The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 10 July 2026.
The whole country will be utterly shocked by the awful news about the circumstances of Ann Widdecombe’s death.
Today we come together across the political divide and I pay tribute to Ann’s dedication during her many years of public service.
My thoughts and deepest condolences are with Ann’s family and friends.
The joint statement made by Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron on 3 July 2026.
The Strait of Hormuz is a vital artery for the global economy. Restoring safe transit for ships of all nations through the Strait is a matter of global concern.
The Sultanate of Oman has agreed to work with the United Kingdom and France to ensure that its sovereign territorial waters are safe for navigation.
The UK and France also stand ready to deploy the wider Multinational Military Mission to support freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.
The United Kingdom and France reaffirm their shared commitment to regional stability, respect for the sovereignty of all States, and their willingness to maintain close cooperation with their partners in order to uphold global security, freedom of navigation and international law.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 2 July 2026.
Thank you Mr Speaker. This morning in Downing Street, I met some of the mothers and adult adoptees harmed by historic adoption practices in England.
They are here with us in the gallery today and I had the chance to talk with them privately.
They are the most remarkable women, and I know the whole House will want to join me in paying tribute to the extraordinary courage with which they have shared their harrowing testimonies and fought for the truth, time and again.
I have to confess, as I said to them this morning, that I found it difficult to read the testimonies and to hear their stories. I found it particularly hard as a dad.
How much harder it must have been for them to go through that, to set out their testimonies, and tell their stories over and over again.
As they said to me this morning, something that is so intensely private, having to be public and the courage and resilience they have shown – and others alongside them – is absolutely incredible and I want to mark that.
Mr Speaker, what happened to them – and to tens of thousands of mothers, children and families – should never have happened.
It is a stain on our history.
Mothers – many young, vulnerable, and without support – were coerced, bullied or misled into feeling they had no choice but to have their children taken from them. What a thing to do.
And Mr Speaker, these were not isolated or accidental acts.
They were practices embedded within systems across local authorities, across voluntary and faith-based institutions, and in health and social care services, including parts of what is now the NHS.
All institutions that operated with power over people’s lives, yet they did so without compassion, without consent, and without dignity or proper safeguards.
Mr Speaker, these practices were particularly prevalent between 1949 and 1976 but also extended beyond those years.
In some cases, women, including those placed in Mother and Baby Homes and other institutional settings, were cut off from their families, relationships, education and employment and subjected to harsh and isolated conditions.
Some experienced treatment that amounted to exploitation and abuse.
Mr Speaker, many were made to feel ashamed – and that came through very, very powerfully in the discussions I had this morning – silenced, and unworthy of care or dignity.
Children grew up believing they were unwanted.
Young mothers were told they were immoral – and that their babies were better off without them.
And again, as they told me this morning, that lasts a lifetime and has a huge impact.
Ann Lloyd Keen, here in the gallery and of course formerly of this House.
Described to the Education Committee how she was stitched without anaesthetic and told – and I quote – that she was told: “You will remember the pain, because you’ve been a bad girl”
Mr Speaker, many of those harmed in this way feel a gut-wrenching sense of shame.
Ann and others have said that stayed with her – and that she still feels it today.
And I know that this apology will not be able to lift that completely, it will help a little I hope, but it won’t lift it completely.
Mr Speaker, today I say to Ann, to everyone here in the gallery with us and to all those impacted and affected wherever they are in the country – and there are many, many thousands of them, including some who are have still been unable to speak about what happened to them to this day.
And I hope this statement and this apology perhaps gives some of them the confidence to speak about what happened to them because it will help in a small way.
But I say this.
The shame is not yours. The shame was never yours. The shame is ours.
And I say that on behalf of the whole country, I say it to every single person impacted, we are deeply and profoundly sorry.
To the mothers who were told they were unfit who were prevented from caring for the children they desperately wanted to help and to keep and who have carried this loss for decades.
To those who were not given the information they needed to provide informed consent, who faced pressure or coercion, and who experienced practices that were unethical.
To the sons and daughters, the children who are now adults, who through pressure and coercion within these systems, were taken from their families and denied their identity, their history, and sometimes their safety.
To those who grew up believing they were unwanted, some of whom were even told directly that they were second class.
