Tag: Keir Starmer

Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on Russian Attack on Romania

The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 29 May 2026.

Last night a Russian drone entered Romanian airspace and hit a residential building, injuring civilians. This is a serious violation of NATO airspace. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure threatens the security of our entire continent. The UK unreservedly condemns such strikes.

Time and again, Russia has shown it has no regard for civilian life, for international law, or for the sovereignty of its neighbours. That must not be allowed to stand.

We stand shoulder to shoulder with Ukraine, with Romania, and with all our NATO allies in the face of continued Russian aggression.

May 29, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Statement on the Comments Made by Tony Blair

The statement made by Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 28 May 2026.

With characteristic lucidity, Tony Blair has set out his own contribution to the debate about the future of our country and the Labour Party. This is welcome, not least because I respect his opinion. He is one of few people in this country who knows what it is like to serve as Prime Minister and the only other living person to have secured a Labour majority. When he speaks on politics, I find it usually pays to listen.

There is much in his essay to agree with. He is right to point out, as he always has, that ideas and policy are the determining factors in long-term political success. Clearly, we have a very different view about the conflict in Iran and more generally about how to balance our long-standing alliance with the United States alongside a strong and sovereign British foreign policy. But at the strategic level, we also agree that Britain must resist the growing clamour to break with the US. The security partnership is simply too deep and too valuable to our national interest to throw away in a fit of gesture politics. Besides, the current President’s central demand of Europe – that we take more responsibility for our own defence – is not unique to him. It was the position of America before he was President and it will be the position of America after he ceases to be President. There is a good reason for this. It is right: it is long past time for Europe to strengthen its hard power and Britain must play a leading role. That is why we are introducing the highest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. It is why we are building up a distinctively European pillar of NATO. And it is why, amongst many other reasons, we will seek a much closer relationship with our European allies at the upcoming summit with the European Union.

Moreover, now is a good moment to reflect on the Government’s course. As I said when the results came through, I am not in the business of ignoring a message from the voters as stark as the one Labour received at the recent local elections. And the signal is that my Government needs not just to be better, but also to be bolder. On growth, defence, Europe, energy and opportunity, we do now need a bigger response than we anticipated in 2024. In a world that has become even more volatile, that is what our ‘change’ mandate demands.

Nonetheless, it will come as no surprise to hear that I do not agree with everything Tony says about Britain or the Government. And to explain why, it is instructive to return to the 2024 context and the despairing commentary about Britain’s perceived decline. It was a running theme of the campaign. Britain was in an unbreakable trap. A “doom-loop” so fiendish that escape was utterly inconceivable. Higher investment in public services, we were told, could not be achieved without risking the health of the public finances or throttling economic growth. Significantly reducing immigration was equally impossible without much the same effect. The loudly proclaimed truth was simple: any new Government would have to choose between rebuilding the economy, improving public services, or reducing immigration. At best, it was a trilemma.

Today, that hand-wringing commentary continues unabated. But the facts about Britain have changed dramatically. After a decade of austerity, a Labour Government has delivered record public service investment and performance is improving. We are on track to deliver the fastest reduction in NHS waiting times since the service’s creation in 1948. Net migration has fallen from a high of nearly 1 million towards the end of the Tory period of rule, to just 171,000 now. Knife crime is significantly down. The asylum backlog has been slashed by 46% with hotel use also falling. Childcare investment has saved working families an average of £8000 a year. And child poverty is set to fall by over half a million children. That is the biggest reduction in a single term of any British government, ever.

Meanwhile, in challenging global circumstances, the British economy is clearly outperforming our peers. We were the fastest growing economy in the G7 at the start of this year (a situation I was repeatedly told in opposition could simply never occur). Borrowing is on track to come down quicker than any other major economy. There have been six interest rate cuts since the election. Despite the conflict in Iran, inflation fell last month, showing that the fundamentals of our efforts to tackle the cost-of-living are sound. And in every single month that we have been in power, wages have gone up. That is not just lines on a graph. That is not just a ‘doom-loop’ finally escaped. That is more money in the pockets of working people.

