Tag: Ed Davey

  • Ed Davey – 2010 Speech at the Trading Standards Institute Annual Conference

    Ed Davey – 2010 Speech at the Trading Standards Institute Annual Conference

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the then Minister for Consumer Affairs, on 15 June 2010.

    Thank you Ron, for that introduction – and for inviting me to this conference – not least, as it gives me the chance to make my very first speech as your Minister. I’m grateful to so many of you for making the early slot – though I guess your professional curiosity may have got the better of you.

    A coalition Government? A Liberal Democrat Minister? Surely there must be some infringement of the Sale of Goods Act? Seriously, I’m actually very proud to be here, as Minister for Consumer Affairs.

    Because I believe what you do – what Trading Standards’ wider family does, whether it’s Citizen Advice or the OFT, Scambusters or Consumer Focus, or your many other partner organisations – what you do isn’t just important. It’s vital.

    Vital for consumers. Vital for business. Indeed, vital for the whole economy- for the recovery and beyond.

    I want to be straight with you today about the public spending challenges we must all face – and I want to provide you with a sense of what the Coalition holds in store for you.

    Yet I want to place on the record, right from the start, not just some warm words of thanks for your work, but a clear and unambiguous recognition that I believe you are part of the frontline of our economy.

    The problem in public life so often, is that when things work well, they go unnoticed. Unvalued. The fact that we are fortunate to live in a country where the essential plumbing of our market economy normally works okay just doesn’t make good newspaper copy.

    Whether it’s competition policy or consumer policy. Company law or insolvency law. Britain’s economic plumbing is actually amongst the best in the world.

    There may be exceptions. I’m told that recently there have been some problems – with the banks. Yet I’m leaving all that to Vince.

    But when it comes to consumer policy and the overall consumer framework, the UK scores highly when compared to the rest of the EU and the Anglo-Saxon world – and we should celebrate that.

    But before you all get too comfortable, my message today is certainly not that everything’s hunky dory, so we won’t be changing much. Far from it.

    Even without the financial pressures, there would have been an agenda of change.

    Let me give just three well-known illustrations of some drivers of change.

    Technology. Great work has already been done-and by many here- to grapple with the new challenges in the digital world but I’m sure no-one believes that e-Crime, for example, is sorted.

    Climate change. I believe that we’ve only just begun to scratch the surface of how the climate change challenge will affect our daily lives, particularly when buying and selling goods and services.

    Globalisation. It’s not just that business is more global- it’s that crime- and serious organised crime – is more global. Counterfeit or dangerous goods. Fraud and money laundering. Drugs and human trafficking. All on a truly international scale.

    So age old questions face by generations of Trading Standards Officers and their colleagues have to be posed again in this new environment.

    How do we protect the most vulnerable – when the con man isn’t just knocking at the door, but phoning them up, using international direct email and emailing them too?

    How do we keep the local face and the local knowledge, yet share information and co-operate across agencies, across local authority boundaries and indeed national boundaries, so we can keep one step ahead of the villains?

    How do we minimise the regulation on businesses, striving hard to grow when we need their help to stop global warming?

    Talking to Ron Gainsford, your excellent CEO, here at TSI. Talking to Ted Forsyth, the excellent Chief Trading Standards Officer in the community I represent. I know your profession is addressing these issues. But I want you to be clear that these are our priorities too.

    Now over the next few weeks and months we will be more concrete in how such priorities will actually translate into policy over the next weeks and months to come. But I have no intention of rushing to re-invent the wheel.

    I am, for example, currently studying the results of the recent consumer landscape survey that officials have been undertaking. And thanks, by the way, to those of you who’ve played a role.

    And I’ve been reading something called a “Manifesto for Trading Standards”.

    It’s already clear that some significant consultation will need to take place this year or next, before we can finalise any serious reforms.

    So I hope today’s question and answer session can mark the start of a vital early dialogue between myself and you as a profession, to gather your ideas before any major changes are made.

    Of course there is one driver of change that threatens to derail considered policymaking, whether we like it or not. And that’s deficit reduction. So let me take that head on, as promised.

    Even under the last Government, I think it’s fair to say, Trading Standards was not a spending priority. I don’t have the sense that Trading Standards are a gold-plated service, even if they can still often be a golden standard.

    And yet, I don’t imagine anyone here seriously think that Trading Standards will be spared from shouldering its share of the pain of deficit reduction.

    The question is, for all of us – can we do more with less? Or, in some cases I guess, do the same with less.

    I don’t honestly believe that in services like yours a salami slicing approach is going to work anymore.

    So how can central Government, working with local authorities across the country, help to realise major efficiency savings – cuts – without jeopardising the core objectives of the vital service we are here to deliver?

    Well, I’m hoping that this conference can begin to answer such questions.

    I notice for example that you have one session on today’s programme entitled “How to halve the cost of a prosecution and double its chance of success”. I hope I can be sent the speaker’s notes.

    But I hope you as an Institute can develop your own thinking and best practice about how Trading Standards might deepen still further existing co-operation with other local regulatory services – both within and across local authority boundaries.

    The consumer landscape review has taken evidence already from examples of Trading Standards Departments experimenting with just that sort of rationalisation. As Minister, I need to hear your views, learn about what works and what doesn’t and understand how my Department can help you manage such challenging change.

    Now, if I were a cynic summing up my speech so far Conference, I’d say that the Minister began by telling us how important we are, didn’t tell us what he was going to do with us, and then asked us to come up with some major savings.

    But thankfully I’m not a cynic. Because I’m genuinely interested in working with you to find practical solutions to your issues.

    So let me list a few issues I’ve already asked my officials to look into as evidence of my intent to be your champion in Whitehall.

    First, could we grant the public, access to existing information, existing databases, held on prosecutions of rogue traders and other breaches of fair trading laws?

    This may not be straightforward.

    For example, I’m advised there are some key legal issues to consider before we can decide to make all or part of the Central Register for Convictions publicly accessible. But consider those issues we will.

    Better sharing of information both with the public and between enforcement agencies is something I want to focus on.

    Second, could we ensure that Trading Standards basic testing to combat under age sale does not require RIPA authorisation? While this is a Home Office lead, the advice I’ve received suggests the Home Office’s existing Code of Practice gives Trading Standards some reassurances. But perhaps the guidance could be clearer and more practical. Once again, I undertake, today, to work with TSI if your members continue to see a problem here.

    And third, can we do more to help you combat scamming, whether by letter, telephone or email, by taking measures at critical choke points of a scam like the transfer of funds to the scammer? I’ve asked officials to look at the main ways money is wired abroad in response to international scams, to see if we can work with the main payment companies involved so consumers can be identified and warned of dangers, before it is too late.

    These are just 3 small but practical examples – I’m sure in your questions you will come up with many more ideas.

    You see, in coalition politics, in the new politics, we’re already learning some important lessons.

    Look for where you can agree.

    Be honest where you disagree.

    And then work, in good faith, to come to solutions that take the best from all sides.

    Ron. Conference, I hope that’s exactly what we can do, together, for each other, And above all, for the public. For whom Trading Standards is such a force for good.

    So we don’t just preserve the excellence in Trading Standards in a difficult climate, but take that forward to new even higher levels.

    I’m looking forward to our joint task. Thank you.

  • Ed Davey – 2020 Speech to Liberal Democrat Party Conference

    Ed Davey – 2020 Speech to Liberal Democrat Party Conference

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 28 September 2020.

    The challenge facing our country has rarely been so great.

    Families and whole communities fearing for their future – in the face of an invisible enemy.

    It’s natural and right that in such troubled times, people look to government for reassurance. Help. Leadership.

    Given the enormity of the threat to our country, it’s with deep regret and sadness that I must say: this Government and this Prime Minister have just not risen to this challenge.

    With unbelievable incompetence, this Conservative Government is failing our people, in one of our darkest hours.

    If you judged the UK’s response to this crisis solely on what the Government is doing, it would be easy to despair.

    But as I travel the country, listening to people…

    As I hear what they are doing to beat the threat of coronavirus – to support their neighbours, save their businesses, care for their relatives…

    As they share with me their dreams as well as their worries…

    As we all witness how NHS staff, carers and key workers have shown amazing resilience in the face of extraordinary challenges…

    I am far from downhearted. I am inspired.

    Take Anne and Bob – who own a fish and chip shop in Stockport and put me to work on a lunchtime shift a few weeks ago.

    They’d been planning to sell the business and enjoy a well-deserved retirement. Then COVID struck.

    Anne and Bob put retirement on hold, to lead their restaurant through the crisis. They put their staff and customers first, and worked harder than ever to save the business.

    They hope they’re past the worst now – and can pass the business on to their young manager, Jamie, who’d joined them aged 14, after struggling at school. This amazing couple had nurtured him and feel he is now ready to take over.
    Jamie and his partner have just moved house. They are expecting their first child. And his enthusiasm for taking the business forward, after 13 years working there, is uplifting.

    I hear stories like this, from people like Anne and Bob and Jamie, in every community I visit. And I am in awe of how hard people are fighting to prevent this disease from stealing their dreams.

    Coronavirus is causing enormous hardship and forcing all of us to make big changes. But it’s also showing the best of the British people.

    People’s resilience, kindness and hard work make me absolutely sure we can get through this.

    But it’s those qualities – demonstrated every day by people across Britain – that are in sharp contrast to how Government Ministers have responded to the pandemic.

    Just look how Boris Johnson refuses to take even the slightest responsibility for the chaos and harm his Government has caused.