To those who have carried a burden of loss, confusion and stigma, or who experienced neglect, and abuse, without the protection or oversight that should have been their right.
To those who have experienced lifelong uncertainty, loss, or questions around identity and belonging, or whose mental and physical health, relationships, and sense of self across their lives has been affected.
To the fathers who were denied a voice, excluded from decisions, or separated from their children.
To the siblings, grandparents, partners, extended families, and future generations who have lived with the consequences of these practices.
To those who experienced harm from these practices, even while being brought up in loving homes, by their adoptive parents.
To those who were adopted across borders or cultures who lost connections to their heritage, racial and personal identity.
And to those from ethnic minority backgrounds who experienced racism or were treated differently within these systems and who as a group were less likely to be adopted or to grow up in stable family homes.
Mr Speaker I am struck by the words of Debbie Iromlou who I met this morning. She says she was “raised with racist views towards her own biological family.”
Mr Speaker, how do you even begin to comprehend that?
To each and every one of those affected, we say a deep and heartfelt sorry.
And Mr Speaker, let me be clear and unequivocal. These harms were compounded by the actions and failures of the State.
Governments funded, enabled and relied upon systems that were not consistently or effectively overseen.
The State did not prevent harm from continuing.
The State bears responsibility for the systems it funded and legitimised, which enabled these practices to occur.
The State did not do enough to protect mothers, children and families from harm.
And for this systemic failure, I am truly sorry.
Mr Speaker, many of those affected have suffered a further injustice.
They’ve had to fight for the basic human right to know their own history.
As Sally Ells has put it – “We are treated as if the information about our own lives, does not belong to us”
Debbie was told her birth mother’s life would be in danger if she tried to search for her. Barriers put in place at every twist and turn.
Records have in some cases been lost, altered, or not made fully accessible to those seeking answers.
And the whole process is painfully slow – traumatic and dehumanising all over again.
Mr Speaker we do say sorry and we mean it, but sorry is not enough.
This must also be the start of real change.
Working with those affected and their families to improve access to records.
And to provide the care and support that people need.
So today I can tell the House.
We will fund the development of a national online resource, creating a single access point to locate records wherever they might be held across the country.
We will consult on requiring existing records to be retained for 100 years, so they remain available across the lifetime of those affected.
And my Rt Hon Friend the Education Secretary is today writing to local authorities, Regional Adoption Agencies and Voluntary Adoption Agencies, setting out the expectation that requests for records should be responded to swiftly and with compassion and consistency.
We will expand access to funded intermediary services with particular focus on pre-1976 cases where access to support is currently most limited.
We will establish national virtual peer-led support groups for mothers and adopted adults to improve access to ongoing, trauma-informed support across the country.
And we will work with NHS England to ensure those affected are taken seriously when they seek help.
This includes new support for clinicians to better understand the impact of forced adoption and respond appropriately in their care.
The NHS England will also explore how those who wish to do so can have their experience of forced adoption appropriately recorded in their health record.
And finally, to further recognise those affected, and ensure we learn the lessons of the past, we will also commission a testimonials project to capture the stories of those with experience of historic forced adoption practices.
Through all of this and more, we will continue to meet regularly with those with lived experience, guided by them to get this support right, to learn from our past – and ensure that nothing like this can ever happen in this country again.
Finally, Mr Speaker, this national apology reflects and builds on the approaches taken by Scotland and Wales, whose devolved governments have also issued apologies for these practices which we fully endorse.
And I welcome the process underway in Northern Ireland to establish a Statutory Public Inquiry into Mother and Baby Institutions, Madgalene Laundries and Workhouses.
I also want to thank the Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Education Select Committee for all they have done to shine a light on this injustice.
But most of all, I want to thank those who have campaigned for so long to have the truth recognised, including those who are no longer with us to hear this apology they fought for.
It should never have happened.
And you should not have had to fight for this day to come.
But today, finally, I do say on behalf of the State – and on behalf of the nation as a whole –
We see you. We hear you. And we are truly sorry.
And I commend this statement to the House.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in Maidenhead on 30 June 2026.
Thank you very much Rachel and thank you Dan and welcome to everyone here this morning.
It’s very good to see you, and particularly to see the representatives from our armed services here in the audience, and can I, through you, thank all of those who serve our country and have served our country.