Now, I am the first to admit that this ‘escape’ was not cost-free. Along the way we made mistakes – most obviously when setting the level at which to means test the winter fuel payment. We also asked a lot of the British people, particularly businesses who now pay higher national insurance contributions. And while we were right to be clear – both during the campaign and since – that it would take a while to turn the British oil tanker around, I do believe that the mood music in the early part of the Government was too negative. We should have shown the underlying hope of our direction much more clearly.

Yet in the context of where Britain finds itself now, I remain confident we got the big political choices right. And that ultimately is why I disagree with picking out this or that individual policy and saying it shows a lack of coherence. I’ll be blunt – it is simply not a credible depiction of how Government works. Government is not a to-do list. You cannot just tick off the issues, one by one. No, Government is about acting on every major problem simultaneously, balancing them against each other, and trying to get to the best situation for Britain overall. A growing economy needs a supply-side reform agenda, of course it does. But it also needs sound public finances. It needs strong public services. It needs infrastructure investment. It needs a high standing amongst our international peers and the respect of global investors. It needs an immigration system that retains confidence. It needs a robust policy for our national security. You cannot simply pick one priority and ignore all the other ‘action needed now’ crises that cross a Prime Minister’s desk every single day. I expect that was true in 1997 and it was certainly true in 2024 when we inherited a situation as bad as any incoming Government since at least the 1979 Thatcher Government. The question should not be about individual policies. It should be whether or not we have taken Britain forward in a coherent direction, consistent with our mandate? I firmly believe that the evidence suggests we have. Including on economic growth.

However, I also have a deeper, less technocratic disagreement with Tony’s argument. Because he explicitly says that the rise of political populism can be traced back to Labour “moving to the left” after he departed office in 2007. In contrast, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008 is not mentioned at all. I have to disagree with him on this. The first embers of the populist fire are surely economic and I have long believed 2008 to be the moment they were first lit. Yes, Tory austerity then douses them in petrol and makes everything immeasurably worse. But even before that, Britain’s economic model was struggling to deliver higher living standards for enough people or places in our country. And the financial crisis itself, including the necessary bank bailouts, clearly called into question the fairness of the entire economic bargain.

In fact, I would go further: this is the central truth throughout all the years of Tory chaos and crisis. The fundamental problem was not that they simply failed to deliver the right policy mix to get back to a basically sound model. It is that they should never have been trying to do that in the first place, because the status quo was broken. The Great Moderation was done. Too many communities, particularly those still reeling from deindustrialisation, were locked out of wealth creation. And too many people – working class people, especially – were ignored as people who could make a valuable contribution to the success of our country. Carers, drivers, builders, shopworkers, cleaners, technicians – workers who did not belong to the so-called “knowledge economy” were left out of our collective story of aspiration. That is why the pandemic touched such a raw nerve. It exposed, in defiance of that story, just how central those workers were to the real functioning of our country. And yet even then – nothing. The Tory Government just carried on trying to limp back to the broken status quo.

This is what any account of the British economy or the rise in populism must acknowledge. Populism cannot be “bought off” with higher growth and old school redistribution, though the absence of both, as the Tory era shows, will only make things worse. Nor is it just about living standards or economic inequality, though both clearly matter deeply. No, it is a more profound and subtle crisis – its roots are economic, but it also about dignity and respect. Working people and working-class communities want an economy that they have a stake in, a state that respects the value they contribute, and a Government that can help them achieve greater control over an increasingly insecure world. Any economic plan that does not wrestle with this is on a political hiding to nothing. Not just in Britain, anywhere in the western world.

You can try and ignore that. You can double-down on the old ways. But the spasms of political chaos it unleashes, the chilling effect that has on long-term investment, the opportunities it gives to grifters and grievance – that is the surest way to making our country poorer that I can think of. And frankly, we don’t need to think about it. We just have to look around Britain at what the Tories did. The evidence is all around us. The world has changed.

Take, as just one example, the issue rightly dominating headlines over the past few days: Alan Milburn’s interim report on the economic fortunes of our young people. Because his findings bear all the hallmarks of the old status quo’s collapse. Systemic institutional failure. Economic stagnation. Persistent low investment. But also, a story that is fundamentally about dignity and respect. About millions of young people – often poor, working class or disabled – who are so ignored by the established way of doing things in this country, that they do not feel success could ever belong to them.