    Their failure to get protective gear to frontline workers in hospitals and care homes?

    Not his fault.

    When Johnson’s chief adviser undermined public trust by breaking lockdown with his trips to Durham and Barnard Castle?

    Different rules, for him.

    When Johnson’s “world-beating” test-and-trace system turns into a shambles?

    Claims instead a huge success.

    When children’s entire futures were thrown into doubt by the summer’s results fiasco?

    Blame the civil servants.

    Blame Ofqual.

    Blame the teachers.

    Blame anyone but Boris Johnson.

    Johnson’s hero, Winston Churchill, said that the price of greatness is responsibility. It seems that’s a price this Prime Minister isn’t willing to pay.

    When I’ve listened to people who’ve lost loved ones to COVID, listened to the bereaved families our Prime Minister refuses even to meet…

    The public inquiry into the Government’s handling of COVID, that I first called for in April, could not be more urgent.

    And the public inquiry, when it comes, must look into one Government failure above all.

    Ministers’ abject failure to protect people in care homes. The elderly people. And the carers.

    From the lack of tests and PPE, to the lies about a “protective ring” around care homes, while people died in horrifying numbers.

    For this pandemic has reminded everyone of something Liberal Democrats have always understood: caring for people’s health doesn’t stop at the hospital exit, or the GP’s surgery door.

    You can only truly protect our NHS, if you protect our care homes too. You can only truly speak up for doctors and nurses, if in the same breath, you stand up for carers. For young carers and professional carers, paid and unpaid, in care homes and in people’s homes.

    This is personal for me. You see, I’ve been a carer for much of my life.

    First as a teenager, when I nursed my mum during her long battle against bone cancer. My dad had died when I was four. My mum was my whole world. So on one level, it was easy caring for mum: I loved her.

    But it was also incredibly tough. Taking her tumblers of morphine for her agonising pain, before going off to school. Coming home to look after her. Helping her on and off the toilet. Taking life, day by day. Because there was nothing else you could do.

    And at the end. Visiting her on a totally unsuitable dementia ward in my school uniform, alone by her bedside. When she died.

    I was a carer as a son. And then as a grandson: Organising the care for my Nanna, getting her into a good home, figuring out how we could afford it. Trying to make her last few years as comfortable as we could.

    And now, as a father. As Emily and I care for our son John every day.

    John is 12. He can’t walk by himself. He was 9 when he first managed to say “Daddy”. John needs 24/7 care – and probably always will. And that’s my biggest challenge: John will be on this planet long after Emily and I have gone.

    So we worry. No one can possibly love him like we do. Hold him like we hold him.

    And our fears are shared by so many parents. Many not as fortunate as Emily and me.

    So let me say this, to all of you who need care, to all of you who are carers, to the parents of disabled children, to the thousands of young people, caring for your mum or your dad.

    I understand what you’re going through.

    And I promise you this:

    I will be your voice. I will be the voice of the 9 million carers in our country.

    It’s you I’m fighting for.

    Just like we Liberal Democrats did in Government, when we fought to tackle the funding crisis in adult social care.

    Through the Dilnot Commission and the Care Act, we carefully stitched together a cross-party agreement, based on the same values that underpin our NHS. Only to see the Conservatives rip it up as soon as they could.

    So now, more than a million people miss out on the care support they need.

    With people stranded in hospital, unable to leave, as the follow-up care isn’t there. With the challenge passed back to the NHS, already struggling for cash.

    You see, if Ministers really care about the NHS, they need to care about care. The cross-party talks on social care – long promised by Boris Johnson – cannot wait any longer. The Covid crisis makes the need to fix social care more urgent, not less.

    So, today, our Health and Care Spokesperson Munira Wilson and I have invited the Government, the Labour Party, and leading care organisations to begin these talks in earnest and finally make the progress people deserve.

    And I’m proud that our party is now championing a universal basic income – because by far the largest group to benefit will be carers.

    I am determined that the Liberal Democrats will lead the way to a more caring society as we emerge from this pandemic.

    A society that cares for those whose jobs and businesses have been taken by coronavirus.

    Our economy was unfair enough before this. But we cannot allow the random unfairness of this pandemic to scar people’s lives, especially the young.

    We must stand together. Leaving no one behind.

    Employers in hard-hit sectors must be given more support, to prevent many more people losing their jobs. People excluded from the self-employed scheme must be given the help they desperately need.

    And Liberal Democrats: we must also lead the way to a new economy. One that’s fairer. And greener. An economy offering real hope and opportunity for everyone.

    This pandemic has already changed so much. The daily commute. The congested roads. The lunchtime sandwich. Home-working may have changed that forever.

    But as we weigh the positives of home-working – more time with the family. More time to care. With the negatives – too much isolation. Too many working with too little space.

    I want us to listen to people – to understand how they want their working lives to be. The Conservatives aren’t listening. Their answer is all about going back. Back to the office. Back to the old ways.

    I say: let’s do the future differently. Starting by finding out what people want.

    We can’t let Dominic Cummings – in his NASA-style Whitehall mission control – plan our future. No. The future will be shaped by people and businesses in every community across the UK.

    So as we listen to people, we must listen to people in business. Businesses that create jobs and opportunities for people across the UK. Businesses facing the COVID challenge. The Brexit challenge. The climate challenge.

    No one else is listening to them. So the Liberal Democrats will.

    And in partnership with business, let’s mould the new economy.

    So if there’s less demand for office space, let’s work with businesses to turn those buildings into sustainable, affordable homes to help solve the housing crisis.

    If there’s less demand for air travel – let’s switch investment from Heathrow’s doomed third runway into green zero-carbon flight, and save jobs in our aerospace sector.

    If there’s less demand for oil and gas, let’s work with industry to transition the UK into the world-leader in clean energy technologies – from hydrogen for heating to tidal for power.

    If you listen and work with business, you can build new green industries, with thousands of green jobs.

    I know, because I’ve done it.

    In government, we Liberal Democrats helped make the UK the world-leader in offshore wind. We brought green jobs to the UK’s nations and regions. Something the Tories said simply wasn’t possible.

    Like the Siemens factory in Hull, where they now produce the incredible 75-metre-long blades for offshore wind turbines. It has created more than 1,000 new jobs – in a city that once had the country’s highest unemployment. It has breathed new life into a dock, long after its original purpose died.

    Once, ships left Alexandra Dock full of coal, to be burnt in the dirty power stations of the past. Now, ships leave Alexandra Dock carrying wind turbines, to be installed in the clean power stations of the future.

    Liberal Democrats did that.

    By listening to business, and in partnership with business.

    And that’s how we can build the new green economy we need.

    But if we want to change the country’s future, we first have to change our party.

    It’s an incredibly humbling thing to be elected leader of the party I joined 30 years ago.

    I’d like to thank Layla Moran, for making the leadership campaign a positive one, full of ideas and energy.

    And it’s a huge privilege to follow in the footsteps of my personal hero, Paddy Ashdown. Of the great Charles Kennedy. And of my good friend, the wonderful Jo Swinson.

    Jo did our party proud. Parliament is so much poorer without her. But Jo leaves a fitting legacy: the first majority of women MPs in our parliamentary party, ever. And Jo, I want to follow your lead, and make our party the most diverse party in British politics.

    Because, my friends, we are right to take the knee, and support the Black Lives Matter movement. But unless we have more black members, more black Councillors. Unless we have black Liberal Democrat MPs. Can we truly say we are listening to Britain’s black communities as they demand a voice?

    Friends, we need to listen to everyone.

    I am proud of everything we stand for as a party and everything we have achieved together.

    The listening I’m talking about. The listening we need to do. It isn’t about changing our values.

    We will always be a proud Liberal party. Defending individuals. Nurturing community. Protecting civil liberties. Championing the environment.

    Patriotic. Internationalist. And yes, always pro-European.

    These values are why I love this party.

    But we have endured three deeply disappointing general elections, in five tough years. At the national level at least, too many people think we’re out of touch with what they want.

    We can’t fix this with a catchy new slogan. Or by fighting the same battles, in the same way. The answer is to listen to what people are really telling us. And to change.

    We know that people want a better future for themselves and their families. So let’s show them that the Liberal Democrats can build that better future. That we will help them get on in life.

    Let’s show that we’re a party that understands the worries that keep people up at night. That can deliver on the things that matter most to them.

    And let’s show that we stand for fairness. For the rights of every individual.

    But to do all this, we can’t just talk to ourselves. We can’t just speak for people like us.

    We have to represent the whole country, not just some people.

    We are not a think tank or a pressure group. We don’t exist merely to put forward ideas or espouse a set of principles – however noble they may be.

    We are a political party.

    If we want to help people get on, and build a fairer, greener, more caring future, we have to win.

    And that is why, next May, we must get more Liberal Democrats elected to councils across England, to the Assembly in London, to the Senedd in Wales and – crucially – to Parliament in Scotland.

    Elections often determine the future of our country, but these Scottish elections could well determine if our country has a future.

    Once again, the forces of nationalism threaten to tear our family of nations apart. So it is imperative that we get brilliant Liberal Democrat MSPs elected to Holyrood in May.

    To reject more division and instead put forward a positive partnership. To work for Scotland and work for a better United Kingdom.

    This is why we must change. So people choose positively to elect more Liberal Democrat MPs at the next General Election. To kick the Tories out of Government and Johnson out of Number 10. To restore compassion to our politics and justice to our society. To champion the values of liberty, equality and community. To tackle the climate emergency and build green jobs and opportunity for all.

