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  • PRESS RELEASE : The UK opposes all unilateral actions that will make Israeli-Palestinian peace harder to achieve – UK Statement at the UN Security Council [January 2023]

    PRESS RELEASE : The UK opposes all unilateral actions that will make Israeli-Palestinian peace harder to achieve – UK Statement at the UN Security Council [January 2023]

    The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 18 January 2023.

    Statement delivered by Political Coordinator Fergus Eckersley at the UN Security Council briefing on MEPP.

    Thank you, Mr President, and we thank the Special Coordinator for his briefing.

    Last year saw large numbers of Palestinians and Israelis killed, worsening rates of settler violence, and the emergence of new Palestinian militant groups. Unfortunately, 2023 has also started with violence and instability. In this context, the UK Minister of State, Lord Ahmad, visited Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories earlier this month. There, he underlined the UK’s support for a two-state solution and urged the parties, supported by the international community, to do all they can to de-escalate, restore calm, and rebuild trust.

    To this end, Mr President, first, the parties must demonstrate through their statements and their policies a genuine commitment to peace and security for both Israelis and Palestinians and to a two-state solution. This is the only way to end the conflict, preserve Israel’s Jewish and democratic identity and realise Palestinian national aspirations. The UK opposes all unilateral actions that will make peace harder to achieve, whether taken by the Palestinian or Israeli side, including the Government of Israel’s measures against the Palestinian Authority, announced on 6 January.

    Second, the UK calls upon all parties to continue to uphold the historic Status Quo at Jerusalem’s holy sites. During his visit, Lord Ahmad visited Haram Al Sharif/Temple Mount. He emphasised the UK’s unwavering commitment to the Status Quo and to working with the parties to ensure the safety of all who visit. We value Jordan’s important role as custodian of the holy sites in Jerusalem.

    Third, we urge the leaders on both sides to promote a culture of peaceful coexistence. The desecration of 30 Christian graves in a Protestant cemetery on Mount Zion this month speaks to the dangers of increasing division along ethnic and religious lines. We are grateful to all sides for their swift condemnation of these shocking acts. As a defender of freedom of religion or belief for all, the UK urges respect for all burial and holy sites, which must be treated with dignity.

    Finally, Israel must exercise maximum restraint in the use of live fire when protecting its legitimate security interest. In the first three weeks of this year, 14 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli security forces, including 3 children.

    Restoring stability and securing peace is still possible, but requires effort from all sides in a process towards a two state solution. The UK stands ready to support these important objectives.

  • Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    Alicia Kearns – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The speech made by Alicia Kearns, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    Thank you, Mr Speaker. The thoughts of the entire Committee are with Mr Akbari’s family.

    From hostage taking to terrorist plots, assassinations, nuclear extortion and destabilisation of the middle east and Europe, Iran is a terrorist state and it has weaponised human life. This is the first murder of a dual national since the 1980s. It is a clear escalation.

    I make four asks. First, the House is clear that we need to proscribe the IRGC. Can the Foreign Secretary confirm that he recognises that that is a policy decision, not a legal one? Secondly, we need to close down the IRGC’s operating centres within the UK, such as the one in Maida Vale. These are centres for spreading hostile influence within the UK. Can the Secretary of State also confirm that he will consider reactive sanctions to help the ordinary Iranians for whom no one else will stand up? After every state murder, we should impose sanctions to show we will give their voice some support. Finally, can he reassure me that he is confident of the safety of our staff in Tehran? I remember the stories of my colleagues who were under siege by the Iranian state in the past, and I am gravely concerned about their safety at this time.

    James Cleverly

    My hon. Friend the Chair of the Select Committee raises incredibly important points. She knows the long-standing convention about speculating about sanctions and proscriptions, but I absolutely take the points that she has made about ensuring that the response we take here in the UK and, indeed, in conjunction with our international partners sends an incredibly clear message to the regime that these actions are unacceptable and will be responded to each and every time they take place. With regard to the actions that we take domestically here in the UK, I can assure her that we work closely with our Home Office colleagues on our collective response, and I agree with her that the safety of our team in Tehran is incredibly important. I pay tribute to them for the work that they do in incredibly challenging circumstances, and I also pay tribute to the demonstrations of international solidarity that we regularly receive from other platforms in Tehran.

  • Bambos Charalambous – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    Bambos Charalambous – 2023 Speech on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The speech made by Bambos Charalambous, the Shadow Foreign Minister, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    I thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement. I am responding on behalf of the Opposition as my right hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr Lammy) is on a visit to Northern Ireland and so is unable to be here.

    The execution of Alireza Akbari is the most horrendous human rights abuse—a barbaric act of politically motivated murder at the hands of the Iranian regime. The whole House’s condolences and solidarity are with his family at this time of unimaginable grief.

    That the Iranian regime chose to take Mr Akbari’s life to make a political point to the British Government is a disgrace. The death penalty should never be used for any crime, but we must call these executions in Iran what they are: a gross attempt to silence a protest movement by striking fear into the hearts of ordinary Iranian people. In Mr Akbari’s case, his execution is a direct message to the British Government. Such executions are, in the words of Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, state-sanctioned killings.

    Mr Akbari returned to Iran after a successful career in business in the UK to advise the Government on the nuclear deal between the west and Iran. He wanted to see a successful deal to end the western sanctions on the country.

    We have discussed many times in this House the importance of a strong response to this brutal regime. The Government must now proscribe the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, either through the existing process or by amending the National Security Bill to create a new process of proscription for hostile state actors. The playbook of the regime is to use brutality and violence for its own political ends and its own survival. In his most recent threat update, MI5 director Ken McCallum referred to 10 kidnap and death plots by the Iranian regime on British soil. When an organisation threatens the lives of British journalists and British Iranian activists in the UK, that organisation is a terrorist organisation.

    When will the Foreign Secretary proscribe this heinous organisation, and what action will he take to protect the lives of British Iranians in the UK and in Iran? I heard what he said about the condemnation internationally, but what further conversations has he had with international partners to ensure a co-ordinated response to condemn and curtail the regime’s appalling attack on the lives and human rights of its own people?

    James Cleverly

    I thank the hon. Gentleman for his comments on the solidarity that the whole House sends to the family of Mr Akbari. He will know that the future proscription or sanctions designation of individuals or entities is not something that we speculate about or discuss at the Dispatch Box. However, he should know that we share the revulsion that he expressed.

    As I said, we do not limit ourselves to the actions that we have already announced. I have spoken with His Majesty’s ambassador to Tehran and I will of course be speaking with other parts of Government about what further action we can take in response to the vile behaviour of the regime. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we speak regularly with our international friends on our collective response to Iran, both in the region and beyond, and we will continue to do so.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on the Execution of Alireza Akbari

    The statement made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 16 January 2023.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on the execution of a British national in Iran.

