn even ordered his MPs and Peers to vote with the Tories and UKIP.

    Not against them. With them.

    Before the vote on Article 50, he said he would order his party to vote in favour even if the Government made no concessions to them whatsoever.

    So, surprise surprise, they didn’t.

    Jeremy Corbyn didn’t have to do that. He could have voted with us to stay in the Single Market, or to give European citizens living here the right to stay. He chose not to.

    Jeremy Corbyn has always been pro-Brexit – he campaigned against Europe for years – so we shouldn’t be surprised. But we should be disappointed.

    Labour are supposed to be the opposition, but they haven’t opposed anything.

    They are supposed to stand up for working people, but they haven’t stood up for anyone.

    They are supposed to care about our children’s future, but they are letting the Conservatives wreck it.

    They have lost the right to call themselves the opposition.

    Labour has lost its purpose but we have found ours.

    The brighter future we want for all our children is at stake. Our economy is at stake. Our schools and hospitals are at stake.

    This is about the future of the open, tolerant, united country we love.

    I am here tonight to tell you that we won’t roll over.

    A few weeks ago in France, the two parties that had run the country for decades came third and fifth in the election.

    Third and fifth.

    The decent people of France decided that they did not want to just simply accept one of the two tired old parties. So they rejected them.

    And when the two old parties had been eliminated, the decent people of France faced a stark choice: a liberal, pro-European candidate who believes in an open, tolerant and united France, and the leader of the National Front.

    Hope versus fear. A brighter future versus a cold, mean-spirited one.

    Nigel Farage pinned his colours to the mast. Just like when he backed Donald Trump in America, he backed the candidate who represented his world view – anti-Europe, anti-refugees.

    He backed the National Front.

    Well, the decent people of France chose hope over fear. And the National Front lost.

    Don’t let anyone tell you the only choice you have in this election is between Theresa May and Jeremy Corbyn.

    This election is about your choice and your future.

    You can choose a brighter future where our children grow up in a country where people are decent to each other…

    …where we have good schools and hospitals so that our children have a fair chance in life and our elderly are treated with dignity…

    …where we have a clean environment and an innovative economy.

    The more Liberal Democrat MPs you elect, the better the deal we will get on Europe.

    The more Liberal Democrat MPs you elect, the more jobs and more money for the NHS and schools.

    The more Liberal Democrat MPs you elect, the brighter the future for our children.

    Theresa May and Nigel Farage’s cold, mean-spirited Britain is not the Britain I love.

    The Britain I love is generous and compassionate.

    The Britain I love is one where we are decent to each other.

    The Britain I love is open, tolerant and united.

    If that is the Britain you love too then this is the moment to stand up.

    This is your chance to change Britain’s future.

    I am here tonight because when my children are my age I want to be able to look them in the eye and tell them honestly that when the moment came to stand up for their future, I stood up.

    I am determined that our children will grow up in a country where people are decent to each other.

    I am here tonight because the Britain I love is not lost yet.

    That’s the country I want to lead.

  • Theresa May – 2017 Statement at the G7 Summit in Sicily

    Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, in Sicily on 26 May 2017.

    Good afternoon.

    This week, the United Kingdom suffered one of the worst terrorist attacks in our history. The murder of innocent citizens and the deliberate targeting of children appalled people at home and around the world.

    Today, G7 leaders have joined Britain in condemning this barbaric act of violence. It is at moments such as this that we are reminded of the fundamental importance of this unique group of nations, and the unity that our membership affords.

    Because the threat of terror is one that all our countries face. And now more than ever we must strengthen our resolve to overcome this threat together and stand firm against those who want to destroy our precious values and our way of life.

    Yesterday I was at the NATO Summit in Brussels, where member countries reaffirmed their commitment to our transatlantic security alliance, and agreed on the importance of NATO expanding its counter-terrorism role.

    And, here in Sicily, the G7 has come together to address the biggest issues we face, from terrorism and conflict, to important foreign policy issues, global trade and climate change.

    I will address each in turn.

    Counter Terrorism

    Today, against the backdrop of Monday’s cowardly attack in Manchester, we have discussed what more we can do together to defeat global terror.

    We agreed the threat from Daesh is evolving rather than disappearing – as they lose ground in Iraq and Syria, foreign fighters are returning and the group’s hateful ideology is spreading online.

    Make no mistake: the fight is moving from the battlefield to the internet.