    It’s only by listening…

    by rebuilding our connection to people in communities across the UK…

    by demonstrating that we are on their side, that we do want to help them get on…

    that we can win those elections and make a real difference to people’s lives.

    Only then can we guarantee Anne and Bob the dignity in retirement they deserve.

    Only then can we make sure that Jamie’s child grows up in a country of genuine opportunity.

    Only then can we give all disabled children and young carers real hope for the future.

    That is the mission now before us. So let’s get to it.

  • Ed Davey – 2020 Speech on Becoming Leader of the Liberal Democrats

    Ed Davey – 2020 Speech on Becoming Leader of the Liberal Democrats

    The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 27 August 2020.

    I’d like to start by thanking my friend Layla Moran. Layla, you fought a passionate campaign, full of energy.

    Since becoming an MP, you have inspired so many people, particularly young people. Your future is bright and I look forward to you playing a big role in my team.

    To members of the Liberal Democrats, thank you for putting your faith in me and giving me the honour of leading a party I joined 30 years ago.

    And I want also to thank a whole host of people who’ve run this campaign – whether in party headquarters alongside the Returning Officer, or in my own amazing campaign team.

    The thousands of people who’ve volunteered time to campaign with me. Who’ve donated to my campaign. Who’ve championed our vision of a greener, fairer, more caring society.

    I’d particularly like to thank Claire Halliwell, my Campaign Manager. Claire, you’ve been fantastic.

    And of course Emily, my wife and our two beautiful children, John and Ellie. Thank you Emily for your amazing support, patience and love.

    I am sure I am speaking for many people when I say that – for all the stress and uncertainty of the last few months – one positive has been the chance to spend more time with our families. And so I’d like to thank Ellie in particular, for appearing as a surprise cameo in so many of my zoom calls and online hustings.

    I want to talk now about the future of the Liberal Democrats.

    I joined this party 30 years ago. I met Emily here. I have made so many good friends here.

    And with those friends, I have campaigned across our country, knocking on tens of thousands of doors, delivering hundreds of thousands of leaflets.

    The reason I have done all this is simple.

    I love our party.

    I believe in it.

    I stand for all the things the Liberal Democrats stand for:

    Social justice, political reform, equality and protecting our environment.

    I stand for fairness and for fighting to protect the rights of ordinary people.

    I’m determined our Party backs a Britain that works with other countries across the world for peace and prosperity.

    But, it is my love of our party that makes me recognise that we have to change.

    We have to wake up and smell the coffee.

    Nationally, our party has lost touch with too many voters.

    Yes, we are powerful advocates locally.

    Our campaigners listen to local people, work hard for communities and deliver results.

    But at the national level, we have to face the facts of three disappointing general election results.

    The truth is…

    Voters don’t believe that the Liberal Democrats want to help ordinary people get on in life.

    Voters don’t believe we share their values.

    And voters don’t believe we are on the side of people like them.

    Nationally, voters have been sending us a message.

    But we have not been listening. It is time for us to start listening.

    As leader I am telling you: I have got that message. I am listening now.

    Whether you’re from the North, South, or somewhere in between

    Whether you voted for Brexit or Remain, or just wanted the whole thing settled

    Whether you voted Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat, SNP or Plaid

    My message for you is this:

    I will travel up and down our country to meet you.

    To hear about the things that matter most to you.

    Your problems and fears, your hopes and dreams.

    I will face up to uncomfortable truths.

    And I will make your concerns my own.

    Our country is going through one of the most extraordinary and difficult periods for generations.

    The challenge of Covid will affect our country and the world for decades to come.

    Millions of people are suffering.

    As Leader of the Liberal Democrats, I want to reach out to help you and your community get through this.

    Whether your concerns are your families’ health, your children’s education or your livelihood.

    I want to understand the new future you want after all this – and help to deliver it.

    So my job from today is to rebuild the Liberal Democrats to national relevance so we can deliver this future for you, for your family and for the people who need it the most.

    None of this is going to be easy.

    None of this is going to be straightforward.

    And none of it is going to be quick or simple to achieve.

    But I want the Liberal Democrats to represent the whole country, not just some people, and to stand for fairness and opportunity for all.

    That is my commitment to you as the new leader of the Liberal Democrats.

    The hard work starts today.

  • Ed Davey – 2020 Comments on a Caring Revolution

    Ed Davey – 2020 Comments on a Caring Revolution

    Below are the text of the comments made by Ed Davey, the acting Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 12 June 2020.

    Coronavirus teaches many lessons. For me, one stands out: the importance of caring and carers – in care homes, supporting vulnerable people at home and millions of unpaid carers looking after loved ones.

    People who’ve never appreciated how the NHS and care sector needed to work more closely together have seen that all too clearly, with the tragedy of COVID care home deaths.

    As someone who’s a carer now, after being a carer in my teenage years, the need for our society to value caring and carers properly has always been a personal driver.

    My young carer experience began when I was 12. My Dad had died when I was four, so when Mum was diagnosed with terminal cancer, my brothers and I nursed her at home for three years.

    From looking after her personal care needs to cooking her food, from administering morphine for her pain to talking with her for hours, we were left to it, albeit thankfully with the help of family and neighbours. Still today too many young carers bear the burden alone, isolating them and affecting their education and life chances.

    Of course, people can end up with caring responsibilities at any age. Most unpaid carers are adult women, and people from our black and ethnic minority communities are disproportionately employed as carers on low incomes: issues of equality are firmly bound up with the caring revolution we need.

    A caring revolution isn’t only the right campaign, it’s smart politics too. Carers UK estimate there were around 9 million carers in the UK pre-COVID, and that as many as 4 million more people have become carers during the pandemic.

    So I’m determined Liberal Democrats offer far more to this huge group. I’m starting today by introducing a new Bill in the Commons to secure more flexible employment rights for carers, alongside my five-point plan for carers:

    Employers would have to make reasonable adjustments for carers – helping carers who wish to work to combine a job with caring.

    Carers Allowance would be boosted immediately to £75 a week – a 12% increase

    The amount carers can earn before losing out on Carers Allowance would rise from £128 a week to £160 a week

    Young carers would receive free travel on all public transport

    Carers would be made a protected characteristic in the Equality Act – securing equal rights and protections for carers in the workplace and beyond

    This would be only the start: we must build a caring society to stand the test of time.

    My 12-year-old son John has an undiagnosed neurological condition, meaning he can’t walk or talk properly. He needs care 24/7. As his condition isn’t degenerative, he’ll live far longer than my wife Emily or me. Our single greatest worry is how he will be cared for after we’ve gone. Huge numbers of parents live with similar anxieties.

    As Liberal Democrats, we must champion a more caring society that rewards the role carers play and face up to caring’s long term challenges.

  • Joint Statement from Opposition Leaders on Behaviour of Dominic Cummings

    Joint Statement from Opposition Leaders on Behaviour of Dominic Cummings

    The below letter was issued jointly by Ian Blackford from the SNP (pictured above), Sir Ed Davey from the Liberal Democrats, Liz Saville Roberts from Plaid Cymru, Colum Eastwood from the Social Democratic and Labour Party, Caroline Lucas from the Green Party and Stephen Farry from the Alliance Party, on 26 May 2020.

    It is now a matter of record that Mr Dominic Cummings broke multiple lockdown rules.

    He is yet to express any apology or contrition for these actions. There cannot be one rule for those involved in formulating public health advice and another for the rest of us.

    This is an issue that transcends politics. It has united people of every party and political persuasion, who believe strongly that it is now your responsibility as Prime Minister to return clarity and trust in public health messaging.

    We are clear that this can now only be achieved by removing Dominic Cummings from his post without further delay.

  • Ed Davey – 2020 Speech on the Coronavirus Bill

    Ed Davey – 2020 Speech on the Coronavirus Bill

    Below is the text of the speech made by Sir Ed Davey, the Liberal Democrat MP for Kingston and Surbiton, in the House of Commons on 23 March 2020.

    I would like to begin by thanking everyone who is working hard to keep our country and our world as safe as possible from this dangerous pandemic. Above all, I want to thank the staff of our NHS and our social care sector. We are seeing people face personal risks, and we will forever be grateful for what they are doing.

    In normal times, I and my party would be opposing many of the measures in the Bill with every breath in our bodies. The implications for civil liberties and human rights are profound and alarming, but our society now faces the unprecedented threat of coronavirus, which leaves some of the most vulnerable in our society at serious risk. It seems clear that at least some of the new powers being sought by the Government are necessary to deal with the threat. Nevertheless, our position is that the powers must be used only when absolutely necessary during this emergency, and not for a moment longer.

    Like others, I welcome the Government’s change of heart on the two-year renewal. The six months now proposed is, self-evidently, a significant improvement. Nevertheless, we remain unclear why it is six months rather than three months. There may be good reasons, but it is important that the Government set out why they chose six months. After all, the Prime Minister said just the other day that the peak of the epidemic would be just 12 weeks away, so it is not unreasonable to ask why six months is needed.

    Moreover, we need to look carefully at the review process. When it comes, it should enable amendments to this law, and the other place needs to be allowed to vote on it too. Let me give one reason why a more frequent renewal process should be considered. It relates to the Bill’s provisions on social care. The Bill temporarily suspends the duties on local authorities to meet people’s care needs—from older people to adults and children with disabilities. I am yet to be convinced that those provisions are needed at all. They are some of the most alarming provisions in the Bill. At a time when the most vulnerable in our society need more care, not less, why on earth are people’s rights being reduced? At the very least, such a reduction in rights for the elderly, disabled and mentally ill must be subject to early review and renewal.