    On Saturday morning, Iran’s regime announced that it had executed Alireza Akbari, a British-Iranian dual national. I know that the thoughts of the whole House will be with his wife and two daughters at the time of their loss. They have shared his ordeal—an ordeal that began just over three years ago when he was lured back to Iran. He was detained and then subjected to the notorious and arbitrary legal process of the regime. Before his death, Mr Akbari described what was done to him and how torture had been used. Let there be no doubt: he fell victim to the political vendettas of a vicious regime. His execution was the cowardly and shameful act of a leadership that thinks nothing of using the death penalty as a political tool to silence dissent and settle internal scores.

    In February last year, Mr Akbari’s family asked the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office for our support, and we have worked closely with them ever since. I want to pay tribute to them for their courage and fortitude throughout this terrible period. In line with their wishes, the Minister of State, my noble Friend Lord Ahmad, lobbied Iran’s most senior diplomat in the UK as soon as we learned that Mr Akbari’s execution was imminent. We maintained the pressure right up until the point of his execution, but, sadly, to no avail.

    When we heard the tragic news on Saturday morning, we acted immediately to demonstrate our revulsion. I ordered the summoning of Iran’s chargé d’affaires to the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to make clear our strength of feeling. Our ambassador in Tehran delivered the same message to a senior Foreign Ministry official. Ten other countries have publicly condemned the execution, including France, Germany and the United States, and the European Union has done the same. I am grateful for their support at this time.

    We then imposed sanctions on Iran’s Prosecutor General, Mohammad Jafar Montazeri, who bears heavy responsibility for the use of the death penalty for political ends. His designation is the latest of more than 40 sanctions imposed by the UK on the Iranian regime since October, including on six individuals linked to the revolutionary courts, which have passed egregious sentences against protesters, including the death penalty. In addition, I have temporarily recalled from Tehran His Majesty’s ambassador, Simon Shercliff, for consultations, and we met and discussed this earlier today. Now we shall consider what further steps we take alongside our allies to counter the escalating threat from Iran. We do not limit ourselves to the steps that I have already announced.

    Mr Akbari’s execution follows decades of pitiless repression by a ruthless regime. Britain stands with the brave and dignified people of Iran as they demand their rights and freedoms. Just how much courage that takes is shown by the appalling fact that more than 500 people have been killed and 18,000 arrested during the recent wave of protests. Instead of listening to the calls for change from within Iran, the regime has resorted to its usual tactic of blaming outsiders and lashing out against its supposed enemies, including by detaining a growing number of foreign nationals for political gain. Today, many European nationals are being held in Iranian prisons on spurious charges, including British dual nationals, and I pay tribute to our staff—both in Tehran and here in the UK—who continue to work tirelessly on their behalf.

    Beyond its borders, the regime has supplied Russia with hundreds of armed drones used to kill civilians in Ukraine. Across the middle east, Iran continues to inflict bloodshed and destruction by supporting extremist militias. And all the while, the steady expansion of the Iranian nuclear programme is threatening international peace and security and the entire system of global non-proliferation. In the last three months alone, Britain has imposed five separate packages of sanctions on Iran, and today we enforce designations against more than 300 Iranian individuals and entities. We have condemned the regime in every possible international forum, securing Iran’s removal from the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women and, alongside our partners, creating a new UN mechanism to investigate the regime’s human rights violations during the recent protests.

    The House should be in no doubt that we are witnessing the vengeful actions of a weakened and isolated regime obsessed with suppressing its own people, debilitated by its fear of losing power, and wrecking its international reputation. Our message to that regime is clear: the world is watching you and you will be held to account, particularly by the brave Iranian people, so many of whom you are oppressing and killing. I commend this statement to the House.

  • Lucy Neville-Rolfe – 2023 Speech at Deloitte Digital Conference (Baroness Neville-Rolfe)

    Lucy Neville-Rolfe – 2023 Speech at Deloitte Digital Conference (Baroness Neville-Rolfe)

    The speech made by Lucy Neville-Rolfe, Baroness Neville-Rolfe, on 17 January 2023.

    I am delighted to be here today. I have spent a lot of time with Deloitte over the years and have seen their spectacular growth and success and I have an enduring passion for small business – my father was a farmer who went bust, but he rose from the ashes and founded a successful small consultancy business – in Brussels as it happens trading on his brilliant language skills.

    Before entering politics I spent a long time in business. I was a main board and executive director at Tesco but I also worked at much smaller companies, including Dobbies garden centres and most recently at Crown Agents which provided overseas development services most brilliantly on vaccine delivery and in the Ukraine war. I know the challenges SMEs face every day, and I also know the  opportunities we can unlock by making the right changes in government – particularly to the complex procurement rules that are the bane of the small businesses.

    Happily I am now helping make these changes happen through the Procurement Bill which I have steered through the House of Lords and today is a great chance to discuss how the Bill and the changes I have pioneered will help small businesses get a bigger slice of the public procurement pie, both directly and through the supply chain. It’s good for you and it’s good for the country as a whole. By supporting your enterprise we help to grow the economy  – one of the Prime Minister’s five core pledges to kickstart the New Year.

    I want to start with some good news. Our determination to support small businesses through opening up public sector opportunities has led to record central government spending with SMEs – the £19.3 billion spent in 2021/2022, the latest data available, was the fourth consecutive increase. I’m sorry to say it’s not yet 1 in 3, it’s 27%, but progress has been made and obviously we’re determined to make further progress.

    And it’s been thanks to some fantastic collaborative working with you – the SMEs – and across government. Along the way, we have been holding departmental feet to the fire and challenging our own colleagues. What are they doing to increase their spend with SMEs and start-ups? How are they helping to overcome obstacles involved with bidding for work or contracting with central departments and agencies?

    We have been listening and learning. Working with industry, trade bodies, and the Cabinet Office’s own SME Advisory Panel – which hears first hand from 25 SME owners and entrepreneurs about the challenges and barriers they must overcome.

    And we have been taking practical steps, such as government departments having the power to exclude suppliers from the procurement process if they cannot demonstrate a history of prompt payment to their supply chain, and using the Public Procurement Review Service, based in the Cabinet Office, to unblock overdue payments on cases that are raised with them.

    But there is so much further for us to go together. After all, procurement accounts for around a third of all public expenditure each year: £300 billion, everywhere from huge projects like HS2 to local government, schools and prisons. Our focus is always on delivering the best possible value and outcomes from that investment: it is a major contributor to driving efficiency in public services. We want to see your portion of that public procurement pie chart grow even bigger – by using the Procurement Bill to help you, as well as venture capital and start-ups making a debut in contracting with the public sector.

    I remember when I was at Tesco I was asked if we could help with schools, I looked into it and it was a nightmare of bureaucracy, so I said it wasn’t for us, but we have to change this. Your enterprise and innovation is the hallmark of companies represented here today. It is a sad fact that productivity has largely flatlined ever since the financial crisis and we are determined to change that paradigm. If we could get productivity up we could grow the economy without pain so we do need to work on that and we want to change that paradigm.