    In the UK we are already working with social media companies to halt the spread of extremist material and hateful propaganda that is warping young minds.

    But I am clear that corporations can do more. Indeed, they have a social responsibility to now step up their efforts to remove harmful content from their networks.

    Today, I called on leaders to do more.

    We agreed a range of steps the G7 could take to strengthen its work with tech companies on this vital agenda. And ministers will meet soon to take this forward.

    We want companies to develop tools to identify and remove harmful material automatically. And in particular I want to see them report this vile content to the authorities, and block the users who spread it.

    And the G7 will put its weight behind the creation of an international industry-led forum where new technologies and tools can be developed and shared to help us deny terrorists their pernicious voice online.

    It is also vital we do more to cooperate with our partners in the region to step up returns and prosecutions of foreign fighters. This means improving intelligence-sharing, evidence gathering, and bolstering countries’ police and legal processes.

    Foreign Policy

    The investigation into what happened in Manchester is ongoing. But the suicide bomber’s links to Libya undoubtedly shine a spotlight on this largely ungoverned space on the edge of Europe.

    So we must redouble our support for a UN-led effort that brings all the parties to the negotiating table and reduces the threat of terror from that region.

    Similarly in the case of Syria, we agreed that it will be impossible to defeat terrorism without a political settlement that brings a stable transition away from President Assad.

    We welcomed the progress towards de-escalation, but are clear that the regime’s backers, Russia and Iran, must use their influence to deliver a ceasefire and move to a genuine political process.

    Leaders agreed today that we must challenge Iran’s destabilising activity in Syria and the wider region, and that we must continue our efforts to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability.

    Leaders were united in their condemnation of North Korea’s continued nuclear weapons and ballistic missile tests.

    We agreed to increase pressure on Pyongyang as we work to secure a peaceful resolution in the region.

    Economy and Trade

    This afternoon I led a discussion on trade and the global economy. As we prepare to leave the European Union, I reiterated the UK’s abiding commitment to free trade and open markets.

    But I and my fellow world leaders also recognised that some people feel left behind by globalisation. And that not all countries are playing by the rules.

    We need to show our citizens that the global economy can truly work for everyone.

    This means recognising the importance of the international rules-based system and the World Trade Organisation in creating a level playing field for trade – but accepting that we need to make the system work better.

    And it means taking action to ensure that all our citizens can share in the benefits of globalisation, and support those who feel they have lost out.

    The UK’s industrial strategy of economic and social reform is helping spread growth and opportunity to all parts of our country and society.

    We are ensuring people have the skills to capitalise on the opportunities presented by new technologies and a digital economy at the start of and throughout their careers.

    And as we work to make the UK an even more attractive place for businesses to invest and grow, we want companies to act responsibly and play their part in making ours a country that works for everyone.

    We had a productive discussion today about the importance of global action against climate change, to safeguard the prosperity and security of future generations.

    The UK remains committed to this agenda. We will keep energy affordable and maintain a secure and reliable supply in order to protect the interests of businesses and consumers.

    Clearly, the global challenges we face today are more urgent than ever before. When it comes to the fight against terrorism, we can only defeat this evil together, with determined and coordinated action.

    As the G7 we stand united today in our commitment to uphold the values we share – and to create a safe, secure and prosperous future for all our citizens.

  • Theresa May – 2017 Ramadan Message

    Below is the text of the statement made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 26 May 2017.

    Ramadan is a unique and special time for Muslims in Britain and around the world.

    It is a time for them to renew their faith in God and increase their devotion and spirituality. A time when, despite the long summer days, Muslims across Britain will find strength through devotion to fulfil one of the five pillars of their religion.

    Ramadan fosters a strong sense of community spirit, reflected in the way mosques open their doors and welcome people of all faiths and none to share in the Iftar meal – something I have experienced in my own constituency of Maidenhead. It is an important chance for people from all walks of life to meet together, discuss and share experiences with their neighbours, and to increase familiarity and foster friendships.

    This Ramadan, let us celebrate the way in which this festival of peace, reflection and religious devotion brings people closer together.

    And let us say to Muslims here in Britain and across the world, Ramadan Kareem.

  • Nicola Sturgeon – 2017 Speech on Conservative Policies

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nicola Sturgeon, the Scottish First Minister, on 17 April 2017.

    The last few days have exposed the full horror of the rape clause, the wider issues around the cap on child tax credits and the complicity of Scottish Tories in the utterly immoral policies of their Westminster colleagues.

