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  • Robert Kilroy-Silk – 2004 Speech in the European Parliament

    Below is the text of the speech made by Robert Kilroy-Silk in the European Parliament on 22nd July 2004.

    Madam President, my party cannot support the candidature of the President for the institution because we do not support the institution over which he desires to preside.

    My constituents do not doubt the authority or the legitimacy of this democratically elected Parliament, but they do not wish to be governed by it. They want to be governed by their own people in their own parliament – and they will be during the lifetime of this Parliament. Believe me.

    For the same reasons we – and they – do not wish to see the Constitution enacted because they see it as based on obsolete economic and political theories of the 1950s, of the fear of war and an outdated threat of communism. They see it as creating a Europe that is inward-looking, that is bureaucratic, that is restrictive, whereas we should be creating a Community that is innovative and outward-looking, that reaches out to the rest of the world, that is flexible and democratic. That is not the institution that we are creating here in Europe today and we wish to have no part of it. We will not support it. My constituents do not want to see the creation of a federal state called Europe. They want to be governed by their own people in their own parliament. They do not wish to give their destiny, their independence and their sovereignty to a group in Brussels, or indeed in Strasbourg.

    Some 20 years ago Mrs Thatcher went to Fontainebleau and said: ‘I want our money back’ – and she got some of it. We want our country back and, believe you me, we are going to get it.

  • Robert Kilroy-Silk – 1974 Maiden Speech to the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Robert Kilroy-Silk to the House of Commons on 27th March 1974.

    It gives me great pleasure in making my maiden speech to follow the three distinguished previous speakers. I feel honoured to represent a constituency, Ormskirk, which has unfortunately been unrepresented by a Labour Member for the last 24 years. I must pay tribute to my predecessor in a large chunk of what is now my constituency — the present Prime Minister. Unfortunately, in the conscientious way in which he conducted his constituency matters and held his surgeries, as Prime Minister in the last Labour Government and as Leader of the Opposition, he has left me with a great burden as an example to emulate.

    My constituency has a large number of problems, of unemployment and high rents. I know from my experience in the last two weeks that my constituents in Kirby have warmly welcomed the fulfilment of the Government’s pledge on the freezing of council house rents. The pensioners too in the rest of the constituency are greatly heartened by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State’s fulfilment of the Government’s pledge on pensions.

    The major problem — it is a problem that has bedevilled the constituency and the new town of Kirkby for the past five years — has been the high level of unemployment. It is an area that is bedevilled especially by juvenile unemployment. My constituents expect from this Government the fulfilment of their public ownership programme.

    It is an intolerable disgrace that the jobs of men can be destroyed by the caprice, the whim or the irresponsible decision of one man and that the lives of men, and the livelihoods of their families, can be sacrificed on the altar of private profit. That a factory can close down for no other reason than that higher profits are to be sought elsewhere, and often beyond the borders of the United Kingdom, is a matter which we cannot and will not tolerate. We expect to see the Government fulfilling their public ownership programme to ensure that work is directed to where people need it, so that industry serves people and people are not made to serve industry.

    There are many problems within the constituency, but it has much to commend to the rest of the country. In the new West Lancashire District Council, which encompasses a large part of the northern end of my constituency, a series of policies have been implemented which show what Socialism in practice can achieve. We already have as a fact free television licences for old-age pensioners. We already have free school milk for the 7 to 11-year-olds. We have a 24-hour warden-operated system of sheltered housing for the elderly that is the envy of the rest of the country. These are not theories or ideas but facts which we shall extend to the rest of the constituency and which we commend to the country.

    I ask the indulgence of the House to raise a matter that is only tangential to the debate but which raises important questions on priorities and resources. My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer made great play about an attack upon waste. I bring the attention of the House to the enormous waste of human lives, of lives that are blighted because of the gross and intolerable inadequacies of the services for children with congenital heart disorders. The deficiencies are most marked in the large conurbations such as Liverpool, Manchester and Birmingham. The deficiencies arise primarily from the fact that, although there has been rapid development in surgery techniques for the correction of the malformations of the heart in the past 10 years, central and local authorities have not been willing to provide the financial resources to back up the services that are now available to benefit the lives and the health of the children concerned.

    This debate is about priorities and the allocation of resources. I believe that when people are made aware of the facts there will be no one, in the House or in the country, who will not support a demand for a massive injection of cash into the treatment of children with congenital heart disorders.