I saw this first hand with my late brother. He had difficulties learning and I will never forget the way he had to fight, every day, just to be seen. But there are so many others who have similarly seemed invisible to the status quo. I think of children living in poverty arriving at school too hungry to learn. Teenagers without a place to go in their community. And the millions of young people who are still, even in 2026, looked down upon by some people because they didn’t or don’t want to go to university. Amazingly talented and dedicated people who have not been treated with the respect they deserve. This is their Government.

It is why so many of the investments we have made are targeted on young people – in childcare, in new school-based nurseries, in family hubs, in tackling child poverty, in apprenticeships, in technical excellence colleges, in special educational needs education, and in a youth guarantee that will support every young person who can’t find work with a new opportunity to earn or learn. Because it goes back to those three demands: an economy that gives working class communities a stake. A state that recognises everyone’s value. And a Government that uses its power to give people agency and control. They are not just principles that serve as guide to fixing our problems or defeating populism. They are the building blocks of an entirely different Britain. A stronger Britain. A fairer Britain. But crucially, a Britain that is truly built for all. A country where everyone, no matter their background, feels they are respected for who they are. That their children will be backed to go as far as their talent will take them. And that, with hard work, this is what will define their success. Not their class, their race, or the community they grew up in. Not the educational institution they went to. Their talent and their effort.

Personally, I believe that is the most New Labour cause of all – the most Labour cause of all. But it is one that each generation must renew to face the economic and geopolitical conditions of the moment. That is what this Government is doing.

You can see it in our Pride in Place Programme. Yes, on the surface it is investment in communities and the local public realm. But it is also about respect, control and unlocking untapped potential. About giving communities the power to decide what is spent in their area, not bureaucrats in Whitehall or politicians in Westminster.

You can see it in our supply-side reforms to the economy – in planning reform, infrastructure investment, judicial review and in stripping out the regulation that stops us becoming a civil nuclear powerhouse. Yes, it’s about economic growth and getting Britain building. But it is also about making sure the state can unlock opportunity everywhere in the country. That it is strong enough to overcome vested interests and demonstrate control to a public sceptical that Government can deliver for them.

It’s there too in our energy security strategy. Of course, I recognise that Britain cannot unilaterally tackle climate change on its own. But we are a leading G7 economy, our voice, our example and our leadership matters. Moreover, while North Sea oil and gas should and will remain part of our energy mix for generations, it is also clearly a depleting source that has no discernible impact on the global price of oil and gas. Even with our own resources, we are now a net importer of fossil fuels and that is the single biggest driver of soaring energy bills bar none. And so, investing in clean British energy strengthens our agency over those markets. It takes control of our bills on behalf of working people.

Indeed, wherever you look across the Government’s agenda – our NHS reforms, our immigration and asylum reforms, our industrial policy, our radical devolution agenda, our transformative power shifts in favour of workers and renters – it is the same story on repeat. Greater security as the basis for aspiration and growth. No contribution or community ignored. Strengthening Britain’s control over the forces that shape our world.

In fact, even on the issue that Tony Blair most attends to in his essay, you can see those principles in action. Because far from being left behind on artificial intelligence, Britain is at the front of the pack. This isn’t rhetoric. Britain is widely recognised by the leading lights of that sector as being a growing and sovereign AI player. No less an authority than Jensen Huang, the CEO of Nvidia, has said we are on the cusp of becoming an AI superpower. Investment is flowing into the country and not just into London, also into building datacentres in places like Loughton in Essex, Blyth in Northumberland, and former industrial sites on the Castleford side of Leeds. It is improving our public services, particularly the NHS. And as we build this future, we are taking measures that strengthen our sovereignty; making sure we are an AI rule-maker, not a rule-taker. It is our principles in action, once again. Not just passively accepting our economic fate, but actively shaping the future. Taking control. Unlocking the potential of the whole country.

Is there more to do? Yes. Much, much more. Is our welfare system in need of reform? Yes. Is our economy in need of even more growth? Definitely. Do we need bolder policies on everything from the European Union, to protecting our children online, and the difference we can make now in preparation for higher global energy prices in the winter? Yes, and that is all coming.

Are there are difficult choices and constraints? Yes, of course there are. Most of all, the unignorable constraint of economic stability. That can never be taken for granted and never will be with my leadership. Because at the end of the day, strong public finances are also a source of agency, arguably the ultimate source. If we lost control now, after everything the Tories put the country through, not only would working people pay a very heavy price, but the Labour Party would never be forgiven.