    The Tory government’s decision to ban low income families from claiming tax credits for any more than two children, and then force women to prove that they were raped in order to claim tax credits for a third child is inhumane and barbaric – and as we saw in the protest in George Square last week, it is an issue of increasing public anger as the full reality of this inhuman policy becomes clear.

    And while the rape clause is the most attention grabbing of the Tories welfare cuts, it’s not the only way in which women are being made to pay the price of Tory policies. Cuts to tax credits will affect women far more than men, because more of women’s income is dependent on benefits and child tax credits.

    50,000 Scottish households are expected to be affected by the cuts to child tax credits that will take effect by 2021. New families applying for tax credits could lose £545 a year.

    Since these cuts were first announced, with the detail of the rape clause buried deep in one of George Osborne’s final budgets, the SNP’s Alison Thewliss – backed by MPs and MSPs from Labour and the Greens – has led the campaign against them. That cross party support has been hugely important, but the behaviour of the Scottish Tories has been nothing less than contemptible.

    Having repeatedly failed to speak out against this disgusting policy, Ruth Davidson then tried to hide behind her official spokesperson. And then, last week, she came out in open support of the rape clause.

    She also made the suggestion that the Scottish Parliament should simply step in and pay for these benefits instead.

    That was just a desperate smokescreen – an attempt to deflect attention from the Tories’ direct responsibility for this policy and hide her own blushes. The truth is that, far from standing up to her Tory colleagues, Ruth Davidson is defending them regardless of the impact on families across Scotland.

    Let’s be clear, the answer to Tory cuts cannot simply be for the Scottish Government to get out the sticking plasters and patch up the Tories’ mess – using money intended for public services, while the UK Government pockets the savings from their cuts. The solution is for the Tories to scrap the rape clause and the two child policy – not just in Scotland but across the whole of the UK.

    Of course, if the Tories do want Scotland to take on the responsibility then let’s see all social security powers, and all of the funding used to pay for it, transferred to the Scottish Parliament – that way we can deliver a fair and balanced social security system across the board instead of just trying to clear up the mess.

    And when the Tories say these cuts are needed to help balance the books, we should never forget that in the very same budget in which they said there was no money to pay for tax credits, they found the money to cut taxes for the highest earners – a tax cut that the Scottish Tories supported north of the border as well.

    Many years ago, Theresa May infamously said that people often see the Tories as the nasty party. Now that she is Prime Minister, it appears that she – and Ruth Davidson – are determined to live up to that reputation.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2017 Speech at Church House, London

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Opposition, at Church House in London on 19 April 2017.

    The dividing lines in this election could not be clearer from the outset. It is the Conservatives, the party of privilege and the richest, versus the Labour Party, the party that is standing up for working people to improve the lives of all.

    It is the establishment versus the people and it is our historic duty to make sure that the people prevail. A duty for all of us here today, the duty of every Labour MP, a duty for our half a million members – including the 2,500 who have joined in the last 24 hours.

    Much of the media and establishment are saying that this election is a foregone conclusion.

    They think there are rules in politics, which if you don’t follow by doffing your cap to powerful people, accepting that things can’t really change, then you can’t win.

    But of course, they do not want us to win. Because when we win it is the people, not the powerful, who win.

    The nurse, the teacher, the small trader, the carer, the builder, the office worker, the student, the carer win. We all win.

    It is the establishment that complains I don’t play the rules: by which they mean their rules. We can’t win, they say, because we don’t play their game.

    We don’t fit in their cosy club. We ‘re not obsessed with the tittle-tattle of Westminster or Brussels. We don’t accept that it is natural for Britain to be governed by a ruling elite, the City and the tax-dodgers, and we don’t accept that the British people just have to take what they’re given, that they don’t deserve better.

    And in a sense, the establishment and their followers in the media are quite right. I don’t play by their rules. And if a Labour Government is elected on 8 June, then we won’t play by their rules either.

    They are yesterday’s rules, set by failed political and corporate elites we should be consigning to the past.

    It is these rules that have allowed a cosy cartel to rig the system in favour of a few powerful and wealthy individuals and corporations.

    It is a rigged system set up by the wealth extractors, for the wealth extractors.

    But things can, and they will, change.

    Britain needs a Labour government that is prepared to fight for people in every part of the country, our towns, villages, as well as big cities.