And let me say standing here, it is really inspiring to see the work you do here at Malloy.
Building capabilities like this workhorse drone that is being used in Ukraine. And this incredible heavy-lift, I think that’s the biggest drone I’ve seen, heavy lift capability, which will soon be deployed to Ukraine.
That gives you a glimpse and a sense of what’s going on the frontline in Ukraine which is so important.
Thank you for all the work that’s being done here and for the part that you are playing, together obviously with brilliant companies right across the United Kingdom in defence of our nation, and that is what I’m here to talk about.
The first place I wanted to start was by saying this. As Prime Minister, you get to meet people from all walks of life, up and down the United Kingdom and I know how worried they are about the state of our world.
They see the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East impacting on our stability, driving up the cost of living and they’re tired of feeling at the mercy of events beyond our shores.
We see countries that are arming and tensions that are rising – a more dangerous and volatile world than at any time for decades.
We see the horrendous human toll of these conflicts which cuts against our values of justice, sovereignty and that simple British impulse that bullies and dictators cannot be allowed to push people around.
And we also know that these threats are not remote. We see foreign states targeting our nation as well.
Thugs hired by foreign powers conducting violence, vandalism and arson on our streets.
Disinformation aimed at sowing division and stoking disorder, spreading lies and undermining our democracy. Russian ships targeting the underwater cables that carry the data on which modern life depends.
And we also see on the battlefield in Ukraine that the very nature of conflict is changing before our eyes.
Despite having a limited navy, limited traditional air power and limited armour, Ukrainian forces have destroyed the Black Sea fleet, they’ve struck deep into Russian territory and stopped the advance of one of the biggest armies in the world.
They’ve done it through sheer courage – yes but also by embracing technology.
They’ve integrated drones into their fighting like never before, understanding that the ability to innovate and produce at speed and at scale is more vital than ever to military power and that AI will accelerate this transformation even further.
Against that background, NATO is more vital than ever.
Yes, we recognise that things have changed here too.
While the US remains our key ally, I have been clear that in order to sustain NATO, the most successful military alliance the world has ever seen, European nations must take primary responsibility for their own defence.
These are the changes and the challenges which have defined my premiership and that will continue to shape our times.
And look – my view has been the same since day one.
We must stand more firmly on our own two feet.
We must do what it takes to meet this new world head on – to keep our country safe and seize the opportunities that come from investing in our sovereign strength.
That is what we are doing.
That’s why we have reversed, at last the corrosive hollowing out of our armed forces.
And it’s why we’re transforming a defence programme that frankly for too long has been underfunded and unsuited to the threats that we face.
I’ve also been clear since day one that we do this, not because we want war – but because we want to avoid war.
We lived through Iraq. We learned from those mistakes, and we don’t want to repeat them.
I showed that when I chose not to join the war in Iran.
We want our people to be able to live in a world defined by peace, stability and the rule of law.
But the paradox of peace is that when the world is arming and aggression is rising, the best way to avoid war is to prepare for it.
The best way to defend is to deter, to have the strength to make your adversaries think again before they act.
And that is what we are delivering. Last year we published our Strategic Defence Review, setting out the capabilities we need for a changed world.
And today, I am proud to publish our new Defence Investment Plan.
This plan delivers on last year’s Review, but in light of our rapidly changing world, the changing nature of conflict and the imminent and growing threats we face, it goes further still.
I want to thank the Defence Secretary, CDS here and the Chancellor for their work to sharpen and strengthen the plan in recent weeks so that we can set out today, how we will transform our armed forces while also giving industry the certainty they need to invest and giving our allies clarity on our intent, ahead of the NATO summit next week.
This plan represents our best judgement of what the country needs to meet this moment.
And it is a platform on which I know my successor will build.
Now unlike previous governments we have taken care to fully cost this Plan. Examining the defence budget line by line and that’s vital because it is how you expose the necessary trade-offs and expose the arguments that just don’t stack up.
You have some people in this debate who underplay the threat and deny the need to prioritise defence and security.
You also have those saying we can fund defence without making sacrifices in other areas of capital spending.
And you have those arguing that we can just raise borrowing,
Put it all on the never never.