    I know how important it is to get the details of the new rules right – and to support the underlying cultural change – so that public sector contracts are properly accessible and attractive for SMEs. We understand the limitations and restrictions of a regime – or rather, regimes: there are no fewer than four,  comprising 350 EU-based rules – designed primarily to support the EU single market rather than what we put first: value for money, efficiency, and doing a lot more to  support British jobs. And that’s why we consulted widely to get a clear sense of what needs to improve. I know we’ve had too many ministers in the Cabinet Office but there has been a thread of constant officials and we’re moving in the right direction. We heard, for example, about:

    • The inflexibility of the procedures, and the inability to negotiate and evolve bids – something that  would be standard practice in the private sector;
    • A cultural reluctance to work with potential suppliers, to test the market and help develop in partnership, before embarking on the procurement;
    • Less obvious barriers to SME participation: seen in some procurers’ practice of insisting that bidders provide three years’ audited accounts when their size means they aren’t required to file any; or that they have insurance to cover the contract even before putting in a bid, in case they win the contract. And possibly most important,
    • The perennial problem of late payment, a particular curse  for indirect suppliers.

    The new consolidated regime we are putting in place – which covers everything from paperclips to hospital buildings – directly addresses these challenges, and more. Even as the Bill moved through the House of Lords, I made a number of amendments to improve it, acting on feedback from the sector and with a surprising degree of cross party support.

    I know that SMEs welcomed the new provision that I instigated which explicitly requires contracting authorities to think about SMEs as routine. It means procurement teams will have to make sure there are no unnecessary barriers that might hinder smaller companies in the contract; and ensure that bidding timelines are realistic.

    It also means there is more consistent and helpful feedback to unsuccessful bidders, showing how their bid compared to the winning bid, and this is something I’ve had complaints from not only SMEs but local government bidding for central government contracts, we always lose and we don’t know why, this is not good practice. And I know many here will welcome the application of 30-day payment terms to public sub-contracts the entire length of the supply chain, regardless of whether they are written into the contract.

    We have also put provisions on the face of the Bill for the new single central online platform that underpins the new system, and will achieve a step change in transparency.  The platform, which will be free for all to access, will make life easier for suppliers in a range of ways. For example, it will let suppliers see forward pipelines. This will allow them to find out more, plan which contracts to go for, where to invest, and when to prepare to bid or work with partners to develop consortia and joint bids. It will establish a single place for suppliers to register and self-authenticate their key bidding information –  a “tell us once” approach that will cut out needless repetitive bureaucracy.

    One point in particular, for this audience, is the greater flexibility coming your way, and the simpler processes you will see, that will support innovation. Commercial teams will have more flexibility to design and run a procedure that suits the market in which they are operating, tailoring a procurement to their exact needs. Contracting authorities will find it easier to contract with partners to research, develop and eventually buy a new product and service in a single process; and they will be able to build in stages to the procurement process such as product demonstrations – something I know the tech sector has been pressing for – so for example a contracting authority would be able to invite bidders to come in, meet the buyer and showcase the new app they’re developing, so that they can get a really thorough appreciation of solutions being offered by suppliers and understand what those solutions do in practice, not just on paper.

    The new rules will also make clear that innovation in procurement does not apply just to buying something brand new: it can be about developing an existing product to meet fresh requirements.

    We recognise, however, that changing the law is only one half of the story. Changing the culture and behaviours of public sector buyers is another. Having the flexibility to work innovatively is not the same thing as working innovatively. That’s why we are investing in what I trust will be clear guidance, but also a significant training programme for contracting authorities ahead of implementation in 2024.

    Businesses have a key role in unlocking value from public contracts –  we look forward to continuing our work with business groups and trade associations, and our regional Growth Hubs, to ensure that the supplier community is also well prepared. I was at our Darlington economic campus last Friday and in York talking about how we can make a real difference from the Cabinet Office.

    This is because I want to see SMEs right across the UK helping the recovery by being more successful and winning much more of that procurement pie.

    There are exciting times ahead, from which we can all benefit.

    Thank you for listening. I look forward to your comments and questions.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Review of police dismissals launched [January 2023]

    PRESS RELEASE : Review of police dismissals launched [January 2023]

    The press release issued by the Home Office on 18 January 2023.

    A review to ensure that the police officer dismissal process is effective at removing those who are not fit to serve the public has been launched by the Home Office today.

    The internal review will look at the effectiveness of the disciplinary system so the public can be confident it is fair but efficient at removing officers who fall far short of the high standards expected of them.

    Baroness Casey’s interim report into the culture and standards at the Metropolitan Police Service, published last year, raised concerns about the low number of police officers being dismissed and that those with multiple allegations of misconduct against them are still serving the public. She was also concerned that officers from ethnic minorities are disproportionately represented in the misconduct system.

    As set out in the terms of reference published on GOV.UK Police officer dismissals review: terms of reference, Home Office officials will examine the consistency of decision making at misconduct hearings and disproportionality in dismissals, alongside reviewing the existing model of misconduct panels and the impact of legally qualified chairs (LQCs).

    The review, which will be completed within approximately 4 months, will also ensure that forces are able to effectively use regulations that allow probationary officers who do not meet the required standard to be let go, and look at whether the current three-tier performance system is effective in being able to dismiss officers who fail to perform the duties expected of their rank and role.

    The Home Secretary, Suella Braverman, said:

    The reputation of British policing has been severely damaged by the atrocious behaviour of police officers like David Carrick, and the public’s trust in our police has been shaken.

    Officers who fall short and are not fit to serve the public have no place in our police, and we must ensure they can be dismissed as swiftly as possible.

    I have been clear that culture and standards in policing must improve and they focus on common sense policing which the public rightly expects and deserves.

    This review will ensure that bureaucracy and unnecessary process will not prevail over ethics and common sense.

    It will urgently identify reforms to the dismissals process so that we can enact change.

    Policing stakeholders are also invited to submit evidence on the broader effectiveness of the disciplinary and performance systems for consideration outside of this review.

    The is one part of the government’s work to tackle police culture and standards following recent high-profile events, including the appalling case of David Carrick, which have shattered public confidence in policing. The government is clear that there is no place in our police forces for officers who fall seriously short of the acceptable standards of behaviour and are not fit to wear the uniform, and police forces must root out these officers to restore the public’s trust.

    The government has introduced significant reforms to the police complaints and discipline systems in recent years – from misconduct hearings in public and independent legally qualified chairs (LQCs) to the introduction of the barred list and the strengthening of powers for the Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC).

    In addition, the Angiolini Inquiry is currently examining the issues raised by the conviction of then serving officer Wayne Couzens for the murder of Sarah Everard last year, and the Home Secretary expects part 2 of this inquiry to examine police culture and vetting processes.