    A Labour government that isn’t scared to take on the cosy cartels that are hoarding this country’s wealth for themselves. It needs a government that will use that wealth to invest in people’s lives in every community to build a better future for every person who lives here.

    Because the Conservatives, drunk on a failed ideology, are hell bent on cutting every public service they get their hands on, and they will use all of the divide-and-rule tricks of the Lynton Crosby trade to keep their rigged system intact.

    Don’t be angry at the privatisers profiting from our public services, they whisper, be angry instead at the migrant worker just trying to make a better life.

    Don’t be angry at the government ministers running down our schools and hospitals, they tell us, be angry instead at the disabled woman or the unemployed man.

    It is the rigged economy the Tories are protecting that Labour is committed to challenging. We will not let the elite extract wealth from the pockets of ordinary working people any longer.

    So many people in modern Britain do what seems like the right thing to do. They get jobs, they spend all day working hard, they save to buy their own home, they raise children, they look after elderly or sick relatives. And yet, at the end of it, they get almost nothing left over as a reward.

    Compare their lives with the multinational corporations and the gilded elite who hide their money in the Cayman Islands because the Conservatives are too morally bankrupt to take them on.

    Labour in power will end this racket and make sure that everybody pays their taxes which fund our public services.

    We will overturn this rigged system. For all Theresa May’s warm words on the steps of Downing Street the Conservatives will never do any such thing.

    Seven years of broken promises show us that on pay, the deficit, the NHS, our schools, our environment.

    It was their wealthy friends in the City who crashed our economy. How dare they ruin the economy with their recklessness and greed and then punish those who had nothing to do with it? It was not pensioners, nurses, the low or averaged paid workers or carers who crashed the economy.

    The Conservatives boast of record numbers of jobs. But what good is that if people in work are getting poorer and don’t share in the profits of that economy while the Conservatives look after the wealthy few? Our offer is to tackle elderly poverty and loneliness, invest in our economy, NHS and schools, to improve rights at work and the ten pound living wage.

    Britain is the sixth richest economy in the world. The people of Britain must share in that wealth.

    If I were Southern Rail or Philip Green, I’d be worried about a Labour Government.

    If I were Mike Ashley or the CEO of a tax avoiding multinational corporation, I’d want to see a Tory victory.

    Why? Because those are the people who are monopolising the wealth that should be shared by each and every one of us in this country. Everyone, and I mean everyone, has a contribution to make and a life to lead. Poverty and homelessness are a disaster for the individual and a loss to all of us.

    It is wealth that should belong to the majority and not a tiny minority.

    Labour is the party that will put the interests of the majority first, while the Tories only really care about those who already have so much.

    That is why we will prove the establishment experts wrong and change the direction of this election. Because the British people know that they are the true wealth creators, held back by a system rigged for the wealth extractors.

    Theresa May will insist that this is an election about Brexit. She will try to downplay the issues that affect people’s lives every day and instead turn the election into an ego trip about her own failing leadership and the machinations of the coming negotiations in Brussels.

    It is only Labour that will focus on what kind of country we want to have after Brexit.

    In the coming weeks Labour will lay out our policies to unlock opportunities for every single person in this country.

    We will focus on giving people real control over their own lives and make sure that everybody reaps a just reward for the work that they do.

    We will no longer allow those at the top to leach off of those who bust their guts on zero hours contracts or those forced to make sacrifices to pay their mortgage or their rent.

    Instead of the country’s wealth being hidden in tax havens we will put it in the hands of the people of Britain as they are the ones who earned it.

    In this election Labour will lead the movement to make that change.

    We will build a new economy, worthy of the 21st century and we will build a country for the many not the few.

  • Theresa May – 2017 Speech in Bolton

    Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, in Bolton on 19 April 2017.

    It’s great to be here in Bolton, fresh from the House of Commons, fresh from winning a vote in the House of Commons which approved my decision to hold a general election on the 8th of June. It’s the right decision, it’s in the national interest. And that’s what this election is about providing the strong and stable leadership this country needs to take Britain through Brexit and beyond. It’s about strengthening our hand in the negotiations that lie ahead. And it’s about sticking to our plan for a stronger Britain that will enable us to secure that more stable and secure future for this country and take the right long term decision for the future. It’s about strong and stable leadership in the national interest. And you only get that strong and stable leadership by voting for the Conservatives. Because that’s what Conservatives government provides. And just look at what we’ve done.