    The right hon. Member for South West Surrey (Jeremy Hunt) was right to raise the issue of personal protective equipment and testing. NHS staff who have contacted me are angry and alarmed at the lack of PPE. They do not understand why the distribution system has taken so long and is still failing to provide PPE for so many people. The testing experience in this country compares appallingly with other countries.

    There are other problems with the Bill. Due to the time, I will mention just one: the Bill’s failure to enable the Government to extend the Brexit transition period. ​I know that is politically sensitive and contentious. I know we need to bring our country together after Brexit tore us apart, so I do not seek to reopen the Brexit question, despite what my heart tells me. I raise the Brexit transition period as a practical and real issue. Our economy faces its biggest challenge since the second world war—disruption to business on a scale even greater than would have been caused by the worst-case scenario of a no-deal Brexit. Surely, the Government should think again and allow themselves to extend the Brexit transition period.

    We on the Liberal Democrat Benches will support the Bill tonight, but with a very heavy heart. We hope the Government will come back and allow the House to ensure that we can protect our country against this coronavirus threat but not ditch our civil liberties and human rights.

  • Ed Davey – 2019 Speech on the Loyal Address

    Ed Davey – 2019 Speech on the Loyal Address

    Below is the text of the speech made by Sir Ed Davey, the Liberal Democrat MP for Kingston and Surbiton, in the House of Commons on 19 December 2019.

    It is a great privilege to follow the right hon. Member for Wokingham (John Redwood), and it was a delight to hear that he is a convert, however late, to increased public spending. He made some interesting points about macroeconomic policy and he spoke about the new fiscal rule that the Chancellor announced just before the general election, which I hope the House will soon get to debate. He welcomed that rule, but I have some concerns about it as I think it rather old-fashioned. I would like a new fiscal rule to consider the net worth of the public sector and ensure that it is growing over time; at the moment it is in negative territory, particularly because of various pension fund liabilities. That would be a much better approach to managing fiscal policy long term, because it looks at the whole balance sheet of the public sector, which is what a normal business would do. We now have a data set for the past three years from the Office for National Statistics, and I hope we can have that debate later on, because it is important to get fiscal policy right.

    The right hon. Gentleman made two other interesting points about monetary policy. He spoke about wanting to bring back quantitative easing, which is an interesting question.

    John Redwood indicated dissent.

    Sir Edward Davey

    The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, and I am sorry if I misinterpreted his remarks. We should look at quantitative easing and how it is done, both in this country and elsewhere. There is some concern that the way central banks have done it has not led to a fair distribution of prosperity and that the money has gone into a small number of hands, resulting in increased inequality.

    I am slightly worried by something that the right hon. Gentleman said about monetary policy that might imply—he might disagree that this was his implication—that there should be some challenge to the independence of the central bank by the Government of the day. I would not welcome that, although I would certainly welcome a debate on quantitative easing. I look forward to debating with him, so that we get our macroeconomic policy right. Finally, I will just say this. It did appear that the right hon. Gentleman was talking about expansionary fiscal policy and expansionary monetary policy. I wonder if he is worried about the impact of Brexit on our economy.

    Like the Leader of the Opposition, I would like to remember one of our late friends, Frank Dobson, who passed away last month. Although we were members of different political parties, I found Frank to be one of the friendliest, most decent and most committed Members of this House I have ever met in my 20 years here. From his opposition to the Iraq war and apartheid to the work he did to rebuild the NHS, Frank leaves a proud record. In his role as the Brian Blessed of the Commons, Frank also leaves several volumes of funny, filthy and totally politically incorrect jokes. Mr Deputy Speaker, I am sure you would like to hear an example, but I fear I must remind the House that our proceedings are being broadcast before the 9 pm watershed.

    I pay tribute to the mover and the seconder of the Humble Address. The hon. Member for Chatham and Aylesford (Tracey Crouch) has a bright career in front of her, particularly in pantomime. I invite her to join me in my annual walk-on part for St Paul’s Players in Chessington. This year, during the general election, I took my family and I had my walk-on part as one of Robin Hood’s merry men. I can tell you, Mr Deputy Speaker, that I know where the baddies are in this House and where the Sheriff of Nottingham sits. The hon. Member for Walsall North (Eddie Hughes) made an impressively long speech as a bid for a job ahead of the Prime Minister’s ministerial reshuffle. I wish him luck.

    I believe our United Kingdom is one of the greatest examples of international co-operation in world history, so much so that four nations can be as one while being themselves: democratic, open and internationalist, operating under the rule of law and under the uniting presence of Her Majesty. We have been a beacon of political stability in the world. I believe we remain fundamentally a people who are outward-looking, inclusive, compassionate and capable of progressive reform as we recognise and value the lessons of history.

    Christine Jardine (Edinburgh West) (LD)

    I thank my right hon. Friend for giving way. Does he agree that, while the Scottish National party might trumpet gaining 80% of Scottish seats, the fact is that only 45% of the people of Scotland voted for it? If we had a more proportional representation system, that would have been reflected in the seats there, in the same way as the seats here might have been a little different.

    Sir Edward Davey

    My hon. Friend is exactly right. The majority of people in Scotland voted for parties who want to preserve the Union. I get a sense that right hon. and hon. Members on the Government Benches should also note that the majority of people voted for parties who wanted to give the people a final say on the European Union.

    We needed a Queen’s Speech that would truly keep our country together, heal the divides and tackle the challenges of inequality, lack of opportunity and climate change. However, I fear the Prime Minister’s Queen’s Speech will only undermine our united country’s great traditions. I fear that, with this Government’s programme, we will become a more inward-looking, more illiberal and less compassionate country. The one nation rhetoric of the Prime Minister is not matched by his actions. Let me start with Brexit.

    Let us be clear that the Prime Minister and the Conservative party now own Brexit. It is their total and complete responsibility. They cannot blame anyone else any more. They have become the Brexit party from top to bottom. The question, of course, is this: will the Prime Minister get Brexit done? More precisely, will he get it done by the end of the year, so we can avoid the disaster of a no-deal Brexit? Well, we shall see.

    The Prime Minister’s biggest weapon in his Brexit deal endeavour is surely his unmatched flexibility with the truth. His so-called triumph of achieving a deal for Brexit phase one was possible only because he betrayed his big promise to the Democratic Unionist party, his erstwhile big supporters. His willingness to jump unashamedly over every red line he had previously been willing to die in a ditch for will have been noted in Brussels by Europe’s rather more skilful negotiators.

    Mr Gregory Campbell (East Londonderry) (DUP)

    The right hon. Gentleman makes a fairly accurate assessment of the communication between the Conservative party, its leader and my party, but does he agree that there is still the opportunity and time for redemption?

    Sir Edward Davey

    There is always time for redemption, but if the hon. Gentleman is hoping for it in this case from this Prime Minister, I wish him well.

    Some of us have led successful negotiations, pan-Europe, in Brussels—difficult negotiations that I won for Britain—on everything from economic reform of the single market to climate change. I did not succeed by adopting this Prime Minister’s tactics of bulldog bluster combined with the record of a turncoat. I do not believe that that is the right approach, and I do not believe that he will succeed without reneging on all, or most, of his previous promises to leave voters. My parliamentary interest in this is whether or not, in the dark Conservative forests of the Brexit Spartans, his erstwhile friends have yet smelt betrayal. We shall see, but as we oppose Brexit and continue to point out the extra costs, economic damage and loss of influence, we will also remind Government colleagues of the previously unthinkable concessions that now need to be made for any chance of a deal next year.

    I turn to the NHS, which the Prime Minister has made so much of. Every Member of the House was elected on a manifesto committed to increasing spending on the NHS in real terms—maybe there is a little political consensus there. I, for one, am relaxed about ​putting a spending commitment for the health service into law, but that prompts one question: is the spending enough? I do not want to repeat the election debate, where the Labour party and the Liberal Democrats were arguing for higher health spending than the Government. Instead, let me approach it in a rather different way, in terms of what our medium-term NHS spending target should be.

    Most health analysts tend to talk, not as the Prime Minister does, in the abstract—in total spending, which is bound to go up with an ageing population and economic growth—but in comparisons between similar countries: on spending per person, on the percentage of the national income. If we compare the UK’s health spending in these ways—even with the Prime Minister’s rises—against the world’s other largest developed countries, the UK fares badly. In the G7, our health spending per person is the second lowest—lower than Germany and France. As a share of national income, in the G7, the UK again performs badly, with Italy the only country that is spending less.

    I readily admit that the NHS is far more efficient as a health service than, say, the health system of the United States, but surely we should be really ambitious for the NHS, and the factual evidence shows that this Government and this Queen’s Speech are not. As we legislate for future NHS spending targets, why do we not take the opportunity to be really ambitious? Why do we not aim to spend 10% of our national income on the NHS, as a minimum? That would bring us up to G7 comparators, and I think that the British people would back a policy where £1 in every £10 of the national cake was spent on the nation’s health. I accept that the Government may be nervous about spending targets based on national income because their economic policies look set to fail so badly and national income will grow very slowly.

    John Redwood

    Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that comparing a health service that is completely free to the user with one where there are payments through insurance schemes and collections of money is not a fair comparison? He should add in all the costs of the Inland Revenue in the UK, because that is the way we collect the revenue. And in relation to a previous point that he made, I think Brexit is good for the economy, not bad—I have always said that.