    The facts tell their own story. The incidence of congenital heart disorders is estimated to be approximately six children per thousand live births a year. For example in 1972 when there were 685,000 live births, there were approximately 4,500 children born with congenital heart disorders. Some people estimate that the number is as high as 8,000. How many there are as an accumulated total is difficult to tell. They can be divided into three categories. One-third are so seriously affected that they died within several days of birth. Another one-third need an operation as soon as is practicable. If it is done quickly they can lead normal and healthy lives. The final third have far less serious defects and, therefore, there is more flexibility in the timing of the operation.

    There are thousands of children who stand in a long queue for surgery. Recent inquiries have shown that in at least 12 centres providing services for children with congenital heart disorders the services are regarded by the cardiologists or paediatricians in charge as being seriously inadequate. For example, in Liverpool there are now 170 children waiting for cardiac catheterisation. Those children can wait for up to two years. There are a further 100-plus children who have already had that exploratory operation who are awaiting major surgery and will have to wait for up to a year. A child with a serious and important heart defect can wait in Liverpool up to three years before it is corrected by surgery.

    In Birmingham there are approximately 250 children who are waiting for major surgery. Unfortunately more are being added to the waiting list than are being operated upon each week. The waiting list is growing rather than diminishing. If the problem is acute now, as I believe it to be, I hesitate to think what it will be like in a few years’ time if immediate and effective action is not taken. The longer the children have to wait for operations the more dangerous such operations become, the more likelihood there is of there being irreversible changes in their heart or in their lungs and the less likely they are to be able to lead a normal life. As a result they will be more likely to suffer permanent disability.

    Even more scandalous is that on the authority of Professor Hay, professor of child health at Liverpool University and consultant paeditrician to the Royal Liverpool Children’s Hospital, occasionally patients die while on the waiting list. They die for no other reason than that services are not available in sufficient quantity to enable operations to be performed in time. Others are not put on the waiting list for the reason that the surgeons know that they will never be reached and they do not wish to arouse far more anxiety and anguish amongst the parents.

    For those on the waiting list who do not die while waiting, the situation is paradoxically worsened by the fact that the advance of surgical technology and techniques in general makes treatment available for new-born babies, who are naturally treated immediately. The result is that those who are already on the waiting list get left even further back. That is a terrible problem that causes great distress and anxiety to the thousands of parents of children with congenital heart disorders. It is a problem that should not be allowed to continue.

    I hope that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services will seriously consider allocating far more funds to this specialty. We need a boost now. Further plans for future investment, however necessary they may be and however grandiose their conception, will do nothing to alleviate the problems of those who are now on the waiting list, which grows longer every day. Each day that a child is on that list the more likely it is to suffer permanent disability.

    We need an immediate injection of cash into this service. There is a need for more cardiologists and for more surgical time to be allocated in theatres. There is a need for far more trained nurses. The shortage of nurses appears to be the major bottleneck in the Birmingham area. The problem is not necessarily the lack of cardiologists or of theatre time but a lack of nurses who are trained in heart surgery. There need to be more posts for medical and surgical trainees.

    I should also like to ask my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services to consider the setting up of larger heart units. At present the tendency — frequently for very good reasons — is to try to locate hospitals and various services near to where the children live. This is counter-productive in this service. What is needed is a concentration of resources at a few large centres where the staff can specialise completely on this aspect of medical care.

    As I said at the beginning, it is a question of priorities. I believe that this should be a top priority. We know that our resources are severely limited and that there is not much room for either manoeuvre or flexibility in the allocation of resources. However, this is an overriding problem the solution of which is of paramount importance and should be accorded the priority that it deserves.

    What I do not want, however, is for there to be competition between the sick for available resources. I am not suggesting, nor would I support anyone who suggested, that resources should be redirected or reallocated from the disabled or the elderly to help the children with congenital heart disorders. I do not want, and I do not expect to see, a competition for resources between the sick.

    A larger slice of the defence budget than the derisory sum which was offered yesterday would perhaps be far more appropriate and desirable. A greater rate of tax on the wealthy than that which was suggested by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday would be yet another means of raising the very necessary and crucial funds and resources for this service.