One final disagreement with Tony. He argues that this not about a stronger assertion of Labour values. I know what he means. On their own, absent of a plan, values take you nowhere. But Britain does need Labour values, it has needed Labour values for a while. Our plan is guided by them. Our vision is shaped by them. And the future we are building – a country that feels like it truly belongs to us all – must use them as its bricks and mortar.

That is what we are doing.

Keir.

May 28, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Defence Agreement with Poland

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 26 May 2026.

Britain and Poland are already close allies and friends, but the challenges Europe now faces demands an even stronger partnership.

This treaty is the biggest step forward in our defence and security relationship with Poland in a generation, allowing us to confront modern security threats that may be less visible but no less dangerous, and our collective work together will keep our countries safe for years to come.

It also delivers on my commitment to work more closely with European partners to boost security and opportunity for people at home and stability across our continent.

May 27, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Infected Blood

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 20 May 2026.

We stand with the infected blood community to bear witness to the lives lost and those changed forever. As a nation, we must ensure the lessons of this scandal are never forgotten.

I pay tribute to their extraordinary courage and dignity in their long fight for truth and justice, and extend my sincere thanks to the Infected Blood Memorial Committee for the care, compassion and dedication behind this service.

May 21, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Fuel Costs

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 20 May 2026.

I know many are feeling the pressure of energy and fuel costs, and are worried about how the conflict in Iran will affect their finances. Because when global events drive up prices, it’s working people who feel it first.

That’s why this government is stepping in to keep fuel costs down for millions of drivers and putting money back in the pockets of working people.

May 20, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Small Businesses

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 19 May 2026.

Small businesses are the backbone of our economy – run by people who take risks, create jobs and keep communities going. This government is firmly on their side.

Too many small business owners are spending hours chasing money they are owed and when payments don’t come through, the cost is personal. It’s about whether you can pay your staff, keep the lights on, or invest in your future.

Today we’re changing that with the toughest action on late payments in a generation, so small businesses get paid on time and get the backing they need to grow, create jobs and serve their communities.

May 19, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Extremism

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 15 May 2026.

We’re in a fight for the soul of this country, and the Unite the Kingdom march this weekend is a stark reminder of exactly what we are up against. Its organisers are peddling hatred and division, plain and simple.

We will block those coming into the UK who seek to incite hatred and violence. For anyone who sets out to wreak havoc on our streets, to intimidate or threaten anyone, you can expect to face the full force of the law.

My government will always champion peaceful protest but will act decisively against hatred. We all have a responsibility to speak out against those spouting vile divisive views wherever we see it.

We are a country built on decency, fairness and respect, at our best when people from different backgrounds come together in common purpose.  That is what we must fight for.

May 15, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Letter to Wes Streeting Following his Resignation

The letter sent by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, to Wes Streeting on 14 May 2026.

Dear Wes,

Thank you for your letter. I am very sorry that you have stepped down from Government. We have worked together for many years and I want to thank you for all your hard work in helping to get us back into Government and for all that you have achieved as Health Secretary.

When we came into Government the NHS was on its knees. Almost two years on, the statistics published today are a result of your work and determination and that of the whole of the NHS. Thanks to the choices we made to stabilise our economy, invest in our public services and reform the NHS, hospital waiting lists have been cut. Patients are now waiting less time for hospital appointments, ambulances are arriving sooner, the NHS is more productive, and people’s experience of healthcare is improving. The NHS is back on its feet.

Alongside these performance improvements, you and your team have set out an ambitious policy agenda. The 10 Year Health Plan will modernise the NHS and wider health system. The Casey Commission and Fair Pay Agreement for adult social care puts us on a path to a National Care Service we can be proud of. Alongside this, the National Cancer Plan, HIV Action Plan, National Maternity and Neonatal Investigation, and Life Sciences Sector Plan are all ambitious pieces of work. The Tobacco and Vapes Act will save lives, and the Mental Health Act will improve lives.

This is the difference a Labour government makes. This is the change we are delivering.

Last week’s local election results were extremely tough. I know many colleagues saw good friends lose seats. Everyone in our party is acutely aware that our opponents are more dangerous than ever before. They are a real threat to the values we care about, to the communities we represent and to the country we love.