    Sir Edward Davey

    I will come to that last point in a second, but the right hon. Gentleman’s point about health systems is an interesting point for debate. I point to countries such as Denmark, which have a taxpayer-funded system and spend a significantly higher share of their national income on health. I am afraid that his point is not valid.

    Crispin Blunt (Reigate) (Con)

    Will the right hon. Gentleman give way?

    Sir Edward Davey

    No, I am going to make some progress.

    On economic policy and Brexit, I have to tell the House that I am worried about self-imposed Brexit austerity. I will explain why. First, take the damage to growth from Brexit and the red tape of Brexit at our customs borders, a cost estimated by Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs at a mere £15 billion every year. We had a red tape battle in the coalition, and we never ​got anywhere near saving that amount of money, yet this Government want to impose that cost on our businesses.

    Then we have the damage to businesses and our NHS from the ending of free movement of labour within the EU. That will damage growth overnight. It is not just the impact on economic growth of this Brexit austerity that worries me, but the impact on the poorest and most vulnerable in our society who will feel it the most. We have already seen the numbers of children in poverty rise by nearly 400,000 since 2015, and we have seen the report from the Resolution Foundation, which I hope that Government Members will read, that analysed the Conservative’s general election manifesto and said that child poverty will continue to rise year-on-year with that party’s policies.

    Wera Hobhouse (Bath) (LD)

    One hundred and thirty-five thousand children will live in temporary accommodation this Christmas, and this Government make no proposal to resolve that tragedy. Temporary accommodation causes childhood trauma and the problem will be resolved only if we build a lot more social homes for rent.

    Sir Edward Davey

    I could not agree more with my hon. Friend. Shelter’s report made that very point this week. There was no mention of homeless people in the Queen’s Speech, and no mention of tackling child poverty.

    There was another huge omission from the Queen’s Speech: the climate emergency. Sure, we heard the unambitious 2050 net zero target mentioned again, but just like in the Conservative manifesto, there was a lack of a sense of urgency and of a set of practical but radical measures. I find that truly alarming. It is particularly alarming because this Prime Minister has previously written so scathingly about the need to tackle climate change.

    Meg Hillier

    The right hon. Gentleman will know, as a former Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, how long it takes to get these major projects that will deliver big change up and running. In my speech, I outlined three failures that happened because of this Government and their predecessor. Does he agree that we need to get action going now?

    Sir Edward Davey

    I absolutely do. In her speech, the hon. Lady mentioned carbon capture and storage; I had pushed that competition forward, and it was going very well but, directly after the 2015 election, the then Chancellor cancelled it overnight and put Britain’s global leadership on this key climate change technology back years. It was a disgraceful measure.

    I was talking about the opinions of the Prime Minister on climate change. Just seven years ago, in his infamous Telegraph column, he sought to cast doubt on mainstream climate science, dismissing it as complete tosh. You can hear him saying that, can you not, Mr Deputy Speaker? Instead, he warned about the

    “encroachment of a mini ice age”.

    That is what our Prime Minister said.

    On wind power, in which Britain now leads the world thanks to Liberal Democrat Ministers—[Hon. Members: “Oh!”] If anybody wants to contest that point, I am ​happy to take an intervention. None are coming. What did this Prime Minister have to say about what is now the cheapest form of renewable power? He said that wind farms would barely

    “pull the skin off a rice pudding”.

    This technology is a global leader from Britain. It is powering our homes, but the Prime Minister apparently does not believe in it.

    Then we see the Conservative record on climate change since 2015, voted for at every stage by the Prime Minister: scrapping the zero carbon homes regulations, banning onshore wind power and stopping tidal lagoon power.

    And then we come to Heathrow. In south-west London, we do not forget what the Prime Minister said just four years ago, when he promised that he would

    “lie down in front of those bulldozers and stop the construction of that third runway.”

    If only, Mr Deputy Speaker—if only.

    Sarah Olney (Richmond Park) (LD)

    Does my right hon. Friend agree that this Conservative Government’s commitment to expanding Heathrow, and the economic benefits claimed for it, do not justify the impact on climate change, the impact on air quality and the impact on noise, in south-west London in particular but also over a very wide area?

    Sir Edward Davey

    My hon. Friend is absolutely right. She has been an amazing campaigner against the third runway, and I always admire her advice and thank her for it.

    When we on these Benches say that we do not trust this Prime Minister and this Government on climate change. The evidence is with us, so we will raise the need for radical action on climate change time and again in this Parliament. We will work to force the Government to make the next global climate change talks in Glasgow in November a success, even though they come, ironically, just when the UK will be losing its influence on climate change at the European table. We will champion the need to decarbonise capitalism, and to build on the fantastic work done by the Governor of the Bank of England, Mark Carney. Today, in the Financial Times, we read that Mr Carney is taking action, introducing world-leading climate stress tests in major financial institutions. If only this Government would back the Bank of England in the City, there would be a historic opportunity for this country to lead the world with a gold standard for green finance, but I fear that there is no ambition on the Conservative Benches for that.

    This Queen’s Speech is disappointing on so many levels, and we will vote against it. Liberal Democrats in this Parliament will do our democratic duty: we will scrutinise the Government, and argue for the liberal, inclusive, fairer and greener society in which we believe.

  • Ed Davey – 2019 Speech in Commons Following General Election

    Ed Davey – 2019 Speech in Commons Following General Election

    Below is the text of the speech made by Sir Ed Davey, the acting spokesperson for the Liberal Democrats, in the House of Commons on 17 December 2019.

    May I, Mr Speaker-Elect, give you heartfelt congratulations from those on the Liberal Democrat Benches and wish you the very best as you manage the proceedings of this ​House? In your election in the last Parliament, you struck a chord with many Members when you spoke about improving the security of Members, staff and our families. It is sad to say that you were right to lead on this, not least as we remember the two young victims of the terrorist attack on London Bridge—Saskia Jones and Jack Merritt, two young people dedicated to helping others to whom we should pay tribute today as this House returns.

    Mr Speaker-Elect, I was delighted that in your acceptance speech before the election you spoke eloquently and positively about the speaking rights of smaller parties. I can assure you, Sir, that Liberal Democrat Members want to make their voices heard, not least on behalf of the 3.7 million people who voted for us last Thursday. Under proportional voting, we would now easily be the third largest party in this House with 70 MPs—a fact that I know, Sir, you will take account of.

    You will appreciate, Mr Speaker-Elect, that the past few days have been difficult for my colleagues and I, having seen our friend Jo Swinson lose her seat. Jo consistently said during the election that there is an issue even bigger than Brexit—namely, the climate emergency. On these Benches, we will be seeking your help as we raise this issue and argue for the radical climate change policies that Jo advocated. Thank you, Mr Speaker-Elect.

  • Ed Davey – 2015 Speech on the Prospects for Paris

    eddavey

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Davey, the then Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, on 27 January 2015.

    I’d like to start by expressing my gratitude to Connie for the work she did at the European Commission.

    She was fundamental to putting the 2030 Energy Framework in place.

    Connie knows just what a challenge it was to bring 28 member states to unanimous agreement on the Framework.

    How much more difficult, then, will it be to bring 195 countries to agreement in Paris.

    So I want to talk today about two things.

    What are the prospects for achieving that deal?

    And second – what can we do between now and then to make it happen.

    And by ‘we’ I mean, all of you too.

    Because success will require a great coalition of the willing from across all parts of global society.

    And that includes you in the business community. You the Corporate Leaders Group.

    Who, through initiatives like the Green Growth Platform to show what can be done, have already done so much to demonstrate that climate change action is not just economically useful, it is an economic requirement.

    So let me turn to the prospects for a deal in Paris.

    The prospects for a deal in Paris

    You know at one point in Lima, when I was frustrated and the clock was ticking, I was looking around my European counterparts and I realised that I was the longest serving Energy Secretary among them.

    Indeed, at over three years, I am the longest serving UK Secretary of State for Energy in over a quarter of a century. Which shows how quick the turnovers have been in the past.

    And that got me thinking about how much individuals and personalities matter in these kinds of diplomatic negotiations.

    Are they just about the faceless forces of history and the lucky confluence national interests?

    Or are just they as much about the coming together of the right people, in the right place, at the right time.

    Well, we can certainly claim necessity.

    The science on climate change is clear. We’ve got to do a deal.

    And the more we see the impacts of the warming world around us, the more we understand the future risks.

    We are already some way off where we need to be by 2020, of the most cost effective pathway for keeping climate change to below the 2 degree rise the scientists judge is needed to avoid the most catastrophic effects.

    And if we do not reach agreement in Paris the vector of action needed becomes increasingly steep with each passing year;

    And the economic cost increasingly expensive.

    So are these forces of enlightened self-interest strong enough in themselves to make a deal inevitable?

    With regret my answer is no.

    Whether we are thinking today about the 70th year since Auschwitz was liberated or the commemoration of the start of the Great War last year which claimed the lives of at least 16 million souls;

    We should reflect that the historical record shows many examples of national leaders pursuing narrow interests, playing to domestic galleries, and ignoring wider imperatives and horrific costs.

    The stakes are very high.

    And that is why I do believe personality matters. It will matter who is sitting round the table in Paris in December.

    Who will be willing to take risks? To embrace enlightened self-interest? To move beyond the narrow confines of their domestic politics? To take that leap?

    Preparation and personalities

    People ask me. Will Paris be another Copenhagen at which we agree to disagree?

    And my firm answer is no.

    For two reasons: Preparation and Personality

    First, preparation.