    Perhaps even more important in many ways is a much more vigorous and dynamic attack upon private practice in the hospital service. We are talking about priorities and a situation in which the lives of these children are being lost or, if they remain alive, they are obliged to compete for resources. We should not allow a situation to exist where private practice within the National Health Service can slough off the resources which are necessary for this area.

    The previous administration said that this problem was not of national importance. It is a problem of national importance and, as a start, perhaps the Secretary of State could help Liverpool by giving the £25,000 that was refused by the previous administration. The Governors of the Royal Liverpool Children’s Hospital have already allocated £100,000 to provide facilities. What is needed now from the Exchequer is direct financial support to maintain the services that those facilities will require.

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Juries

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Dominic Grieve, the Attorney General, on 11th December 2013.

    Thank you for that introduction Sheila and for inviting me to speak this evening about trial by jury. It’s a great pleasure to be here and I’m delighted to be speaking to you on the subject of whether jury trial continues to be an effective guarantor of justice. Those of you who know me will not be surprised to hear I am an enthusiastic advocate of trial by jury and I make no apology for saying from the outset I think it is an essential element of the justice system of England and Wales. It is deeply ingrained in our national DNA.

    The protection of historic freedoms through the defence of trial by jury was part of our coalition agreement when the Government came into power and it’s my firm view that trial by jury provides a vital safeguard in a free society.

    I don’t subscribe to the view expressed by the poet Robert Frost that:

    A jury consists of twelve persons chosen to decide who has the better lawyer

    I am only going to consider trial by jury in the criminal justice system this evening, but it is worth remembering that the civil justice system also has juries, for example in some inquest cases. I am also going to confine myself to talking about England and Wales, as jury trial in other jurisdictions, such as the United States, is very different and I think it would be unwise to draw too many parallels.

    In England and Wales some form of trial by jury has existed for probably about a thousand years, although it’s fair to say that in its early incarnation it bore little resemblance to the system we have today. The groups of noblemen assigned to the task were required to investigate the case themselves and it was primarily used as a means of resolving property disputes.

    As you will, I am sure, know, the right for a man to be punished only pursuant to the ‘the lawful judgement of his equals’ was enshrined in King John’s Magna Carta in 1215. The ‘right’ was of course a limited one and only available to men of a certain standing, but I think it does have some resonance even now, because it lays the foundation stone for the principle of judgement by one’s peers. It was certainly preferable to using ordeal by water or fire as methods of proving guilt or innocence.

    By the 17th century the right to be judged by one’s peers was confirmed in the Act which abolished the Star Chamber. The development I want to focus on concerns the right of the jury to return the verdict they consider just and Bushel’s case of 1670, which confirmed that a jury could not be punished by reason of the verdict it returned, is one of the earliest and most important examples. Bushel had been a member of the jury trying Penn and Mead, two Quakers who were charged with unlawful assembly for holding a religious meeting in violation of the Conventicle Act. The jury found the two ‘guilty of speaking in Gracechurch Street’ but refused to add ‘to an unlawful assembly’. The judge reacted by imprisoning them without food, heat or water but this was a jury made of stern stuff and after two days they returned a further verdict of not guilty. The judge went on to fine them for returning a verdict contrary to their findings of fact and imprisoned them for contempt. Bushel petitioned the Court of Common Pleas for a writ of habeas corpus and the subsequent proceedings confirmed the principle of juries’ independence that we value so greatly and which provides an essential guarantor of freedom.

    The operation of jury trial was still a far cry from what we now understand – for example lawyers only became a regular feature at the turn of the 19th century and juries might hear half a dozen cases in a day before retiring to consider their verdicts. Until 1858, the jury would be kept without ‘fire, food or drink’ until a verdict was reached (or, as in Bushel’s case, a satisfactory verdict) so it is perhaps no surprise that it was often a swift affair. The right of the defendant to testify, access to free legal representation and the establishment of an appellate procedure are all recent innovations in this story and make the function of the jury now very different from even a hundred years ago.

    Examples of juries returning verdicts unpopular with the governing regime, or which may appear to contradict the directions of the judge are not confined to the distant past.