It is incumbent on all of us to rise to what I see as a battle for the soul of our nation. As part of that we must deliver on all of the promises we made to the country, including our promise to turn the page on the chaos that was roundly rejected by the British people at the last general election.

I am truly sorry you will no longer be sat at the Cabinet table helping to transform our National Health Service. But I have no doubt you will continue to play an important role in our party for many years to come. I hope we can work together to show that Labour in power can address the problems our opponents exploit, can install hope where they want despair, and can bring people together where they want division.

All best wishes,

The Rt Hon Sir Keir Starmer KCB KC MP

May 15, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Speech on the Loyal Address

The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 13 May 2026.

Mr Speaker, may I say what a pleasure it is to welcome the Gracious Speech of His Majesty, and the radical agenda of this Labour Government that will tear down the status quo that has failed working people and build a stronger, fairer Britain?

In the light of the abhorrent attacks in Golders Green two weeks ago, let me start by briefly addressing that directly. It was the latest in a series of appalling antisemitic attacks; a normalisation of hatred that leads terrorists with warped Islamist ideologies to attack people they have never even met, simply because they are Jewish; a hatred that leads some to march calling for the murder of British Jews, and not to think that there might be something wrong about that.

I have fought that hatred in my own political party, and I have sat with others as they describe what it means for them—the fear, the sense that maybe they should not wear something or do something that might reveal their Jewish identity, just in case. It is time for the silent majority in this country to speak up, to stand with British Jews and to defeat this hatred once and for all, just as we will take on any form of hatred, from left or right, that seeks to divide us. In the words of the Gracious Speech, we will

“defend the British values of decency, tolerance and respect for difference under our common flag”.

That is also why, when far-right agitators try to come here this Saturday to spread their poison of hatred, this Labour Government will block them, this time and every time.

The Humble Address was brilliantly proposed by my hon. Friend the Member for Bradford West (Naz Shah). Members across the House will have read her remarkable new book, and her list of endorsements is truly impressive, reaching well over 100 Members—at last, a list that we can all get behind. [Laughter.] It is not the first time that she has shown her ability to bring people together. She united her city and many in this House when she sent George Galloway packing.

The House will know that my hon. Friend is passionate about the measures that this Government are taking to lift half a million children out of poverty, as we all are on this side of the House—it is the pride of these Benches—but the House might not know about her remarkable effort to get Marcus Rashford to champion free school meals and speak to pupils in her constituency. Most of us would have attempted this via the complex world of agents and managers, but my hon. Friend had a different idea. She spoke, as you do, to the sister of Cristiano Ronaldo. I can imagine that the Ronaldo household is used to fielding some pretty big offers—multimillion-pound transfers, billions in brand sponsorships, Piers Morgan calling for the eighth time that day—but I cannot imagine the confusion in the Ronaldo family when they heard my hon. Friend say not, “Is Cristiano Ronaldo available?”, but, “Can you give me the number of Marcus Rashford? I want to invite him to a primary school in Allerton to have some porridge in our free breakfast club.”

On a much more serious note, I know that the whole House will join me in paying tribute to my hon. Friend’s extraordinary courage, together with her mother, brother and sister. Their story is utterly harrowing, and their strength to survive and deep-rooted determination to fight for change are an inspiration for all of us, and the very best of who we are. My hon. Friend brings a lived experience to our politics—an empathy, a compassion, a humanity, and an understanding of how easy it is to slip from a stable and secure life into one gripped by terrible deprivation.

As my hon. Friend writes in her book:

“Behind every word we utter must lie the foundation of real human experience”.

In that spirit, I am sure she will welcome the measures in this King’s Speech, which will deliver change grounded in that lived experience and the work of the tireless campaigners who have fought for justice, whether that is remediation for those living in homes with unsafe cladding, banning abusive conversion practices, our mission to halve violence against women and girls, or the Hillsborough law, which will bring justice for all. As she says so powerfully,

“equality, fairness and justice must belong to all of us.”

That is the driving purpose of our party, and her speech was in the finest traditions of this House.