    At Copenhagen the writing was on the wall when pledges only came forward in the last few days before the Conference, with no time for any sensible debate or compromise to happen.

    It seems to me that since then, momentum has really shifted.

    Over the last few years we have seen national climate change legislation proliferating, carbon pricing mechanisms spreading and new policies and regulations being introduced.

    Almost 500 climate laws have been passed in 66 of the world’s largest emitting countries.

    Carbon markets have now been put in place in over 36 countries. Not always working as well as they might.

    But the world has changed since Copenhagen.

    Many of the mechanisms and concepts that implementing a global climate deal will need already exist.

    But for me what is most encouraging is what is happening with the so called ‘big four’ – the EU, China, the US and India – who together are responsible for half of global emissions.

    And this is where personality has mattered.

    In India, the election of Prime Minister Modi has changed the mood, raising the prospect that he can duplicate the effective low carbon policies he implemented in Gujarat across the whole of India – and bring a constructive India to the negotiating table in the lead up to Paris.

    In China, President Xi Jinping has been pursuing since he took over his vision of an ecological civilization that embeds climate action in its national planning process.

    China is already the world’s largest non-fossil fuel energy producer.

    It is one of the world’s leaders on sub-national carbon markets.

    And they are preparing to launch a national scheme from 2016 which will be bigger than the EU’s ETS.

    In the United States, President Obama is increasingly seeing climate change action as part of his legacy.

    And although there remain political obstacles to overcome, but the commitment of the White House to achieve agreement in Paris has never been so strong, of course supported by Secretary Kerry.

    Historically the EU has been one of the world’s leading advocates of climate change action.

    And with the new 2030 agreement, that remains the case.

    The Green Growth Group I set up to build consensus around a low-carbon, pro-growth policy position, now boasts 13 member states representing 75% of Europe’s population, 85% of Europe’s GDP and 60% of the votes in the Council of Ministers.

    And we are extremely lucky to be able to draw on the support, expertise and insights of the Prince of Wales’ Corporate Leaders’ Group.

    Indeed, the CLG is the backbone underpinning the Green Growth Platform, bringing together nearly 50 business from multiple sectors and from across the EU.

    Let me take this opportunity to thank all of you and Sandrine and her team, for all the hard work they have put in over the last 2 years into making the Green Growth Platform viable.

    So what does all this mean for Paris in December?

    It means we are more prepared than ever before.

    And the right people are in the right place at the right time, we hope.

    There were some signs of this Lima.

    Discussions were difficult, and it looked like a deal was being cooked up in Beijing and Washington, but I genuinely believe things are looking good and not one country wanted to leave Lima without an outcome that took us the next step towards the deal.

    So, I judge the prospects of a comprehensive climate change deal to be the best since we first began this journey many decades ago.

    But now is definitely not the time to rest

    The negotiations are going to get tougher, and tensions are inevitable.

    So let me turn to what needs to be done between now and December to increase the chances of success.

    Making Paris a success

    The timetable is tight.

    By April, we expect many countries to have shared their proposed targets for the new deal – Intended Nationally Determined Contributions or INDCs in the jargon.

    We’ll see what people come forward with.

    By May we will have a draft text of the Paris Treaty.

    In September leaders will gather in New York at the UN for high-level discussions on the post-2015 development agenda, and that will look into climate-proofed development.

    And then in December, the Paris Conference.

    But this will be like the proverbial duck on the water – serenely moving forward but paddling furiously underneath.

    We will have to use every international opportunity to maintain ambition and keep up the momentum.

    Whether it be the Major Economies Forum meetings in April and July.

    The G7 meetings in June.

    Or any other international gathering that allows us to raise the issue and exert pressure.

    But let me focus in on those INDCs expected by April.

    At Lima we agreed that INDCs would be mitigation focussed and represent a progression in ambition for what is currently on offer.

    Let me deal with the EU first.

    We need to get the EU’s INDC in place by the deadline.

    And we should set the INDC gold standard acting as a template and benchmark against which we can judge others.

    Second, it has always been the position of the UK that the EU needs to be ready to commit to increasing its GHG offer beyond 40% in the context of a global deal.

    The two words ‘at least’ in the October deal were important, challenging though it might be.

    So we need to set out the credible options on how we could deliver this, in order to help drive further ambition and momentum through to Paris.

    But we have been the first to put some of our cards on the table. And it will be impossible to raise the EU’s level of ambition without seeing ambition from others.

    Finally, we shouldn’t wait for a global deal before getting on with implementing the 2030 package in Europe.

    That means, in particular, repairing the EU Emissions Trading System through a strengthened Market Stability Reserve.

    It also means pushing the Commission to bring forward robust ETS and Effort Sharing legislation to implement the EU’s 40% GHG target for 2030, without delay.

    But looking wider at the INDC process, the Lima decision did not set out any formal way of assessing the fairness and ambition of individual INDCs.

    And it is highly likely that the aggregate of INDCs will not reflect what is needed globally.

    And that is where you and others come in.

    The UK can of course do its own analysis, but as a Party in the process we will need to be careful about accusations of pursuing our own interests or playing politics when it comes to pointing fingers.

    So we are expecting and indeed encouraging civil society to carry out assessments on INDCs – to make judgements about who is and who is not pulling their weight.

    I hope we can build on the green growth message.

    But we need your help internationally in other ways too.

    We need to work together to unlock breakthrough low carbon technologies particularly for heavy industry;

    We need to work together on the financial instruments and integrated energy markets that can smooth the transition to a low-carbon economy;

    And we need your help to take the message on green growth that you have helped deliver so effectively within Europe during the 2030 campaign, to a new international audience – explaining what the 2030 agreement means and what can be gained from a low-carbon economy.

    We are looking at an intensive year of climate diplomacy and we look to you, the progressive business community, to help us in this effort.

    Including the planned establishment of a new Pacific Alliance Green Growth Platform, which will bring together governments, business and experts in that region to collectively explore and pursue a new climate growth model.

    One of the most encouraging things in Lima was the Pacific Alliance being built.

    This is a great opportunity to export some of what we have developed together in Europe.

    Conclusion

    So in conclusion ladies and gentlemen.

    Will the deal in Paris be perfect? No.

    Will we need to ensure that the Treaty includes a mechanism to ratchet up ambition overtime? Yes.

    But I am ever more confident that we will emerge from Paris with a comprehensive agreement that all Parties will sign.

    And this achievement on its own is not to be underestimated or undervalued.

    But we have to drive ambition forward.

    We want an agreement that does the job.

    Like many who have been looking forward to this moment for decades, I am clear, we must still keep our sights on the prize – meeting that 2 degree target.

    The good news I think is that that ambition is shared across the main parties in the UK.

    I don’t think you will see backsliding in May, there is consensus.

    But whoever does this role next will need help from you our business community, our scientists and engineers, our academics and faith leaders, and our committed, vocal community of environmental NGOs.

    But between now and Paris we will need all the efforts of all of you to push us over the line.

  • Ed Davey – 2013 Speech on Myths and Realities of Shale Gas Exploration

    eddavey

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Davey, the then Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change, at the Royal Society in London on 9 September 2013.

    Introduction

    It’s an honour to be here at the Royal Society today.

    For over 350 years, the Society has served the common good.

    Your Charter, updated and approved by the Queen just last year, tasks the Royal Society to ensure that the light of science and learning “shines conspicuously”.

    Not just amongst our own people – but the “length of the whole world”;

    To be a “patron of every kind of truth”.

    It is because of your rich history, your reputation for independence, your dedication to the scientific method, that people turn to the Royal Society for understanding when confronted with new and complex challenges.

    That is why last year, the Government’s former Chief Scientific Adviser, Sir John Beddington, asked the Royal Society and the Royal Academy of Engineering, to review the scientific and engineering evidence on the advances being made in shale gas extraction.

    Specifically the technology of hydraulic fracturing – popularly known as fracking.

    And he asked you to make recommendations to ensure exploration in the UK could proceed safely and extraction be managed effectively;

    Recommendations based on the scientific evidence to ensure that the way forward is informed by fact and not by myth.

    On behalf of the Government, I accepted the recommendations of your report in full.

    And today I want to talk about the progress we’re making in implementing them.

    But I also want to take this opportunity to address other concerns that have been raised.

    And to set shale gas in the context of Britain’s overall energy strategy.

    The debate on shale gas

    There has been quite a debate on the future of shale gas this summer.

    And if you took at face value some of the claims made about fracking, such has been the exaggeration and misunderstanding, you would be forgiven for thinking that it represents a great evil;

    One of the gravest threats that has ever existed to the environment, to the health of our children and to the future of the planet.

    On the other side of the coin, you could have been led to believe that shale gas is the sole answer to all our energy problems;

    That we can turn our backs on developing renewables and nuclear, safe in the knowledge that shale gas will meet all our energy needs.

    Both of these positions are just plain wrong.

    I understand the concerns people have that shale gas extraction could be taken forward irresponsibly and without proper protections.

    And I stand shoulder to shoulder with those who want to tackle climate change;

    Just as I stand shoulder to shoulder with those who want to keep our homes warm and our businesses powered at a price people can afford.

    But our society is ill served when we allow myths to proliferate or when we allow debates to be hijacked by zealots or vested interests.

    So, today, I want to make the calm, rational, objective case for shale gas exploration in the UK in the light of the three equal and overarching objectives I have as Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change.

    First, powering the country – keeping the lights on – planning properly to meet our future energy needs.

    Second, protecting the planet – cutting carbon emissions and preserving our environment – being responsible guardians of our children’s inheritance.