And let’s be clear, defence bonds are just borrowing by another name.
We’ve looked at this very carefully but the fact is doing this through borrowing would push interest rates higher, at a time when one pound in every ten already goes on paying debt interest.
And this government has fought hard to bring the public finances under control.
And it has paid off, helping to bring inflation and mortgage rates down.
We should not sacrifice that now.
Because this is the point that often gets missed: strong public finances are a fundamental part of our strength in this world. Lose control of them and we’re not just poorer, we are much less secure.
Slash funding to our public services in favour of defence – and we would be fundamentally weaker as a nation – more fractured as a society, less able to defend ourselves when our enemies prey on social division.
So the hard truth is that there are no easy answers.
But the settlement I am setting out today is the right choice for the country.
It delivers the decisive action we need on defence in a way that is within our fiscal rules.
And that will not take resources away from day to day spending on frontline services like health and education.
Instead, it is funded by reallocating spending from across government departments – reallocating capital budgets by one penny in every pound whilst still maintaining public investment at the highest sustained levels since the 1970s.
It means departments making better use of assets like underused land and it means those departments with the largest capital budgets contributing more.
Therefore some capital projects – for example on roads and energy, which are important, but not immediately vital will no longer go ahead as planned.
But this is about taking the necessary choices – the right choices to protect our nation.
It is because we have taken these hard-edged decisions that we are able to increase our spending on defence.
We are already delivering the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the 1980s – £270 billion over the Spending Review period.
And I can announce today that, under the Defence Investment Plan we are increasing this by a further £15 billion, setting a new record of spending almost £300 billion over the next four years to back our armed forces and strengthen our national security.
It’s true to say there’s has been a huge focus on the numbers here. So let me take a moment to set them out in more detail.
Before we came into office, so two years ago, this country spent £54 billion a year on defence.
We are taking this to almost £80 billion a year by 2029. That is a real terms increase of 27% – from spending 2.3% of GDP on defence in 2024 we are raising it to 2.7%, putting us on a trajectory to reach 3% in the next Parliament, which must be the number one priority at the next Spending Review.
At last year’s NATO summit, I committed to spend 5% of GDP on our wider security – covering things like energy security and critical infrastructure, as well as defence.
The Defence Investment Plan, published today, takes us to 4.2% under that commitment.
By any measure, this is a huge, historic shift for our nation – and a legacy in which I take pride.
And we must use this investment wisely because I know that, in the past defence spending has sometimes been seen as a bottomless pit.
People see the money going in, but they don’t feel the benefits.
So this time must be different. We can’t just spend more – we’ve got to spend better.
That includes driving real reforms within the Ministry of Defence to get greater value from our investment, accelerating innovation and procurement and reducing non-military spending, for example on civil service staff.
We have examined every penny under this Plan, to make sure it delivers real, positive change for our country.
And we can see that it will do so in three ways.
First, it will make the British people safer.
It focuses our resources squarely on the readiness of our Armed Forces, reversing the cuts of recent years, prioritising the availability of our forces and assets, rebuilding ammunition stockpiles, ensuring we are more ready to fight and defend our nation and better prepared to win.
It will also make the British people safer by driving a generational transformation of our Armed Forces, learning the lessons of Ukraine in order to modernise our military – equipped to fight the wars both of today and tomorrow.
And we are backing this by putting more than £5 billion into drones and autonomous weapons – the largest ever UK investment in this technology.
That means we will build a new hybrid Royal Navy so that when our frigates move to intercept a threat to British interests, like a Russian ship in our waters, they will do so with outriders – uncrewed ships, above and below the surface, their AI systems working in unison with our warships, operating as a single integrated force.
This will be joined by a next generation RAF Typhoons flying with autonomous wingmen, making them invisible to enemy detection.
And we will build an Army that is ten times more lethal – with attack drones flying alongside our Apache helicopters, a new fleet of surveillance drones collecting intelligence and finding targets and a surge in low-cost one-way attack drones which have proved so effective in Ukraine.
On top of this, we are investing in long range missiles, armoured vehicles and counter-drone defence systems.
We are investing over £500 million in new technology and capabilities for our Commandos and our Special Forces which are already the envy of the world.
And we are investing £115 million to raise our defences against the threats of AI.