  • PRESS RELEASE : Violent rapist, Samuel Moulder, to spend longer in prison after referral to the Court of Appeal [January 2023]

    PRESS RELEASE : Violent rapist, Samuel Moulder, to spend longer in prison after referral to the Court of Appeal [January 2023]

    The press release issued by the Attorney General’s Office on 18 January 2023.

    A man who raped a woman twice has had his jail term increased after the case was referred to the Court of Appeal for being unduly lenient.

    Samuel Moulder, now 34, denied attacking the woman twice in 2017. The first offence took place in a hotel and the second, which was aggressive and violent, took place in the victim’s own home.

    On 8 September 2022 at Gloucester Crown Court, Moulder was sentenced to eight years in prison, he was given a restraining order against his victim and placed on the sex offenders register for life.

    Following the sentencing, it was referred to the Court of Appeal under the Unduly Lenient Sentence scheme for being too low.

    On 18 January 2023, the Court found his original sentence to be unduly lenient and increased it to 12 years’ imprisonment.

    Speaking after the hearing, the Solicitor General Michael Tomlinson KC MP said:

    “Rape is always a horrific crime, but this case has had particularly awful repercussions on his victim.

    I welcome this increased sentence which better reflects the long-term harm caused. It sends a clear message that violent, sexual offences will be addressed with vigorous punishment.”

  • PRESS RELEASE : Next steps to rid police of misogyny and predatory behaviour [January 2023]

    PRESS RELEASE : Next steps to rid police of misogyny and predatory behaviour [January 2023]

    The press release issued by the Home Office on 18 January 2023.

    The Home Secretary has set out next steps to strengthen vetting of police officers following the David Carrick case.

    The government will do whatever it takes to root out misogyny and predatory behaviour from the ranks of the police.

    In the wake of the appalling crimes committed by David Carrick and acknowledged failures within the Metropolitan Police that allowed such a despicable criminal to serve the public, the government – working with police chiefs across the country – is taking immediate action to ensure that the system is effective at removing officers who are simply not fit to wear the uniform.

    The National Police Chiefs’ Council has confirmed that it will ask all police forces to check their officers and staff against national police databases. This will help identify anyone who has slipped through the net before vetting standards were toughened and ensure those who are unfit to serve can be rooted out.

    The Home Secretary has also asked the College of Policing to strengthen the statutory code of practice for police vetting, making the obligations all forces must legally follow stricter and clearer. This will make a raft of guidance a legal requirement for all police forces.

    Home Secretary Suella Braverman said:

    David Carrick’s sickening crimes are a stain on the police and he should never have been allowed to remain as an officer for so long.

    We are taking immediate steps to ensure predatory individuals are not only rooted out of the force, but that vetting and standards are strengthened to ensure they cannot join the police in the first place.

    Every day thousands of decent, hardworking police officers perform their duties with the utmost professionalism and I am sure they all share my disgust at his despicable betrayal of everything they stand for.

    The government has also brought forward the second part of the Angiolini Inquiry, the terms of reference of which will be published today for consultation, to identify and address any systemic issues with policing. This will:

    ask whether processes around recruitment and vetting do enough to identify those who are not fit to serve
    investigate the extent to which misogynistic and predatory behaviour exists in police culture
    look at whether current measures do enough to keep women safe in public spaces and manage risks posed by perpetrators
    The Angiolini Inquiry was established in the wake of the murder of Sarah Everard to understand how a serving police officer was able to carry out such a horrendous crime. The Home Secretary confirmed yesterday that Lady Angiolini will also look at the specifics surrounding the David Carrick case as part of her inquiry.

    The government has also commissioned His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, Fire and Rescue Services to conduct a rapid review of all forces’ response to the inspectorate’s recent report into vetting and counter-corruption. This will make sure chief officers are taking the necessary action to remove those who are not fit to serve.

    The Home Secretary has also launched an internal review into police dismissals to make sure the system is effective at removing officers who fall short of the standards expected of them.

    The Prime Minister will meet with Met Commissioner Mark Rowley later on today to make clear we must work together to root out the misogyny and predatory behaviour within the police’s ranks to restore public confidence.

  • Amanda Spielman – 2023 Speech to the University of Oxford’s Department of Education

    Amanda Spielman – 2023 Speech to the University of Oxford’s Department of Education

    The speech made by Amanda Spielman, the Chief Inspector of Ofsted, on 18 January 2023.

    So I have been asked to talk today about the use of research evidence in education and I’m going to talk mainly about how Ofsted uses research, but I am also going to be talking about its wider use in the education sector.

    Overall, I think there is a tremendous amount for the sector to be proud of: England is really ahead of many countries in harnessing research effectively in education. And Ofsted has clearly been part of that movement in recent years.

    I must declare at the outset that I am not myself an education researcher. But I have now spent more than 20 years in education, and in all of that time I have been working in different contexts to make good use of available evidence, and to encourage others to do the same, and have made sure that at Ofsted we now have the capacity to do that well.

    And of course, we have several big stakes in good use of research evidence.

    First, we want to ground our inspection approach as securely as we can in evidence about education itself.

    In this way inspections can encourage schools (and of course nurseries, colleges and the other entities we inspect) to align their models and practices with what is already known about quality. That is a big part of being a force for improvement.

    Secondly, we aim to build and iterate inspection models that achieve the intended purposes with sufficient validity and reliability and minimal unintended consequences. Of course, we don’t have total freedom here: we have to work within our statutory framework and within the policy constraints that are set by government, including funding. So that’s 2 stakes.

    The third stake is the aggregation of the evidence that we collect in doing our work, and the related research work that we carry out, makes us a generator of research evidence for others’ benefit, as well as a user.

    And of course, we are just one part of a wider landscape. Much excellent work has been carried out in universities like this one [the University of Oxford] over many years; the Education Endowment Foundation (EEF) has become part of the national network of What Works centres; and many other institutes and bodies do significant work.

    And that brings me to a fourth strand, which links back to the first. Many bodies act as intermediaries, translating complex maps of academic evidence into reports and summaries that can be more immediately useful to practitioners. And this is not of itself a core Ofsted activity, but we know that it is one of the ways that our products are used.

    Curriculum reviews

    For instance, over the last 2 years, we have drawn up and published a series of curriculum reviews. These offer a researched conception of what we consider to be a high-quality education, by subject and by phase. They help translate our researched framework into subjects and phases. And they provide a platform for inspector training in judging curriculum quality.

    (And of course, if we are to be consistent as an inspectorate, we must have a shared conception of what constitutes quality. If you ask people to judge quality in the absence of a clear corporate statement, they will inevitably bring their own views to bear: and of course, individual views will always vary to some extent.)

    But we also know that schools draw extensively on these reviews to develop their curriculums. They have been downloaded many hundreds of thousand times. I believe this shows a tremendous appetite for engagement with educational research, as well as an understandable desire to gain some insight into Ofsted’s approach.