    And third – making sure the whole of society benefits from the exploitation of energy resources – revenues, growth and jobs – and, of course, affordable bills.

    My message to you today is this:

    UK shale gas can be developed sensibly and safely, protecting the local environment, with the right regulation.

    And we can meet our wider climate change targets at the same time, with the right policies in place.

    Gas, as the cleanest fossil fuel, is part of the answer to climate change, as a bridge in our transition to a green future, especially in our move away from coal.

    Gas will buy us the time we need over the coming decades to get enough low carbon technology up and running so we can power the country and keep cutting emissions.

    We have to face it: North Sea gas production is falling and we are become increasingly reliant on gas imports.

    So UK shale gas could increase our energy security by cutting those imports.

    Home-grown gas, just like home-grown renewables and new nuclear, also provides jobs for our people and tax revenues for our society.

    Taking all this together shale gas could have significant benefits.

    But – let me be equally clear – shale gas is no quick fix and no silver bullet.

    First, we must make sure that the rigorous regulation we are putting in place is followed to the letter, to protect the local environment.

    Second, we must pursue vigorously the development and deployment of mitigation and abatement technologies like carbon capture and storage, to protect the planet.

    And, third, frankly, we are at the very early stages of onshore shale gas exploration in the UK.

    We may have been fracking in Britain’s offshore waters for years.

    The US may have been fracking onshore for years.

    But in Britain, fracking for onshore gas in shale, at any significant scale, is something new.

    Nobody can say, for sure, how much onshore UK shale gas resource exists.

    Or how much of it can be commercially extracted.

    So let’s be cautious about hyperbole on shale.

    For it would likely be the 2020s before we might feel any benefits in full.

    So we can’t bank on shale gas to solve all our energy challenges, today or this decade.

    And in the next decade, shale, by itself, will not come close to solving even our basic energy resource security challenge.

    But the promising news is that UK shale gas could be a key and valuable resource as part of a more diverse energy mix – especially as the production of North Sea gas declines in the future.

    And it will do so alongside conventional gas, wind, wave, biomass, nuclear, carbon capture and storage – and all the other low carbon technologies that must contribute.

    We won’t know any of this for sure until proper exploration takes place.

    So it’s in the national interest to move on from the arguments of zealots and vested interests, and start a debate about how best to proceed safely with shale gas exploration, where we maximise the real positive benefits and minimise the inevitable negative impacts.

    And today I want to start that debate beginning with that first objective I set out, powering the country.

    And to do that, I have to tell the story of gas in Britain.

    We need gas

    Over the last 45 years, the extraction of both oil and gas from the North Sea has contributed around £300 billion in production taxes to the Treasury, with hundreds of thousands of jobs across the country.

    Today, our society annually consumes around 70 billion cubic metres of gas.

    Roughly a quarter of that is used to produce electricity.

    And nearly all of the rest is used for cooking our food and heating our buildings.

    And gas has advantages for those tasks: it is flexible and readily available.

    Gas is much better for the environment than coal when generating electricity, with half the carbon footprint.

    As our comprehensive 40 year Carbon Plan sets out – a plan that meets our ambitious climate change objectives – gas will continue to play a role right through to 2050.

    And over the next two decades or more, gas in the power sector will support our ability to reduce carbon emissions while we develop low carbon alternatives for electricity.

    For by 2030, none of Britain’s electricity must come from unabated coal – a dramatic shift.

    Instead, it must come from some mixture of renewable generation, nuclear and gas.

    In proportions decided in the world’s first low carbon electricity market this Coalition Government is establishing.

    But with gas-fuelled electricity predicted to have a significant market share.

    And if carbon capture and storage technology can be successfully deployed, gas will continue to play a major role in power generation into the 2030s and beyond.

    So Britain will continue to need gas.

    For power.

    For heating.

    And for cooking.

    But North Sea gas reserves are diminishing.

    We expect net North Sea gas production to fall from a peak of 108 billion cubic metres at the turn of the century to perhaps 19 billion cubic metres by 2030.

    We will miss that gas – and the tax revenues it brings.

    And the jobs – given the levels of employment supported today by offshore gas production.

    And less North Sea gas means greater reliance on imports.

    In 2003, we were a net exporter of gas.

    But by 2025 we expect to be importing close to 70% of the gas we consume.

    How we get gas matters.

    Energy security

    There is a big debate at the moment about Britain’s energy security.

    And like the shale gas debate it is characterised by myth and misinformation.

    Over the next 6 months, I intend to make a series of speeches that I hope will counter that – and reassure people that the problems the Coalition inherited on all aspects of energy security are being fully addressed.

    But for today, it’s important to realise that energy security has several aspects – from having sufficient electricity generation capacity to having the networks for delivering gas, electricity and transport fuel reliably across the country.

    The role of gas in the UK’s energy security story is in the energy resource piece.

    Can Britain be sure of our raw fuel supplies?

    And the good news is, our energy resource security is actually very robust.

    There have been no major interruptions to gas supplies in recent history.

    Partly, of course, because we have our own direct supplies currently – from the North Sea.

    But also because we have reliable conventional piped gas supplies from our friends in Norway and the Netherlands.

    And because the Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) we import from Qatar and other suppliers has been dependable.

    Indeed, our capacity to import gas has increased five-fold in the past decade.

    So the UK has one of the largest and most liquid gas markets in Europe – giving us confidence about the short and medium term security of gas supply.

    But we cannot afford to be complacent.

    Global energy demand is already twice as high as it was 30 years ago.

    And the International Energy Agency estimates that it is set to grow by a third again by 2035.

    If we see rapid increases in global gas demand to which supply cannot react quickly. Or if we see disruptions in supply to which demand cannot react quickly, we will see price spikes and wider market instability.

    In 2005/6 for instance, the spike in UK gas prices can be partly attributed to a reduction in Russian supplies to Europe.

    Fears that a conflict in the Middle East would close the straits of Hormuz can also set the markets jittering.

    You only have to look at the effect of recent crises in Libya or Syria to understand how global events can impact on the markets.

    So our solutions to energy resource security have to be robust and lasting – looking out to 2050 and beyond – alongside our decarbonisation timescales in fact.

    For key to delivering energy security in the long-term is making sure we have a diverse energy mix, not over-reliant on any one source or fuel.

    And much, much less reliant on fossil fuels and imported fuels.

    That’s one of the many reasons I put such a great emphasis on renewable energy and energy efficiency investments as central to my energy strategy.

    By increasing indigenous, home-grown, energy production through renewables, new nuclear and lower carbon fossil fuels, and by using energy more wisely, we are seeking to cushion the country as far as possible from volatile global fuel prices.

    And onshore UK shale gas could play an important part in that strategy of planning, long term, for more home grown diversity.

    By advancing shale gas production in the UK we will achieve three things:

    First – we will displace a proportion of gas imports – increasing resilience and energy security.

    Second – there will be a benefit in terms of jobs, tax revenues and growth mitigating some of the falling revenues from the North Sea.

    Better those jobs and tax revenues are in the UK, rather than in the countries from which we import.

    And third – we control the production, so we control the carbon emissions created by production.

    Better those emissions are controlled within our rigorous carbon budgets system than in other countries where controls may be more lax.

    So let me turn to those environmental issues.

    Safe for the local environment

    Your Royal Society report published last year with the Royal Academy of Engineering demonstrated, that if regulated properly and with investment in safeguards, hydraulic fracturing can take place quite safely, without hurting the local environment.

    It will not contaminate water supplies.

    It will not cause dangerous earth quakes.

    We have a long, strong tradition of civil engineering and mineral and energy extraction.

    From coal in the 18th and 19th century.

    Oil and gas in the 20th.

    And renewables in the 21st.

    We are skilled, practised, and vastly experienced – with some of the tightest safety and environmental regulations in the world.

    But onshore shale gas exploration and production could genuinely become a significant new industry for the UK.

    So the same scientific rigour, methodical engineering, and stringent safeguards that have been applied elsewhere must be applied to shale.

    We must make sure that the recommendations the Royal Society made in your report are in place and the regulations we have imposed are followed to the letter.

    As you proposed, we have now set up the Office of Unconventional Gas and Oil to co-ordinate the cross-government work on shale gas:

    Planning regulations under the Department of Communities and Local Government;

    Environmental safeguarding carried out by the Environment Agency under DEFRA;

    And of course the licencing and consents procedure carried out by my Department.

    We have introduced the traffic light system you proposed to reduce the risk of seismic tremors.

    Environmental Risk Assessment Guidance will be published this autumn.

    And the Research Councils have agreed in principle to fund a joint responsible innovation study to consider further work.

    These may be early days for onshore shale gas exploration – but I’m determined we have tough regulations in place, from the start.

    The public rightly expect that.

    And then we will still need to continue to develop our systems as the industry evolves.

    The Environment Agency for example is considering the best way to ensure groundwater monitoring for when exploration takes off.

    We are looking at ways to pilot methane emissions monitoring with industry.

    And we are working to ensure there is a formal mechanism for operators to share information about any problems they are encountering and how they can be overcome.

    My Department met with the Royal Society recently to look at progress and we will continue to seek your advice.

    Meeting UK emissions targets

    But there has remained a gap in our knowledge in relation to the impact of UK shale gas extraction on greenhouse gas emissions.

    Today, I have published the report I commissioned in December last year from DECC’s Chief Scientist Professor David MacKay and Dr Timothy Stone into the carbon footprint of UK produced shale gas.

    I want to thank them publicly for that report.