This is about harnessing cutting-edge technology on every front to multiply our strength and defend our nation.
Second, this plan will benefit the British people because it uses defence spending to strengthen our economy, creating almost 60,000 jobs.
Our motto here is “back British” – with every pound spent, wherever possible on backing British workers, businesses and innovators.
Delivering a defence dividend which brings SMEs and start-ups into the defence supply chains and pays off in every region and every community.
And the fact is – defence jobs are different. They are high skilled and well paid.
They offer a career path, training, and a greater sense of meaning – the chance to step into our national story and play your part in full. That means pride – in yourself and your community.
You know towards the end of last year I was up at the BAE plant in Warton in Lancashire and I met a young lad called Jack. He works there as an apprentice – following in his dad’s footsteps. And because of the Typhoon contract this government agreed, we did not just secure his job but his dad’s job too – and that of the whole workforce.
It’s moments like that, where you can see that someone’s future has just opened up before them.
That is what my politics has always been about and that’s what this investment will deliver.
And to make sure that we keep winning contracts like that, I can announce today that we are creating a new £50 billion Defence Export facility to support British defence businesses to compete to create more jobs, pride and opportunity up and down the country.
This is the largest expansion of UK Export Finance support in its 100-year history and a once-in-a-generation boost to the British defence industry.
Third, this plan will benefit our nation because it enables us to strengthen our international leadership and build a more European NATO.
This is not to the exclusion of the US, but to strengthen the transatlantic alliance which keeps our country safe.
This demands a decisive strengthening of European capabilities.
That’s why we’re developing deep precision strike weapons with Germany.
It’s why we’re building frigates with Norway to hunt Russian submarines when they come near our waters.
And it’s why we’re going further now under the Defence Investment Plan – allocating £400 million for the UK’s contribution to the Multilateral Defence Mechanism to finance and procure defence equipment with our allies and support a path to achieving our NATO spending targets.
Moreover, we are renewing our commitment to build Tempest fighter jets with an £8.6 billion investment under the Global Combat Air Programme with Italy and Japan.
Now this is about developing sixth-generation stealth fighters that will secure our skies for decades to come and re-build the foundation of a sovereign British aircraft industry.
I can also confirm that we are bringing our investment in renewing our nuclear deterrent to £64 billion – a truly national effort, building new submarines, developing a new sovereign warhead and buying 12 F35A fighter jets.
Maintaining our role in guaranteeing British and European security and leaving our country in a much better and much stronger state than we found it.
Before I finish, I just want to say a word about Ukraine.
I think back to my visit to Kyiv at the beginning of the war and the horror I saw that day.
The evidence of atrocities, photographs of murdered civilians, blindfolded, hands tied behind their backs. Shot in the head.
I heard the stories of survivors and I have carried that with me ever since.
I swore to myself that I would do all I can to back Ukraine in this fight.
Because it is right and just and because, it is an attack on the liberties and freedoms that we have always fought for.
And be in no doubt, the outcome of this war will shape our lives for decades to come.
If Russia were to win in Ukraine, Putin would not stop there but turn his gaze to other allies, bringing even greater instability to our continent, even greater impacts on our security and the cost of living and an even greater need to mobilise yet more resources for our defence.
But the good news is that Ukraine is holding strong. They are increasingly able to push Russia back on the battlefield.
And there are clear signs, that as Russia’s losses mount and their economy struggles, the mood in Moscow is turning against Putin’s war.
So this is the moment to ramp up the pressure – backing Ukraine’s defence and turning the screws on Russia’s economy.
That is what we’re doing. And the Defence Investment Plan will maintain our support in full.
I have been proud to stand with Ukraine and with President Zelenskyy over the last two years and to lead the Coalition of the Willing together with France and Germany to support a just and lasting peace – part of our work to restore Britain’s standing in the world.
It is a great credit to this nation that every Prime Minister since the invasion has stood full square behind Ukraine and I have no doubt that will continue for as long as it takes.
Because look – moments like this ask fundamental questions of all of us.
Not just about how we respond, but about who we are as a nation and who we choose to be.
And I am clear: it is simply not in our nature to shrink inward resigned to be mere passengers, buffeted by events.