    But of course, there is no comprehensive and definitive version of educational truth. There is much that is well established, and much that is not. New evidence and insights can cast doubt on or discredit previously accepted wisdom. I’ll come back to the difficulties this creates a bit later.

    But children’s lives cannot be put on hold. So neither schools nor we can down tools, to wait for a pot of fairy gold at the end of an evidential rainbow. We must work with what is available, and what is most relevant to our work, while recognising that we will always have to iterate in the light of new developments.

    How Ofsted works

    I think this is a good moment to explain just a little more about Ofsted.

    In many ways we [Ofsted] operate as you would expect. The principles of good inspection and regulation are straightforward: proportionality, accountability, consistency, transparency and targeting. These are the Hampton principles, and they are deeply embedded in our frameworks and handbooks.

    But how does an inspectorate work?

    I think we operate to a fairly standard model.

    Our frameworks and handbooks are the policy instruments. They are powerful levers on the education sector, and they exert influence long before an inspector comes through the door.

    The inspection process itself is designed around professional dialogue. It is intended to help schools improve – and our post-inspection surveys do find that, in most cases, it does.

    At the end of most inspections, we make judgements, for overall effectiveness and for several component judgements. They give parents, responsible bodies and government a clear statement about the overall performance of the institution.

    We also publish inspection reports, describing what is being done well and what needs to improve.

    We inspect at the level of the individual school and other institutions, but to report only at this level would be a tremendous waste of evidence and insight. So we have a strand that is responsible for drawing out the insights from the aggregation of our evidence, and for additional research where needed to supplement this, and also to run our evaluation programme.

    In fact, there are 3 distinct flows here.

    One is the dissemination programme, that includes the curriculum reviews I just talked about, thematic reviews and other research, such as reports recently commissioned by the DfE on tutoring and on T Levels. These are intended mainly for policymakers and for the education sector.

    One flow is back into our frameworks and handbooks.

    And the final flow is back into our inspection processes, including inspector training and quality assurance.

    And of course, we are informed by the work of institutions in all this – we do not exist in a bubble.

    What inspection is, and is not

    And I want to take a couple of minutes to remind us of a broader question: what are the purposes of inspection?

    I believe there are 3 main purposes for inspection today that are relevant for the area of research. These sit in the context of a long-standing government policy that puts responsibility for diagnosis with Ofsted, but locates responsibility for treatment and support with schools themselves and with the regions group at the Department for Education (DfE). (This policy is often misunderstood by people who would like us to function primarily as a support mechanism.)

    So, what are those purposes?

    First, inspections provide information and assurance to parents. Ofsted was created in the early 90s in the context of the parents charter.

    Secondly, they inform central and local government and other controllers of schools. Given the independence of our judgements, they provide a legitimate basis for action by others when its needed. And they also signal excellence that others can learn from.

    And then, thirdly, they can and should be of value to the people at the receiving end: to teachers and heads. This is true even when inspection is limited to diagnosis. I would be deviating too far from my subject today if I went into the reasons why, but this is a matter of tremendous importance to me.

    Case study: the education inspection framework (EIF)

    So I am going to take as a case study the development of our main education inspection framework, the EIF. It had to meet those purposes: they are largely defined by government. But we do have flexibility in how we go about meeting these purposes.

    And we aim to ground all our work in research evidence and to operate as transparently as possible.

    So we took time and care to develop the framework iteratively over 2 years.

    To prepare, we reviewed a wide range of research, from many universities, from the Education Endowment Foundation, from the Department for Education, and from other sources. We summarised what we drew on in a review that was published to provide transparency, both as to the evidence we used and our interpretation of that evidence. This gave the framework additional credibility showed the thought, attention and range of views that fed into its development.

    And we also did some substantial work on the state of curricula in both primary and secondary schools that, itself, will be informed by research into cognitive psychology. This is an important body of knowledge that wasn’t always being drawn on.

    The first phase of our curriculum research found systemic weaknesses in much of curriculum approach and design.

    In the second phase we studied a sample of schools that had curriculum thinking and development embedded in their approach.

    The third phase, tested a model of inspecting curriculum, based on our findings. This confirmed much of what we found in the first 2 phases and also allowed us to explore some potential curriculum indicators, some evidence collection methods, and also the practical limitations of inspections. And we were also able to test our ability to discern strength from weakness in curriculum development and application.

    All of this evidence gathering, research, consultation, evaluation, iterative development and testing resulted in the most evidenced framework that Ofsted has ever produced. The EIF is built around a strong and well-warranted construct of what good education is. And it is built around the importance of curriculum: the real substance of education.

    And I have talked before about the substance and purpose of education. It does need to prepare young people for life and work, but that is not all. It must also be about broadening their minds and horizons. It should give them the tools to make their communities and the world better places to live in. And it should allow them to contribute to society and the advancement of civilisation, not just the labour market.

    The EIF is broad enough to recognise all of these purposes of education. And it is why it firmly promotes a full and rich conception of knowledge, not a narrow and reductive one.

    The EIF and the sector-specific handbooks now underpin all the education inspections we do. They help us to assess the quality of education a service provides.

    I will add that there has been considerable interest from overseas education ministries and inspectorates in the EIF, and in how we developed it. As far as we know, it really is the first education inspection framework to be developed in this way.

    Area SEND framework development

    To do the EIF, we had a wealth of research and findings to draw on. But that is not always the case. Sometimes, we have to develop iteratively in the light of experience, bringing in such evidence as is available.

    I thought I’d talk briefly about our new framework for special needs inspections for a quick contrast. These inspections review the effectiveness of all the relevant agencies in providing joined up special educational needs and/or disabilities (SEND) services in a local area. There is surprisingly very little research evidence to draw on for this.

    In planning a successor to our first framework, we recognised the important work and lessons from the first set of inspections, but we did also see room for improvement.

    We’d already identified recurring weaknesses, flaws and delays in the identification of children’s needs. We had also often found a lack of clarity about who is responsible for what, between the various organisations involved.

    We also listened to a lot of feedback from children, young people and their families, from people working in all kinds of SEND and related services, and from the many organisations that support children and young people with SEND as well as representative bodies.

    We combined the inspection analysis with the feedback from the various strands of engagement. That enabled us to develop and refine our new proposals. These proposals or aspects of them were then tested through discussions and a set of pilot inspections. (Piloting is a very powerful tool for us.)

    All of this led to a new approach with 9 proposals for improvement, which we consulted on last summer. Happily, we found strong support for all proposals, increasing our confidence in the direction, and also provided valuable comments and suggestions that led to some changes and clarifications in the draft framework and handbook.

    In summary, we have started by building on our existing framework and inspection programme. We incorporated our analysis, feedback and engagement. We tested our new proposals. We consulted on them – and all of this going into the framework. We think we have created an approach that will improve outcomes for pupils with SEND, help families navigate a complex and sometimes adversarial system, and strengthen accountability by clarifying where responsibility for improvement lies.