    When I took over as Prime Minister, there were predictions of immediate financial crash, of economic danger. But we see consumer confidence remains high, we see record numbers of jobs, and economic growth that has exceeded all expectations. When I took over as Prime Minister people said the country was divided that it could never be brought together. But actually what I see today in this country is a unity of purpose – a desire for the Government to get on with the job of putting Brexit in to place and making a success of it.

    When I took over as Prime Minister, the country needed clear vision and strong leadership to ensure that we got on with that job of delivering on Brexit for the British people and that’s exactly what we did. We delivered that strong and stable leadership, we delivered the certainty that strong and stable leadership can give. And that’s what leadership looks like.

    Now there’s a very clear choice at this election. It’s a choice between strong and stable leadership under the Conservatives, or weak and unstable coalition of chaos led by Jeremy Corbyn. And that is very clear. Let’s look – the other parties are lining up to prop up Jeremy Corbyn. We’ve seen it with the Liberal Democrats, and we see it with Nicola Sturgeon’s Scottish nationalists. They’re very clear that they want to do everything they can to frustrate our Brexit negotiations. To undermine the job that we have to do, the task that lies ahead. Do everything to stop us from being able to take Britain forward. And it’s their tunnel vision focus on independence that actually provides uncertainty. They want to pull the strings, try to pull the strings of this election, prop up Jeremy Corbyn and provide more risk and uncertainty for the British people and that’s not in Britain’s interests.

    So it’s only a vote for the Conservatives that can deliver, and every vote for the Conservatives is a vote for me and local Conservative candidates, and it’s a vote to ensure that we have that strong and stable leadership that we need to take us through Brexit and beyond. Every vote for me and the local Conservative candidates here and across Britain is a vote to deliver on that plan for a stronger Britain and a more secure future for us all. And if we have that certainty of five more years of strong and stable leadership then we can ensure that we’re delivering for people, for ordinary working people up and down the country, across the whole United Kingdom.

    Yes getting the right deal with the European Union, ensuring that we get that good negotiation, that we deliver on that deep and special partnership with the European Union. Negotiating other deals for export of British goods and services. A country that is showing that we can be leaders in preventing terrorism and fighting modern slavery. But it’s also about getting the right deal for ordinary working people here at home, and that’s about building a strong Britain. Britain is the strongest country in Europe in terms of economic growth and national security.

    It’s about building a stronger economy. It’s about creating well paid secure jobs. It’s about ensuring that there is opportunity for all. That we provide a good school place for every child. That there is affordable housing. That people can get on in their lives. It’s about ensuring that we create a more united nation. That we take action against the extremists who want to divide us, and that we stand up to the separatists who want to break up our country. So it’s providing that strong and stable leadership.

    That certainty. That stability for the future, and that’s going to be our message as go out in to our election campaign. And I’m looking forward to it. We’re going to fight a positive and optimistic campaign about the future of this country. I’m going to be getting out and about around the country. I’m going to be visiting communities in every part of the United Kingdom. And I’m looking forward to taking our case out there to people. Because this is the case – that it is only with the Conservatives that you get the strong and stable leadership that this country needs to see us through Brexit and beyond.

    Only we can give that plan for a stronger Britain. For a more secure future. But only you can give us the mandate. So vote for a strong and stable leadership in this country. Vote for the strong and stable leadership this country needs. Give me the mandate to lead Britain. Give me the mandate to speak for Britain. Give me the mandate to fight for Britain, and give me the mandate to deliver for Britain.

  • Theresa May – 2017 General Election Announcement

    Below is the text of the statement made by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 18 April 2017, announcing a General Election.

    I have just chaired a meeting of the Cabinet, where we agreed that the Government should call a General Election, to be held on June 8.

    I want to explain the reasons for that decision, what will happen next and the choice facing the British people when you come to vote in this election. Last summer, after the country voted to leave the European Union, Britain needed certainty, stability and strong leadership, and since I became Prime Minister the Government has delivered precisely that.

    Despite predictions of immediate financial and economic danger, since the referendum we have seen consumer confidence remain high, record numbers of jobs, and economic growth that has exceeded all expectations.

    We have also delivered on the mandate that we were handed by the referendum result. Britain is leaving the European Union and there can be no turning back. And as we look to the future, the Government has the right plan for negotiating our new relationship with Europe.

    We want a deep and special partnership between a strong and successful European Union and a United Kingdom that is free to chart its own way in the world.