The Britain I believe in finds its greatness in these moments. In times of crisis, we stand tall, we summon that British spirit of grit and resolve and seize the moment with both hands…
Proud of our values. Proud of who we are.
And I see that greatness in the people I meet.
I see it in the crews of our nuclear submarines that I’ve met coming in off their long patrols – one man returning home to meet his 4-month-old baby for the first time.
I see it in our troops defending NATO’s eastern flank and our Royal Marines protecting the northern frontier.
I see it our carrier crews who are out there right now deterring Russia in the North Atlantic.
I see it in our RAF pilots, putting themselves in harm’s way to defend our allies in the Gulf.
But I also see that greatness in all those who stand behind the frontline
The workers in our NHS, our public services, our energy sector, our apprentices and engineers building the technologies we need: all of those on whom our national resilience depends.
That’s why I know we will continue to rise to this moment.
Not just to weather the coming storms, but to use this moment to reach towards a better future – the stronger, fairer country that the British people deserve and that I have sought to build.
And this plan is a decisive step on that journey.
Thank you very much indeed. Thank you.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 30 June 2026.
This record investment puts the security of the British public first, transforming our Armed Forces and giving them the funding and equipment they need to fight and defend our nation.
The world is a more dangerous and volatile place, so it is only right we are boosting the number of troops on the ground, rebuilding ammunition stockpiles and investing in cutting edge technology to ensure we outpace our adversaries for generations to come.
Every pound in this plan will work twice, delivering economic growth and opportunity for the British people, and supporting more than half a million jobs by the end of the decade, as well as reinforcing our national security.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in Downing Street on 29 June 2026.
Today we’re talking about young people and opportunity.
Very often as politicians, most of us say that we want every child or young person to go as far as their talents and ability will take them, and I’m comforted by things like that.
The trouble is, it’s not really true if they’ve grown up in poverty, if they’re wanting to take the non-university route into work, or if they’re one of the 13% or more who are not in employment, training or education.
Today I want to focus on how we provide opportunity to them.
So, the three steps that we’ve put in place – which are more of a broad strategic view – are building blocks.
Firstly, on poverty, how do we stop children growing up in poverty? There are a number of really important measures, which, when you put them together, begin to make this realistic.
First is breakfast clubs – children get to school really early and to have something to eat before school, and for some children they would otherwise not get breakfast, so that’s hugely important, and that also helps them learn. It’s useful for parents and carers as well, because they can get to work and actually that is really good for the children, because the socialisation of being with other children before school really matters.
Second is pre-school childcare, from nine months to four years. I can’t overstate how proud I am of this, because it saves parents a lot of money.
As anyone who uses childcare already knows, including my family when ours were younger, it means that children get the chance between nine months and four years to have that good childcare, and that means when they arrive at school they’re more likely to have an equal start in life.
Almost every primary school I go to talk to, those who are receiving the children at age four, they will say there’s a massive difference between those that are reasonably advanced, ready to learn, and those who are way behind. And already at age four, there’s a gap that schools are trying to make up, so that really makes a good difference. And then the two-child benefit limit will be lifted, so that’s building block number one.
Building block number two is what I call the technical tilt – but this is the tilt towards technical skills, and not always thinking that university is the only route. So, we’ve set up new technical excellence colleges across the country with an intense focus on things like advanced manufacturing, digital, defence, energy – the things that are going to be needed most in the future – with a real sense of excellence there.
I have taken down the target of the number that go to university and replaced it with a different target, which is that two thirds of our young people should either go to university or go on high-level skills routes.
Now, for anyone going to university – many times I’d wax lyrical about what a difference it made to my life, being the first in my family to go to university. I have not denigrated those who go to university, but I think we’ve overdone it now. I don’t think we’re giving the guidance to those that don’t go to university, who actually are using their brains and their skills in a different way, and there are several young people that felt pushed into university, then after a year or so realised it wasn’t right for them, and ended up doing something else.
And then there is prioritising youth apprenticeships, so rather than just all apprenticeships across the board, there is a focus on young people.
Then the third pillar, if you like, is the additional support we need to give to those who are not in employment or training or education. Two things I want to highlight here: first is the youth guarantee.