    I think it’s a good example of how to develop a framework in a less evidence-rich environment.

    Evaluation

    The next thing I want to talk about is evaluation.

    These cases studies illustrate how we draw on established research and generate research to design our models, in the light of both well-developed and under-developed bodies of research.

    But we also need to know whether our frameworks and methodologies are being implemented as intended and having the effects we expect. We therefore have a programme of evaluation work. When we do this, we make a contribution to the body of professional knowledge about inspection. But, significantly for us, the evaluation work completes a positive feedback loop. We harness those findings and then use them in refining our process, our handbooks and our frameworks.

    One important example of how we evaluate is by using research methods to establish how reliable inspections are. Our frameworks and handbooks clearly outline what we focus on in inspection, and what we consider to be of high quality. So inspector judgement is, from the very start, focused on a construct that’s transparent to all through our handbooks. Our inspectors are there to apply the framework, not to apply their own individual ideas of what good looks like.

    Beyond our routine quality assurance activities, we have conducted reliability studies on inspector judgement inter-rater reliability. In other words: do 2 inspectors come to the same judgement? We saw high levels of agreement in the results.

    Taken together, our quality assurance work and reliability studies all feed back into the continuing development of our frameworks and handbooks.

    The limits on consistency

    And I want to talk a bit more, actually, about the concept of consistency of inspection judgements. Those of you here who, like Michelle Meadows and Jo-Anne Baird, are experts in educational assessment will immediately recognise the issue of reliability, with all its counter-intuitive complexities.

    School inspection is of course a process of human judgement. It complements various other measurement processes, including exams and testing and also many other kinds of measurement, such as attendance reporting. Judgements of overall effectiveness are composite judgements reflecting many aspects of performance.

    Now the reliability of human judgement processes has been studied in contexts in and beyond education. Michelle’s 2005 review of the literature on marking reliability was something I read early in my time at Ofqual, and gave me really valuable insight into the strengths and limitations of human judgement.

    For me, there are 2 particularly important lessons that come from that literature. First, that ‘perfect’ reliability is unlikely to be achievable. And secondly, that improving reliability often comes at the price of sacrificing some validity. The narrower the construct you choose to assess, the more precisely you can assess it, at least in theory. But the narrower the construct, the less valuable the assessment is likely to be in practice.

    And as you all know, national expectations of schools and other education institutions are broad. There is a democratic consensus that compulsory education should extend far beyond minimum competence in maths and literacy, that it should encompass wider personal development on many fronts as well as academic study, and that schools should have responsibilities for safeguarding children.

    This means that the ‘overall effectiveness’ that we are required to judge is, and is likely to remain, a broad construct. The corollary of this is that so-called ‘perfect’ reliability is not achievable.

    We accept this in many other areas of life, though perhaps without pausing to think a great deal about it. Driving test examiners; judges passing sentence in courts; judges in an Olympic sporting event; I am sure you can think of other examples where we accept that there will be some level of human variation. (The Eurovision Song Contest is an example of where the divergence between markers is so extreme as to suggest that they may not all be assessing the same construct.)

    And in fact one of the reasons that inspection continues to exist is precisely because we all recognise that data measures alone cannot carry the entire weight of measuring quality. And there can be unintended consequences of putting too much weight on data outcomes alone: there can be unhealthy backwash, for children and adults alike. So looking under the bonnet, at how outcomes are being achieved, has real value.

    There will therefore always be a degree of variability than cannot be engineered out of inspection, and where we could do more harm than good if we tried.

    But of course, we take consistency very seriously. We design the framework with great care, to be clear, structured and unambiguous. We design inspection processes with great care. We put a great deal of effort into recruiting and training our inspectors, when they join, in their early months and throughout their time with us. We have many quality assurance processes, covering all aspects of the process and also our reporting. And we have many sources of feedback: post-inspection surveys, complaints, our evaluation work, as well as regular interaction with sector representative bodies. All of this is used to keep on improving our work.

    Proactive research

    But our research isn’t only about developing and improving Ofsted’s regular work. We publish a lot that faces the outside world.

    Some of this is relatively straightforward aggregated information: we produce official statistics, including inspection outcome data, and publications such as our annual children’s social care survey.

    We also aggregate, analyse and disseminate evidence that we collect through our routine work, to produce our annual report and other publications.

    And we do more than just secondary analysis of inspection and regulatory evidence. We also conduct primary research where we need to supplement what we can learn directly from inspection.

    Our body of work on pandemic recovery was a significant recent contribution. We recognised that we were particularly well-placed to report on the continuing challenges schools and children faced as education gradually returned to normal. We do have unparalleled access to thousands of children and professionals.

    We saw the effects of the pandemic and restrictions on children: on their academic progress but also on their physical, social and emotional development. And for a minority of children, being out of the line of teachers’ sight had harmful consequences.

    We saw the efforts that have and are still being made to accelerate children’s learning and wider development and to address those harms. Collating and aggregating and evaluating what we found gave valuable insights.

    We reported on a live, shifting situation, publishing dozens of rapid reports, briefing notes and commentaries from September 2020 onwards. Our reports and the speed of their publication helped everyone understand what was happening. Our insight was crucial in making sure that policymakers understood the continuing challenges and it helped us highlight the good or innovative practice that others could learn from. We also reported on poorer practice and on how we would expect schools and other providers to improve.

    And professionals in all sectors have told us that our research accurately reflected their experience of the pandemic and post-pandemic periods. We know that we were one of the few bodies doing early research on this. And there was international interest in our work – it was picked up in places like Portugal and South Korea, for example, as well as by other European inspectorates. And I think this showed both its importance and the scarcity of credible research on education during the pandemic.

    This work made us very aware of the difficulties in schools, colleges and nurseries, at every level, from those working directly with children, all the way through to their leaders.

    It also gave us a strong basis for our decision to return to inspection, confident that we had the right level of understanding of the continuing challenges. It helped us to frame the right expectations, suitably high but still realistic. We wanted to see high ambition and support to help children make up for lost time. But our judgements needed to be fair in this context.

    And it is worth noting that the flexibility designed into the EIF allowed us to do this within the existing framework. The previous framework would not have been able to adapt in the same way. We would have needed a new temporary framework – something that professionals in the sector clearly told us that they did not want. The sector had spent time contributing to the development of the EIF, and then in understanding and embedding it. Sector feedback was very clearly in favour of sticking with the framework, suitably applied.

    We’re also examining other trends in education and social care, bringing our unique position and reach to bear for the benefit of children and learners. We have researched, for example, how local authorities plan for sufficient accommodation and services for children in carehow alternative provision for primary-age pupils is being used; and how secondary schools are supporting struggling readers.

    Tutoring

    Much of our research work is commissioned by government. One example is our work on tutoring, the first phase of which was published last year. This was based on visits to 63 schools to explore their tuition strategies and how well they had integrated tuition with their core education programmes, to report on the progress and, to the extent possible, the effectiveness of the National Tutoring Programme, on which the government is spending £1 billion.