    That means we will regain control of our own money, our own laws and our own borders and we will be free to strike trade deals with old friends and new partners all around the world.

    This is the right approach, and it is in the national interest. But the other political parties oppose it. At this moment of enormous national significance there should be unity here in Westminster, but instead there is division.

    The country is coming together, but Westminster is not. In recent weeks Labour has threatened to vote against the deal we reach with the European Union. The Liberal Democrats have said they want to grind the business of government to a standstill.

    The Scottish National Party say they will vote against the legislation that formally repeals Britain’s membership of the European Union and unelected members of the House of Lords have vowed to fight us every step of the way.

    Our opponents believe that because the Government’s majority is so small, our resolve will weaken and that they can force us to change course. They are wrong.

    They under-estimate our determination to get the job done and I am not prepared to let them endanger the security of millions of working people across the country. Because what they are doing jeopardises the work we must do to prepare for Brexit at home and it weakens the Government’s negotiating position in Europe.

    If we do not hold a general election now their political game-playing will continue, and the negotiations with the European Union will reach their most difficult stage in the run-up to the next scheduled election. Division in Westminster will risk our ability to make a success of Brexit and it will cause damaging uncertainty and instability to the country.

    So we need a general election and we need one now, because we have at this moment a one-off chance to get this done while the European Union agrees its negotiating position and before the detailed talks begin. I have only recently and reluctantly come to this conclusion.

    Since I became Prime Minister I have said that there should be no election until 2020, but now I have concluded that the only way to guarantee certainty and stability for the years ahead is to hold this election and seek your support for the decisions I must take. And so tomorrow I will move a motion in the House of Commons calling for a general election to be held on the eighth of June.

    That motion, as set out by the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act, will require a two-thirds majority of the House of Commons. So I have a simple challenge to the opposition parties, you have criticised the Government’s vision for Brexit, you have challenged our objectives, you have threatened to block the legislation we put before Parliament.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2017 Easter Message

    Below is the text of the Easter Message from Jeremy Corbyn, the Leader of the Opposition, from 17 April 2017.

    I would like to wish everyone a happy Easter this weekend.

    As millions mark Easter around the world, it’s a time to reflect on the challenges we face both at home and internationally – and what our response should be.

    We hear painful stories every day, of homelessness, poverty or crisis in our health service – or across the world, of the devastating consequences of war and conflict, including millions forced to become refugees.

    It would be easy to retreat into our private lives because the challenges seem overwhelming, or allow ourselves to be divided and blame others. But we need to respond to these problems head on, through action and support for social justice, peace and reconciliation.

    Those principles are at the heart of Christianity. And Christians throughout the world will this weekend be remembering Jesus’s example of love and sacrifice, and the Easter message of redemption and peace.

    At a time of growing conflict, that message of peace could not have more urgency throughout the world.

    I meet Christians, and others of all faiths and none on a daily basis, who share and live those ideals: people who give their time for others, to run food banks, protect the vulnerable, look after the sick, the elderly and our young people.

    That spirit of respect for each other, peace and equality is one we can all share. So to all Christians and those of all faiths and none, have a happy and peaceful Easter.

  • Theresa May – 2017 Easter Message

    Below is the text of the Easter message given by Theresa May, the Prime Minister, on 16 April 2017.

    Easter is a moment to reflect and an important time for Christians and others to gather together with families and friends.

    This year, after a period of intense debate over the right future for our country, there is a sense that people are coming together and uniting behind the opportunities that lie ahead.

    For at heart, this country is one great union of people and nations with a proud history and a bright future. And as we face the opportunities ahead of us – the opportunities that stem from our decision to leave the European Union and embrace the world – our shared interests, our shared ambitions, and above all our shared values can, and must, bring us together.

    This Easter I think of those values that we share – values that I learnt in my own childhood, growing up in a vicarage. Values of compassion, community, citizenship. The sense of obligation we have to one another.

    These are values we all hold in common, and values that are visibly lived out everyday by Christians, as well as by people of other faiths or none.

    I think of those who go out of their way to visit the sick or bereaved, providing comfort and guidance to many in our country at some of the most difficult moments in their lives. I think of the sacrifices and service of aid workers who put themselves in harm’s way to bring much-needed relief in war-torn parts of the world.

    We should celebrate all these contributions and others like them, and the difference they make in our society and around the world.