The Humble Address was also brilliantly seconded by my hon. Friend the Member for Harlow (Chris Vince). We are all proud to represent our constituencies, but few of us so relentlessly name our constituency as those who represent Harlow. Members from previous Parliaments will remember my hon. Friend’s predecessor, Robert Halfon, who seemed to get Harlow into pretty well all of his contributions. Well, my hon. Friend will not be outdone. He has inherited the great Harlow shoehorn, and he is already recognised across this House as a one-man tourist board. I have to thank the hon. Member for Huntingdon (Ben Obese-Jecty), who is caught in Hansard referring to my hon. Friend as the “Trade envoy to Harlow”—a rare example of a good idea from the Opposition.

No matter the debate, my hon. Friend the Member for Harlow will find the local connection, whether it is championing the role of Harlow college in dealing with climate change, praising the invention of fibre-optic cables in Harlow, or telling us how Harlow doubled for Paris during an episode of “The Crown”. I remember clearly my hon. Friend saying to me that wherever he goes in the world, he is always thinking about Harlow, and he is quite right.

I congratulate my hon. Friend on his amazing fundraising at this year’s London marathon, as has been mentioned.

I understand his disappointment at being overtaken by the right hon. Member for Basildon and Billericay (Mr Holden). All I can say is that there is no shame in losing to someone whose training was so extensive that it involved running all the way from North West Durham to Billericay.

It is perhaps no surprise that, as a secondary school maths teacher for 15 years, my hon. Friend has an eye for detail, boundless energy and an ability to handle those on these Benches who are occasionally unruly, but he also has a real passion for young people, a deep and personal understanding of the invaluable role that young carers play, and total conviction in the power of education to change our country, so I know he will welcome the education Bill in the Gracious Speech. When the next series of “Educating Essex” is made, he will rightly be the star, and I thank him for yet another fantastic speech today.

Let me also thank the Leader of the Opposition for the usual warm and generous nature of her contribution. In difficult days, her input is always a ray of sunshine. I particularly like getting tips from her on how to win friends. This is from the party that had previously called us “orcs and goons”; I am a Gooner, so, as usual, she is less than half right. However, we do have one thing in common: both our parties had tough results in the local elections last week. The difference is that she has not noticed. There is another difference: we are in government, and they are no longer even the Opposition.

This King’s Speech is a strike against the status quo, which has failed working people. It is a King’s Speech for the young people whose gifts lie in their hands, and who work hard, want their talents to be recognised, and just want an opportunity in their community. It is a King’s Speech for the children who, under the Conservative party, had to go to school without breakfast, hungry, cold and tired, when they should be focused on their learning. It is a King’s Speech for the backbone of this country; for working people who worry about the cost of living and want their town centre to thrive, their public services to work, and their Government to be on their side—and we are, because at the heart of this programme is a plan to make Britain stronger and fairer.

Right now, across the country, people turn on their television and see bombs falling; they go to the petrol station and see prices rising; and they are worried sick about the consequences. We cannot stand here in the House and pretend that this is new. Britain has been buffeted by crises for decades now—the 2008 financial crash, the austerity that followed it, Brexit, covid, and the war that still rages in Ukraine—and the response? Their response is always the same: a desperate attempt to get back to a status quo that failed working people, decimated their public services, and made them pay the price. Our response this time must and will be different—a complete break. We will not simply slump back to the old ways. This King’s Speech gives us the strength we need—the economic security, energy security and national security to control our future in a chaotic world. It is an agenda of radical reform across our major public services. This is an urgent, activist Labour Government who tilt power back to workers, renters and the less fortunate, and give a voice to the working class and to all those whom the status quo has repeatedly ignored and dismissed. We are in favour of a Britain where everyone, whatever their background, can go as far as their talent and effort take them, and where people have a pride in where they live and hope in what lies ahead. That is the change of a Labour Government, and this King’s Speech delivers it.

We will deliver on economic security, and let me be clear: as the conflict in Iran unfolds, we are in a better position because of the action that my right hon. Friend the Chancellor took last year—getting inflation down, borrowing down and mortgage costs down. That is why we have been able to cap energy bills, raise the living wage, strengthen workers’ rights and end the shameful two-child benefit limit, lifting half a million children out of poverty.