    We found some good use of tutoring, but also that quality varied greatly depending on the school and the tutoring provider. And we also found limited understanding of the effectiveness of tutoring. Used well and properly integrated, tutoring can be a huge help to pupils who fall behind, but it is a very expensive intervention. It therefore needs to have a big enough impact to justify its cost.

    There are obvious difficulties with assessing impact. Getting a handle on the effectiveness of tutoring at the level of the individual child or the school is always going to be problematic: how do you attribute progress as between classroom teaching and tutoring? It may be possible where tutoring is very targeted at specific topics or areas of the curriculum. But expectations here do need to be realistic.

    Our reviews are already helping the government develop the tuition programme and helping schools and colleges to implement and integrate tutoring better, and the second phase of our research, which is currently in the field, will explore how schools are adapting and applying the programme after a year’s experience.

    Policy evaluation

    Some of our work is characterised as policy evaluation. One recent example was the exemption of outstanding schools from inspection.

    We have now reported on the first year of inspections of previously exempt schools since the exemption was lifted. Most schools inspected were no longer outstanding, and over a fifth dropped to requires improvement or inadequate. These were typically the schools that had gone longest without inspection, typically around 13 years. And we have also set a somewhat higher bar for the outstanding grade in the EIF, so no-one should over-interpret this data. But nonetheless, we can now see that the policy expectation of continuing improvement in the absence of inspection was not realised.

    We will be publishing a further report on this strand of inspection later this spring, including an analysis of the weaknesses that have been found in formerly outstanding schools that have been judged RI or inadequate.

    Research for practitioners

    Our research doesn’t just provide recommendations or suggest improvements for policymakers though. We also publish research reports and reviews for the education sector: for early years, schools and post-16, from the viewpoint of our inspection framework.

    For example, we recently published our ‘Best start in life’ research review, which examines the factors that contribute to a high-quality early education. The review drew on a range of sources, including academic and policy literature.

    That was the first in a series of reports on early education. We identified some of the features that high-quality early years curriculum and pedagogy may have. What were these features? A curriculum that considers what all children should learn, practitioners who choose activities and experiences after they have determined the curriculum, and adults who think carefully about what children already know, teaching them what they need to know, and broadening their interests.

    It was the latest in the series of research reviews we have published since early 2021 – I mentioned the school curriculum reviews earlier.

    I think this might be a good moment to pick up on the issue of challenge and contest in education research. Some of our work is in areas where there is little that is contested. But much of it, like so many domains of knowledge, is in areas that are highly contested. And this is certainly true of much of the curriculum.

    I can remember a previous Ofqual research director, Michelle’s predecessor, a man with a very long memory, telling me that in successive rounds of qualification reform, the 2 subjects that have always been hardest to finalise have been religious studies and mathematics, where the divergence of views among academic subject experts is especially, and perhaps surprisingly to those who aren’t in the mathematics world, particularly wide. I also remember hearing that in the most recent round of reforms, disagreements between members in another subject expert group were so profound that tears were shed in a group meeting.

    It is therefore entirely unsurprising that our work attracts hostility from some quarters. I think this tends to reflect those wider continuing disputes.

    As we said in the principles paper which we published ahead of the curriculum reviews:

    Educational research is contestable and contested, and so are documents such as these research reviews. Therefore, we are sharing our thinking with subject communities so that we can get input from the broader subject community. We hope that publishing our evidence base for how we have developed our understanding of subject quality will provide insight, both on what evidence we have used and on how we have interpreted that evidence when creating research criteria for our subject reports.

    Each curriculum review collates relevant research evidence, but they are not intended to be all-embracing papers covering the entirety of academic thought on a subject. That is not our job, and it would not be a responsible use of our time and resources. Instead, their primary purpose is to lay out the evidence-base for the kind of subject education that our frameworks reward as high quality. They give a broad foundation for the judgements that we make.

    While it is not their primary purpose, we do also hope that they will help subject leaders in their curriculum planning. The reviews are not narrowly prescriptive but offer what appear to be reliable general principles that schools can then apply intelligently. They are also not overly restrictive: each review lays out only the possible feature of high-quality education, without claiming that these are the only features. The enormous popularity with schools, of both the reports and of the related webinars that we offer, is an encouraging indicator that they are indeed helpful.

    And we have also heard how helpful schools have found having reviews across the set of subjects. Schools are really appreciating the exploration of the nature of a high quality curriculum across subjects, including computing, PE, music and so on. These research reviews fill a vacuum because in some subjects, curriculum (as opposed to pedagogical approaches) has not been a significant focus of other work. Subject and senior leaders regularly share their appreciation of our work, which gives them guidance across a range of subjects.

    And of course, this will in turn contribute to improving the quality of education, raising standards for all children.

    How the sector uses research

    In exploring the place and function of research evidence in educational policy and practice, it is also interesting to reflect on how the sectors we inspect themselves use research.

    On the one hand, there is a very positive picture, with much to be optimistic about. We know that many teachers see being reflective practitioners and researching practice as part of their professional identity. Teachers and other practitioners draw on EEF toolkits and summaries, for example, and apply them in their everyday practice. All this is helping to eliminate some of the perhaps fashionable fads and follies of the past.

    Twinned with our focus on subject education in the EIF, there’s also been a renewed interest in subject-based research. This development, in particular, really helpfully bridges academic departments within universities with classroom subject teaching in different phases of education. And teachers write about these things, blog about them, and exchange their knowledge at practitioner conferences such as ResearchEd.

    And the aroma of that interest has drifted upwards – out of the classroom – to school leaders who, because of their leadership of the curriculum, are developing their subject research knowledge about how best to sustain and develop school subjects. In this way, I think we have contributed to an intellectual resurgence in school leadership. And I think this really is a tremendous thing, to awaken intellectual curiosity at all levels of educational institutions.

    But, on the other hand, this brings complexity. As you all know, navigating research is not without its difficulties. The sheer range of research and evidence in a domain as large as education is daunting: some research is not empirical, other kinds of research are empirical, using qualitative and quantitative methods. Discerning strength, weakness, relevance, and applicability in research requires professional judgement. And without this, cargo cults and lethal mutations can emerge.

    What I do think would be helpful now is a clearer overall architecture that recognises and values all the parts of the system that generate educational research and evidence, including the entities that are translating research into usable products for practitioners, and the tools to navigate it. And it would also be helpful to have a clearer medium-term focus on building consensus through research.

    Conclusion

    Now, this evening, I have concentrated mainly on how Ofsted uses research. What I really wanted to make clear is that research isn’t just one part of what we do, it is a part of everything we do.

    It informs our day-to-day work, our frameworks and handbooks, and our overall approach. It helps us strive to be better, and to inspire improvement in the sectors we work in. And it lets us to share what we know with government and with practitioners so that they can make informed decisions.