    In doing so, we should be confident about the role that Christianity has to play in the lives of people in our country.

    And we should treasure the strong tradition that we have in this country of religious tolerance and freedom of speech.

    We must continue to ensure that people feel able to speak about their faith, and that absolutely includes their faith in Christ. We must be mindful of Christians and religious minorities around the world who do not enjoy these same freedoms, but who practise their religion in secret and often in fear.

    And we must do more to stand up for the freedom of people of all religions to practice their beliefs openly and in peace and safety.

    So this Easter, whatever our faith, let us come together as a nation confident in our values, and united in our commitment to fulfil the obligations that we have to one another.

    Let us work together to build that brighter future we want for our country. And let us together build a stronger, fairer Britain that truly does work for everyone. And let me wish you all a very happy Easter.

  • David Davis – 2017 Statement on Brexit

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Davis, the Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union, in the House of Commons on 30 March 2017.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement about today’s publication of a White Paper on the great repeal Bill.

    Yesterday, we took the historic step of notifying the European Council of the Government’s decision to invoke article 50; the United Kingdom is leaving the European Union. That notification marks the beginning of our two-year negotiation period with the EU, and it reflects the result of last year’s instruction from the people of the United Kingdom. As the Prime Minister said yesterday, it is our fierce determination to get the right deal for every single person. Now is the time to come together to ensure that the UK as a whole is prepared for the challenges and opportunities presented by our exit from the EU.

    We have been clear that we want a smooth and orderly exit, and the great repeal Bill is integral to that approach. It will provide clarity and certainty for businesses, workers and consumers across the United Kingdom on the day we leave the EU. It will mean that as we exit the EU and seek a new, deep and special partnership with the European Union, we will be doing so from a position where we have the same standards and rules. But it will also ensure that we deliver on our promise to end the supremacy of European Union law in the UK as we exit. Our laws will then be made in London, Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast, and interpreted by judges not in Luxembourg, but across the United Kingdom. Some have been concerned that Parliament will not play enough of a role in shaping the future of the country once we have left the European Union. Today’s White Paper shows just how wrong that is. This publication makes it clear that there will be a series of Bills to debate and vote on, both before and after we leave, as well as many statutory instruments to consider.

    Let me turn to the content of the White Paper. The paper we have published today sets out the three principal elements of the great repeal Bill. First, we will repeal the European Communities Act 1972 and return power to the United Kingdom. Secondly, the Bill will convert EU law into United Kingdom law, allowing businesses to continue operating knowing that the rules have not changed overnight, and providing fairness to individuals, whose rights and obligations will not be subject to sudden change. Thirdly, the Bill will create the necessary powers to correct the laws that do not operate appropriately once we have left the EU, so that our legal system continues to function correctly outside the European Union. I will address each of these elements in turn before coming to the important issue of the interaction of the Bill with the devolution settlements.

    Let me begin with the European Communities Act 1972. Repealing the ECA on the day we leave the EU enables the return to this Parliament of the sovereignty we ceded in 1972 and ends the supremacy of EU law in this country. It is entirely necessary in order to deliver on the result of the referendum. But repealing the ECA alone is not enough. A simple repeal of the ECA would leave holes in our statute book. The EU regulations that apply directly in the UK would no longer have any ​effect, and many of the domestic regulations we have made to implement our EU obligations would fall away. Therefore, to provide the maximum possible legal certainty, the great repeal Bill will convert EU law into domestic law on the day we leave the European Union. This means, for example, that the workers’ rights, environmental protection and consumer rights that are enjoyed under EU law in the UK will continue to be available in UK law after we have left the European Union. Once EU law has been converted into domestic law, Parliament will be able to pass legislation to amend, repeal or improve any piece of European Union law it chooses—as will the devolved legislatures, where they have power to do so.

    However, further steps will be needed to provide a smooth and orderly exit. This is because a large number of laws—both existing domestic laws and those we convert into UK law—will not work properly if we leave the EU without taking further action. Some laws, for example, grant functions to an EU institution with which the UK will no longer have a relationship. To overcome this, the great repeal Bill will provide a power to correct the statute book, where necessary, to resolve the problems which will occur as a consequence of leaving the European Union. This will be done using secondary legislation, the flexibility of which will make sure we have put in place the necessary corrections before the day we leave the European Union. I can confirm that this power will be time-limited, and Parliament will need to be satisfied that the procedures in the Bill for making and approving the secondary legislation are appropriate.