    Their report concludes that with the right safeguards in place the net effect on national emission from UK shale gas production will be relatively small when compared to the use of other sources of gas.

    Indeed emissions from the production and transport of UK shale gas would likely be lower than the imported Liquefied Natural Gas that it would replace.

    The continued use of gas is perfectly consistent with our carbon budgets over the next couple of decades.

    If shale gas production does reach significant levels we will need to make extra efforts in other areas.

    Because by on-shoring production we will be on-shoring the emissions as well.

    And, as this report recommends, we will still need to put in place a range of mitigation and abatement techniques.

    I strongly welcome these very sensible recommendations and we will be responding positively and in detail shortly.

    But the report from Professor MacKay and Dr Stone puts another piece of the puzzle in place.

    It should help reassure environmentalists like myself, that we can safely pursue UK shale gas production and meet our national emissions reductions targets designed to help tackle climate change.

    Global emissions

    Of course, in terms of global emissions, the only way we are going to address the very real danger that rising global energy demand results in ever rising global carbon emissions is through a binding international agreement on how to tackle climate change.

    This has to stand at the centre of any climate change strategy.

    Climate change is the greatest long-term threat that humankind currently faces.

    A threat that is proven, growing and already impacting on the way we live.

    So it is right that we consider how the exploitation of new fossil fuel reserves will impact on this process.

    Would the imported LNG that UK shale gas is likely to replace just create extra emissions elsewhere?

    Or will it displace more damaging coal generation elsewhere?

    One of the unfortunate side effects of US shale gas production has been the dumping of US coal on international markets.

    But I believe that if we can encourage a global move from coal to gas, we will be doing the planet a favour.

    China has overtaken the US as the world’s biggest polluter, mainly because of the massive amounts of coal they burn.

    A Chinese switch from coal to gas – as is happening in the US – will make it easier to cut global emissions in the short and medium term, as the low-carbon revolution picks up pace.

    If shale gas can contribute to weaning the world off more damaging coal; then we should not fear it; from an environmental point of view we should welcome it.

    Let me be clear – here at home we must not and will not allow shale gas production to compromise our focus on boosting renewables, nuclear and other low carbon technologies.

    UK shale gas production must not be at the expense of our wider environmental aims – indeed, if done properly, it will support them.

    I am determined to make that happen.

    With the market reforms enacted by the Energy Bill currently going through Parliament, we can attract the investment we require to develop technologies across the mix we need – from wind to nuclear, shale gas to carbon capture and storage.

    As I have said, the future of gas in the long-term will rely on technology like carbon capture and storage.

    The UK Government is committed to CCS head, heart and wallet.

    We have selected the Peterhead project and the White Rose project chosen as preferred bidders under our £1bn commercialisation competition.

    And the £125m research and development programme is supporting 100 different projects testing knowledge in all areas of the CCS pipeline from technology to transportation to the supply chain.

    So I am excited by the prospect of Britain leading the world on carbon capture and storage, because cracking this technology and making it cost effective will open up a host of new options in tackling climate change.

    That is why we need to plan properly for our future.

    And that includes thinking about how we use the potential proceeds from shale gas.

    When North Sea oil and gas production was at its height, tax revenues were used for current spending and not reinvested.

    In contrast countries like Norway and countries in the Middle East have used oil and gas tax revenues to create sovereign wealth funds which invest for the future.

    If onshore shale gas production takes off; If our country gets another major fossil fuel tax revenue boost; I want us to be a country that invests for the future.

    A low carbon future.

    Using shale gas revenues.

    My party at its conference next Sunday will be discussing how we can best transition to a zero carbon Britain by 2050.

    One policy proposal before our party conference is that a Low Carbon Transition Fund is established from some of the tax revenues from any future shale gas production.

    I think that is absolutely the right thing to do.

    Shale gas production can and must be used to transition to a low carbon future.

    In this way the benefits of future shale gas production can be felt not just by this generation, but by future generations to.

    So let me now turn to the third of my objectives as Secretary of State – making sure the whole of our society benefits from the exploitation of energy resources.

    The future of UK Shale

    Here in the UK we are at the very early stages of shale gas exploration.

    The British Geological Survey is methodically investigating the geology.

    This is beginning to give us some idea of the size of the resource.

    The Bowland shale study suggests a large rock volume, potentially filled with some 37 trillion cubic metres of gas.

    But the geology also makes for challenging extraction.

    In some areas the shale is 10,000 feet thick.

    There is just no way of knowing how much gas can be physically extracted and how it will flow.

    And, crucially, there is no way of knowing how much can be extracted at a commercially viable rate.

    That is why we have put in place the right incentives for exploration to take place and for a domestic industry to develop so that we can make those judgements more clearly.

    But, let’s just look one possible scenario.

    In May, the Institute of Directors produced a report based on available evidence.

    They conclude that on a central estimate Britain’s shale gas production could potentially peak at around 32 billion cubic metres per year.

    The industry could support around 70,000 jobs directly, in the supply chain, and in the wider economy.

    Significant production could have a benign effect on wholesale prices.

    And that production would of course provide a net benefit to the Treasury in terms of revenues.

    It is plain common sense that we pursue the shale possibility if we can realise such benefits, without jeopardising our environment.

    So – is onshore shale gas Britain’s new North Sea?

    Well the 32 billion cubic metres a year of shale gas production estimated by the IOD would be less than a third of peak North Sea gas output.

    In reality it could be much more, I hope so.

    But it could also be much less.

    Regardless it would still be valuable – especially if we can keep the North Sea running longer – perhaps with more offshore fracking.

    Any shale gas tax revenues could offset some of the revenue reduction we are already seeing from our North Sea asset.

    Shale gas could displace some gas imports.

    But even with shale gas in full production, Britain is likely to remain significantly import dependent.

    So there will be a very real and tangible benefit from shale gas – but let us not get carried away.

    The basic fact is we just don’t know exactly what amounts of gas are under our feet and how much of that gas we can commercially and safely extract.

    And this is why we can’t quantify precisely the effect that UK shale gas production will have on UK prices.

    Prices

    It’s far from clear that UK shale gas production could ever replicate the price effects seen in the US.

    The situation is different here.

    We don’t have the wide open landscapes of Texas or Dakota.

    Just one of the areas producing shale gas in the United States – the so-called Marcellus Play – has a productive use of roughly 95,000 square miles.

    That is the same size as the whole of the United Kingdom.

    The Bowland Shale, the largest potential shale gas area in the UK, is just 500 square miles – almost 200 times smaller.

    Of course this is just a two dimensional example, but it gives you a sense of scale.

    And it’s not just the geology, or the population density, or the environmental regulations or the planning laws that are different.

    The US has a closed gas market – massive increases in supply naturally affect prices.

    We are part of the European market.

    We source energy from far and wide.

    And we compete against others for the supply.

    And gas produced in the UK is sold into this market.

    When UK gas production in the North Sea was at its highest earlier this decade, UK and continental gas prices were still closely linked and fairly similar.

    North Sea Gas didn’t significantly move UK prices – so we can’t expect UK shale production alone to have any effect.

    But given there are plenty of demand side upward pressures on gas prices, as we’ve seen so painfully in recent years, shale gas is well worth pursuing simply to have more supplyside downward pressures on prices.

    For if Britain can lead in Europe and can show a lead on how shale can be done safely, and as part of a complete shift away from coal, shale gas production might take off not just in the UK but across Europe.

    This would reduce the dependency of Europe as a whole on gas imports.

    And with huge Europe-wide shale gas production boosting supply, markets might really be impressed.

    Then we might see downward pressures on gas prices strong enough to offset fast rising demand.

    And frankly after wholesale gas price rises of 50% in the last 5 years – the key and overriding reason behind today’s high energy bills in Britain – any downward pressure that can be exerted on prices will be welcomed by consumers and industry alike.

    Conclusion

    So, ladies and gentlemen,

    The reality is shale gas has a role to play in meeting all the objectives I have set out – keeping the lights on, tackling climate change, and helping keep energy affordable and the economy moving.

    On all these fronts – especially energy security – shale represents an exciting prospect.

    Even if the potential benefits are some way off.

    Even if shale gas is not the new North Sea.

    It is a national opportunity.

    An opportunity it would be foolish to turn away from.

    An opportunity for a home-grown energy resource that boosts security.

    An opportunity for investment, jobs and tax revenues.

    The bottom line is we are going to need gas supplies for many decades to come as we move to the zero carbon Britain I’d like to see.

    As a bridge to that future, shale gas can help the UK, and other countries, transition to the low carbon energy system that we need if we are to limit climate change.

    On this crowded island, our communities matter, our environment matters.

    Energy production of all types has to be safe and an accepted part of the landscape.

    Exploration, development and production all need to be handled correctly.

    And that is what we are doing.

    Shale gas will be developed responsibly.

    Britain can lead the way.

    We have the skills and expertise to lead in Europe – showing others how it can be done – protecting the environment not wrecking it.

    And you at the Royal Society have helped to show us the way.

    Here at the Royal Society, in 1988, a seminal speech was made by a seminal British Prime Minister.

    Even though action to tackle carbon emissions may involve up-front costs, she argued:

    “I believe it to be money well and necessarily spent because the health of the economy and the health of our environment are totally dependent upon each other.”

    By embracing the concept of green growth, Margaret Thatcher showed a lead not just to her party, not just to the country, but to the world.

    This Coalition Government agrees.

    And our approach to shale gas will meet these twin responsibilities – to the economy and to the environment.