Faced with challenges, we do not retreat from our Labour values; we use them as our compass—strength through fairness. We will keep supporting those who need it most, including by creating a new national programme to redistribute surplus food, so that no one in this country needs to go hungry because of the conflict overseas. We also need to strengthen our sovereign capabilities, because the days when this country turned its back on our critical industries are over. We have seen that with British Steel, and we will see it with new legislation to clean up our waterways. A failure in the water industry has been going on for decades. It is a disgrace, and this Labour Government will tackle it.

We will take that moral urgency to every part of our nation, with Bills to increase the pace of change in our NHS, in law enforcement, in controlling our borders and more. While immigration is down, we need to do more. While violent crime is down, it needs to be lower. While NHS waiting lists are down, we must go further, rewiring the state so that the working people of this country feel that it serves their interests. We will also build in this country sovereign power in the industries of the future, which will give us greater control in a world being reshaped by artificial intelligence. We will tear down the barriers to growth on planning, on faster infrastructure development and on business regulation, helping our great businesses, large and small.

We will, as a defining act of this Government, rebuild our relationship with Europe, putting Britain back at the heart of a stronger Europe. That is good for growth, and it will reduce the cost of living and strengthen our security. There is no good reason to oppose it, so for our economic security, and for our Labour values, this Government will act.

Jim Allister (North Antrim) (TUV)

Prime Minister, in my part of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland, we have been subjected for some years to the humiliation of being governed by laws that we do not make and cannot change. Yet you, Prime Minister, now seem to want to impose that same denial of democracy on the whole United Kingdom by making us a subservient rule-taker from a foreign Parliament. How is that in the interests of democracy?

Mr Speaker

Order. The hon. and learned Gentleman has been here long enough to not blame me for the problem. He should not say “you”.

The Prime Minister

I thank the hon. and learned Gentleman for his intervention. I am very well aware of the tensions in Northern Ireland, and the issues that have to be dealt with in our relations with the EU, but we have to face the fact that promises were made about Brexit that were not true, and which have not borne fruit. It is in our economic interests, our national interests and our defence interests to be closer to Europe. Of course we will navigate carefully, taking on board the issues in Northern Ireland, as he would expect, but it is in our interest to be closer to the EU. That is what we are doing, and we will go further.

This moment demands even greater radicalism on energy security. The British people should not have to pay more in their bills, and their living standards should not be hit, because of a war that they did not vote for and that Britain is not involved in, which is happening thousands of miles away. That is a fundamental argument of this Government, and the Conservatives have no answer to it. For decades they ducked the long-term decisions to make our country, our energy and our economy stronger, so we are going to take control. We are going to declare Britain’s energy independence. That does not mean, and it will not mean, that we turn off the taps in the North sea—oil and gas will be part of the mix for decades—but we have to move so much faster on clean energy, with a whole-society effort and everyone playing their part as we take control of our energy security.

Dave Doogan (Angus and Perthshire Glens) (SNP)

I am very grateful to the Prime Minister for giving way. He talks about energy security; he should know that Scotland has an energy surplus—we generate more electricity than we use—and that, in conditions of surplus, prices go down. However, in Scotland, because we are stuck in the GB energy market, we pay for the scarcity of energy in England—not just to the point of equality, but to our detriment, so that there are higher prices for energy in Scotland. Can he explain why that dysfunction exists, and what is in this King’s Speech to fix it?

The Prime Minister

What is in this King’s Speech to fix that is moving faster to our energy independence. That is the way that we get off the international markets. That is the way that we take control and reduce bills for people across the country.

We will, of course, also strengthen our country’s defence security. That starts with the fundamentals, and a recognition that it is not in the interests of this country to rush into a war without any thought of the consequences. That is my position, and that has always been my position, regardless of the pressure—a test of judgment that some in this House have failed. It continues with our commitment to NATO, the most successful defensive alliance in history, and a proud achievement of this party that others would throw away.

Today, faced with even greater threats, we need to strengthen NATO, we need to invest in our defence capabilities, and we need to strengthen the European element of NATO, because this nation is stronger when it stands with others, not just in word, but in deed. We are prepared to lead from the front; to bring nations together in this moment of danger; to support Ukraine, including through the coalition of the willing; and to act with our allies to reassure shipping in the strait of Hormuz. We are not content merely to manage the fallout from the Iran crisis; instead, we are building an international effort to solve it and end the economic harm.