Now this helps young people apply for work, helps them with the support they need, but the most important thing is, if after 18 months they’ve still not managed to get a job, there’s a guarantee of a job placement for six months. From previous schemes we know is probably the single most effective way to help people. Just working differently for six months than the cycle they’re in can transform outcomes.
And then from tomorrow we’re announcing a £3,000 incentive to businesses to take young people who’ve been out of work for six months and give them a job, on this strong belief that I’ve got, which is if we are able to get people into work, then most of them will actually hold down the job. Some will need more support, but getting that first step into work is critical.
So, they’re the three areas I wanted to talk to you about. What I want to make sure is that having put these blocks in place over the last two years, the next stage of this administration, this government, takes that on and builds from there. But what I really want now is to hear from you, and I assume you’re involved in some of the schemes, so where we’ve already got something going, it’d be good to get some first-hand feedback on how it’s working and how we could improve it, because it is crucial that when we say every young person should go as far as their talent and ability will take them, we mean it.
And I have a vested interest, I should declare, not just as Prime Minister – I’ve got two teenage children. My son is 18 tomorrow, and therefore these are live discussions in our household. And actually, it’s really interesting to see first-hand the sort of pressures and opportunities that young people actually go through when they’re in their teenage years.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 24 June 2026.
Thank you, Friedrich.
It’s a real pleasure to be here with all of you and thank you so much for your kind words, it has been my privilege to work with you on these really important issues and I am proud of the work we have done over the last two years to rebuild our relationship with our allies in Europe and around the world.
I’m proud that Britain is standing up once again for decency, respect, and the rule of law.
Last week at the G7, and thank you again Emmanuel for hosting a successful G7, we pledged our unwavering support to Ukraine and we’ve been able to echo that here today – our determination to capitalise on Ukraine’s newfound momentum.
They are increasingly able to push Russia back on the battlefield. That’s very much been the story of this year. There are clear signs that as Russia loses ground and their economy struggles, the mood in Moscow is turning against Putin’s war.
So this is a really important moment to ramp up the pressure on their economy with more sanctions and providing Ukraine with more military support.
We are committed to driving this forward and that this should be the first item on the agenda at the NATO summit in a couple of weeks time.
The second key issue at the summit must be building a more European NATO.
We’ve been making this argument for some time but now is the time at this summit to really push this argument forward.
Our aim together should be to lead a decisive strengthening of European leadership and sovereign capabilities, working of course in full coordination with the United States.
Because we know that is what it will take to keep our countries safe, deter those who would do us harm and preserve the most successful military alliance in history.
That is the big strategic challenge of the moment in the face of a clear and growing threats that we face and we are all playing our full part.
The UK is ready to implement the largest increase in defence funding since the cold war. We’ve already taken steps last year to that end and we’ll take further steps and we’re going further, working to deliver our defence investment plan ahead of the NATO summit, not just to increase how much we spend on defence but to completely overhaul how we spend it to learn the lessons of Ukraine and to ensure that we’re ready to meet the threats of today and of tomorrow.
And look, one final point, it is clear that this renewal of European defence must be fuelled by a generational shift in European industrial cooperation.
The reality of modern warfare is that as well as outmanoeuvring the enemy, we must be able to out-innovate and out-produce them as well.
More than ever, economic and technological power is the basis for military power and so we must harness this moment to boost our cooperation and at the same time boost jobs, growth and opportunity for all of our people for many years to come.
Thank you.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 21 June 2026.
Getting the keys to a home you can call your own is one of the biggest events in anyone’s life. But right now, the system that should provide support instead turns it into a battle, leaving people in limbo and putting that opportunity out of reach.
We’re turning the page. Our reforms will bring this outdated process into the modern age, saving people time and money, and giving them the certainty they deserve.
This is about building a stronger, fairer Britain, one that works for the next generation and makes the dream of home ownership a reality for many more hard-working people.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 21 June 2026.
Being a dad is my greatest joy.
Today, I’m thinking about my dad, and the father I am to my children because of him.
Happy Father’s Day.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 17 June 2026.
Those who seek to evade our sanctions regime and support Putin’s cronies should be in no doubt, we will come after you.
It is vital we support Ukraine and continue to ramp up pressure on Russia, as every pound flowing into Putin’s war chest is being used to fuel conflict in Europe and undermine our security.