    And I hope that you will take this talk and our wider approach as showing how much we value the work that happens in this and in many other universities, here and abroad, as well as in smaller specialist institutions. I believe that you and the whole education sector benefit from this renewed intellectual energy, which is being harnessed so constructively in so many places. I’m fortunate to been in positions over the last 20 years where I have been able to promote this healthy development.

    And with that, I’d be happy to take your questions. I have brought along 2 colleagues today: Alex Jones, who is our Director of Insights and Research, and Richard Kueh, acting Deputy director for Research and Evaluation, who was previously the religious education lead in our curriculum unit and author of our RE curriculum review.

    Thank you.

  • BOOK REVIEW : Nicholas Ridley – My Style of Government

    BOOK REVIEW : Nicholas Ridley – My Style of Government


    My Style of Government – The Thatcher Years by Nicholas Ridley

    Nicholas Ridley (1929-1993) was one of the key Cabinet Minister supporters during Margaret Thatcher’s period of Government, serving as the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, the Secretary of State for Transport, the Secretary of State for the Environment and finally as the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry. This book was published in 1991 and it was the first insider’s account of the Thatcher years.

    The book isn’t an autobiography by Ridley, although he briefly touches on what inspired him to become involved in politics and he cites the radical Government of Attlee in the immediate post-war period. Rather than being inspired by the ideas of Attlee it was the case that Ridley despised them, he was an early advocate for privatisation and he wanted the Government to be less involved in the lives of people. On nationalised industries he claims in the book that they are “dominated by their workforce, not their customers”.

    Ridley initially liked the direction of the Heath Government in 1970, but then felt it lost its way quickly as events made the radical direction that Edward Heath desired much harder to deliver. He didn’t remain involved as when in 1972 Heath got in contact with Ridley regarding a sideways move in Government he said that he would rather return to the backbenches. Others such as Margaret Thatcher also had similar concerns about the direction of Heath’s Conservative Party, but she instead stayed inside the Cabinet as Education Secretary. When Heath lost in 1974, it was though Thatcher who reacted quickly to put her name forwards as soon as Keith Joseph ruled out standing for the leadership.

    One element of the book is that it is very much ‘us against them’, whether that be the internal disputes between what Ridley refers to as the wets and the dries or between the two main parties. He writes that: “the Labour Party is bad at opposition. It is is basically lazy and goes home too early at night. Humour is virtually absent: their rhetoric is all righteous indignation and humour doesn’t fit with that. Tory oppositions are better at keeping the House late and mounting surprise attacks in the early hours”. There are these perhaps intellectually lazy sweeping assertions dotted around the book, but it is in general otherwise well written and readable.

    The author deals with the issue of Thatcher’s preferred successors to her early on in the book, naming the three politicians who were at various times the heir apparent and having some sympathy with all of them. They were Cecil Parkinson, who was brought down more through scandal than political ability, John Moore who Ridley has more time for than some colleagues and finally John Major, who he says was “highly competent and very pleasant”.

    On policy, Ridley refers a lot to his support for supply-economic measures and it’s evident that this was a point on which he had long firmly believed and he wasn’t a late convert on it. Margaret Thatcher in a speech in 1996 mentioned that Ridley could be argued to be more Thatcherite than her because of the length of time that Ridley had held his economic arguments. He was a firm supporter of privatisation, although makes claims about the deregulation of the bus industry that he was involved with, noting that his policies created large numbers of smaller independent bus companies and this was showing an increase in passenger usage. Unfortunately for Ridley, one of his proudest policies ultimately turned out very differently with passenger numbers almost relentlessly falling in the years and decades that followed.

    Ridley continues on the policy theme with a defence of what he refers to as the poll tax, although formally called the Community Charge. Defending it is inevitable as he was one of the architects and designers of the policy, aimed to replace what he notes was the unfair rates system which needed radical modernisation. He remained someone who believed in the principles of the tax, but thought that it was essential to be brought in at a low level, which it ultimately wasn’t by his own admission. Ridley believed that the system would give voters a financial interest in keeping the tax levels set by local councils low. He makes nearly no criticism of Thatcher on the tax other by saying “she hadn’t taken the action necessary to ensure the new system’s acceptability by relating it more closely to ability to pay”.

    The author makes clear that he supported a smaller state and lower taxes, but he didn’t want public services to be neglected. He cites figures that Margaret Thatcher over her period in Government increased real-terms spending on areas of health, social security and education by 37%, 35% and 16% respectively. This is part of his focus on defending against what opponents had said were the Thatcher cuts, noting that he felt she valued public services highly and that suggestions of the reverse aren’t backed by the economic evidence.

    On the key issue of Europe, Ridley was a Euro-sceptic and firmly opposed to a single currency or monetary union. He was though a proponent of the Single Market and writes that Thatcher’s support “resulted in very great progress being made towards freeing the market of the Community”. Ridley was delighted with the Bruges speech made by Thatcher and how “it set out at length her concept of a Europe of nation states”. For anyone wanting to know what Thatcher would think of Brexit, there aren’t many clues as Ridley focuses nearly entirely on economic monetary union and doesn’t touch at all on the UK’s membership of the then European Community, simply noting how important the Single Market had been.

    Ridley was devastated with the 1990 leadership election which led to Margaret Thatcher resigning as Prime Minister, but his criticisms are again mostly of other people. Although he notes Thatcher should have canvassed her MPs more as it proved she only needed to have changed the minds of a small number to have won the first ballot, much of the blame is laid at what Ridley refers to as “her weak campaign team”. This perhaps ignores the reality that if the Prime Minister had won by just one vote then it would have been politically challenging to have led what would be such a clearly split Conservative Party. This is a theme running through the book, nearly no criticism of Margaret Thatcher or at least only gently chiding, but plenty of time is spent finding scapegoats to explain why things did go wrong.

    In his conclusion he notes that “I believe most of the supply side reforms will stick” and on this Ridley seems right as Tony Blair and Gordon Brown maintained and even built on some of the Thatcherite economic changes. Again Ridley mentions the work that Thatcher delivered on the Single Market, but he predicted that there would not be a European market open either internally or externally. He adds that “there was never a hint of corruption against her” and many in politics would agree that this was a period when the office of Prime Minister was taken very seriously by its occupants and in a way which might not have always been the case more recently. He ends the book writing that “the nation was oppressed by many dragons in 1979 and that Margaret Thatcher had come forth to slay them and the nation no longer had need of her”.

    There’s never any doubt in the book that Ridley was one of the key supporters of Thatcher, but most readers of the book would perhaps be unlikely to have expected anything different. At the time of publication this was an important work because there was relatively little else available written by an insider, but since then there have been no shortage of books about the politics of the 1980s and also of course the auto-biography of Margaret Thatcher. Regardless of that, this remains an interesting book and it does make valiant efforts in explaining the logic behind policy decisions and it does touch a little on what went wrong.