Of course, standing up for the defence and security of the United Kingdom depends on one thing above all else: ending 14 years of Tory defence austerity with the biggest sustained investment since the cold war. We will go further with the measures outlined in the King’s Speech and our upcoming defence investment plan. We will develop the capabilities that our nation needs. We will also deepen our partnerships to fire up our industries and make sure that British skill, British pride and British resolve are converted into British jobs in a stronger, fairer Britain.

Lincoln Jopp (Spelthorne) (Con)

The Prime Minister has used a lot of words about the defence investment plan. I think it was due in the autumn of last year, so when is he going to sign it?

The Prime Minister

I will take no lectures from the Conservatives. They hollowed out defence spend. Defence spend was 2.5% when they came into power, and 2.3% when they left power. The investment plan is being finalised and will be published soon. However, strength is the foundation, and that is the way we maintain our control, even in the storms of this world.

David Davis (Goole and Pocklington) (Con)

The Prime Minister quite rightly prioritises the defence of the country. We have depended for decades on the courage, honour and loyalty of our soldiers. However, some of our best units are now losing soldiers, because this Government are undermining them and allowing them, under the Northern Ireland Troubles Bill, to be prosecuted and persecuted for alleged crimes—that were not carried out—from decades ago.

The Prime Minister

The right hon. Member knows very well that the provisions for Northern Ireland are intended to strike the right balance between what needs to be done and protecting our veterans. We are, of course, proud of all those who have served and do serve our country, but the legislation put forward by the last Government was struck down, leaving no protection whatsoever.

Mr Mark Francois (Rayleigh and Wickford) (Con)

On that point, will the Prime Minister give way?

The Prime Minister

I will make some progress. The way we change our country—[Interruption.]

Mr Francois

The Prime Minister will know that in the recent Supreme Court Dillon judgment the Court ruled that the Conservatives’ Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023 overwhelmingly was not incompatible with the Human Rights Act—he knows that. He referenced the awful events in Golders Green, rightfully, and he defended the police officers against attacks and the leader of the Green party, rightfully, and said that they had to take split-second decisions. If Northern Ireland veterans had to take split-second decisions to uphold the rule of law in Northern Ireland, what is the difference?

The Prime Minister

I have been in control rooms in Northern Ireland, watching decisions being taken on the use of fatal force. I am well aware of the nature of the decisions that have to be taken, the circumstances in which they are taken and how difficult those decisions are. That is not the same as the issues in the Bill, and the right hon. Gentleman knows it.

Strength is the foundation: it is the way we maintain our control even in the storms of this world, and the way we change our country rather than just manage the crisis. More than anything, change means a Britain where every child can go as far as their talent or effort allows. It is a beautiful idea, one that I know is shared across the House, but as representatives we need to see the country as a whole to make sure we see every child, including the children growing up in poverty, the children who have special educational needs, the young people who cannot get a job, and the people who are ignored and excluded from our highest aspirations because they do not want to go to university. This is a King’s Speech to change that once and for all.

My late brother had difficulties learning, and he had to fight every day just to be seen. There are millions of people like him: people who are ignored by a system and a status quo that has no expectations for them. This King’s Speech will make sure that no child is left behind, because everyone has something to contribute to the success of this nation. Every child must succeed if we are to build a stronger, fairer Britain. That is how we tear down the status quo preserved by the Conservative party—a status quo that failed working people, a status quo that left Britain’s economy exposed, a status quo that made our country weak.

There are some in this country—some even in this House—who would feed the frustration with that status quo into a politics of grievance and division. This King’s Speech sets a different course, a more hopeful course, and a course that sees the conflict in Iran, a war on two fronts, not as something to wring our hands about, but as an opportunity we must take to shape our country’s future, to end the status quo that has failed working people, and to build a stronger, fairer Britain. That is what this King’s Speech delivers and I commend it to the House.

May 13, 2026
Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on the King’s Speech

The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 13 May 2026.

The British people expect the Government to get on with the job of changing our country for the better.

Cutting the cost of living, bringing down hospital waiting lists and keeping our country safe in an increasingly dangerous world.

Britain stands at a pivotal moment: to press ahead with a plan to build a stronger, fairer country or turn back to the chaos and instability of the past.

My government will deliver on the promise of change for the British people.

May 13, 2026