    Given the scale of the changes that will be necessary and the finite amount of time available to make them, there is a balance to be struck between the importance of scrutiny and correcting the statute book in time. As the Lords Constitution Committee recently put it:

    “The challenge that Parliament will face is in balancing the need for speed, and thus for Governmental discretion, with the need for proper parliamentary control of the content of the UK’s statute book.”

    Parliament of course can, and does, regularly debate and vote on secondary legislation; we are not considering some form of governmental Executive orders, but using a legislative process of long standing. I hope that today’s White Paper and this statement can be the start of a discussion between Parliament and Government about how best to achieve this balance. Similar corrections will be needed to the statute books of the three devolved Administrations, and so we propose that the Bill will also give Ministers in the devolved Administrations a power to amend devolved legislation to correct their law in line with the way that UK ministers will be able to correct UK law.

    Let me turn to the European Court of Justice and its case law. I can confirm that the great repeal Bill will provide no future role for the European Court in the interpretation of our laws, and the Bill will not oblige our courts to consider cases decided by the European Court of Justice after we have left. However, for as long as EU-derived law remains on the UK statute book, it is essential that there is a common understanding of what that law means. The Government believe that this is best achieved by providing for continuity in how that law is interpreted before and after exit day. To maximise certainty, therefore, the Bill will provide that any question ​as to the meaning of EU law that has been converted into UK law will be determined in the UK courts by reference to the European Court of Justice’s case law as it exists on the day we leave the European Union. Any other starting point would be to change the law and create unnecessary uncertainty.

    This approach maximises legal certainty at the point of departure, but our intention is not to fossilise the past decisions of the European Court of Justice. As such, we propose that the Bill will provide that European Court case law be given the same status in our courts as decisions of our own Supreme Court. The Supreme Court does not frequently depart from its own decisions, but it does so from time to time. We would expect the Supreme Court to take a similar, sparing approach to departing from European Court of Justice case law, but we believe it is right that it should have the power to do so. Of course Parliament will be free to change the law, and therefore overturn case law, where it decides it is right to do so.

    Today’s White Paper also sets out the great repeal Bill’s approach to the charter of fundamental rights. Let me explain our approach. The charter of fundamental rights applies to member states only when they act within the scope of European Union law. That means that its relevance is removed by our withdrawal from the European Union. The Government have been clear that in leaving the EU, the UK’s leading role in protecting and advancing human rights will not change. The fact that the charter will fall away will not mean that the protection of rights in the UK will suffer as a result. The charter of fundamental rights was not designed to create new rights, but rather to catalogue rights already recognised as general principles in EU law. That was recognised by the Labour Government who brought it in, with a protocol attached to it, in 2007. Where cases have been decided by reference to those rights, that case law will continue to be used to interpret the underlying rights that will be preserved.

    I would now like to turn to devolution. The United Kingdom’s domestic constitutional arrangements have evolved since the UK joined the European Economic Community in 1973. The current devolution settlements were agreed after the UK joined and reflect that context. In areas where the devolved Administrations and legislatures have competence, such as agriculture, the environment and some areas of transport, that competence is exercised within the constraints set by European Union law. The existence of common EU frameworks had the effect of providing a common UK framework in many areas, safeguarding the functioning of the UK internal market.

    As powers return from the EU, we have an opportunity to determine the level best placed to take decisions on those issues, ensuring that power sits closer to the people of the United Kingdom than ever before. It is the expectation of the Government that the outcome of that process will be a significant increase in the decision-making power of each devolved Administration. However, we must also ensure that, as we leave the EU, no new barriers to living and doing business within our own Union are created. In some areas, that will require common UK frameworks. Decisions will be required about where a common framework is needed and, if it is, how it might be established. The devolved Administrations ​also acknowledge the importance of common UK frameworks. We will work closely with the devolved Administrations to deliver an approach that works for the whole of the United Kingdom and reflects the needs and individual circumstances of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

    Let me conclude by stressing the importance of the great repeal Bill. It will help to ensure certainty and stability across the board. It is vital to ensuring a smooth and orderly exit; it will stand us in good stead for the negotiations over our future relationship with the EU; and it will deliver greater control over our laws to this Parliament and, wherever appropriate, the devolved Administrations. Those steps are crucial to implementing the result of the referendum in the national interest. I hope that all sides will recognise that and work with us to achieve those aims. I commend this statement to the House.