    As recently as 2005 the House of Lords confirmed in the case of R v Wang ([2005] 1 W.L.R. 661) that there are no circumstances in which a judge is entitled to direct a jury to return a verdict of guilty. Mr Wang was charged with possessing offensive weapons in a public place. He had a sword and a knife which he claimed was because he practised Shaolin, a traditional martial art. The judge found that the defendant had failed to advance a lawful defence, because his claim could not amount to a ‘good reason’ for having the articles and directed the jury to convict. The Court of Appeal agreed with the trial judge that it had been ‘plain beyond sensible argument’ that the material before the jury could not discharge the burden of proof which the offence placed on the defendant. The House of Lords disagreed and quashed the conviction. Lord Bingham, quoted Lord Devlin (he of the famous declaration that trial by jury is “the lamp which shows that freedom lives”) in an earlier case:

    “I find it difficult to see how a sensible jury could have acquitted. But I do not reach such a conclusion as a matter of law and I cannot accept that the judge is entitled to direct the jury how to answer a question of fact, however obvious he may believe the answer to be and although he may be satisfied that any other answer would be perverse. That in my view gets to the heart of the matter. The right of the jury to return the verdict it collectively believes is the true one is inalienable. Well, you may say, do we want a legal system in which the jury can return a verdict which seems to us to fly in the face of the evidence? My answer is yes, it is essential that juries are trusted to take decisions, with proper direction, even if very occasionally those decisions will not accord with the view that lawyers, judges or the Crown may hold.”

    There is another reason why it is important that jury trial is preserved. This is to do with participation in the criminal justice system. Many people will go through life without any direct involvement in the criminal justice system. Their information will be gleaned from the media, drama, possibly anecdotes from friends or family. Depending on their generation, it may be Rumpole of the Bailey, This Life, or Silks. It seems to me that one way for the system to maintain legitimacy is for people to have a way of genuinely being part of the decision making process. Indeed, it is hard to think of a more serious or important civil duty that virtually any member of the public may be called upon to conduct.

    What do we know about jury trial? In 2012/13, of 97,182 cases prosecuted by the Crown Prosecution Service in the Crown Court, just over 15,000 proceeded to trial. 69,971 guilty pleas were entered (72% of cases). Just to put that in context, the total number of cases dealt with by lay benches or District Judges in the Magistrates’ courts is around a million but the fact that only a small minority of criminal cases are disposed of by Crown Court jury trial in no way undermines the principle that it is an essential safeguard. Crown Court trials amount to a very considerable number of cases, including of course trials for the most serious offences.

    I don’t want to present a rose tinted picture of a criminal justice system in which juries can do no wrong. I am particularly conscious of the fact that jurors are human and fallible; as individuals they make mistakes and they make bad decisions, just as all of us do. I will say more about that a little later.

    Experience of lawyers, judges and others working in the Criminal Justice System however is overwhelmingly that juries almost always do a conscientious job and do it effectively. That is my experience too. Such views are also supported by the fact that appeals against conviction which rely on complaints about failings of jurors are rare.

    It is also supported by recent research into juries, carried out by Professor Thomas of University College London and published by the Ministry of Justice in 2010. I commend this fascinating piece of work to you. It is perhaps surprising that so little research has been done on jury decision making. This is especially the case now that Professor Thomas has shown how despite section 8 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981, which makes it a criminal offence to ‘obtain, disclose or solicit any particulars of statements made, opinions expressed, arguments advanced, or votes cast by members of a jury in the course of their deliberations’, does not in fact, as was commonly believed, prevent meaningful research being carried out.

    The research found little evidence that juries are not fair. It also looked at the effectiveness of juries and found that, once sworn, juries reached verdicts by deliberation on 89% of all charges and that juries were discharged in less than 1% of cases.

    Interestingly, the study found that offence type had an impact on the probability of a jury convicting. Those offences where the strongest direct evidence is likely to exist – such as making indecent photographs of children, or causing death by dangerous driving – had significantly higher conviction rates than offences which more obviously required the jury to be sure about the state of mind of the defendant. An example of the latter might be attempted murder, which requires proof of an intention to kill, making it in one sense more difficult to prove than murder. This suggests that juries do try cases on the evidence and the law.

    It is fair to say that the study identified certain problem areas with jury decision making and in particular highlighted jurors’ uncertainty about what they should do in the event of impropriety in the jury deliberating room. In addition, jurors’ ability to understand the judge’s legal directions increased markedly when written instructions were provided, suggesting that such a practice should be far more routine than it is now.

    Examples of juries struggling with their task to the extent that they are unable properly to discharge it are very rare. You will no doubt remember the Vicky Pryce case, earlier this year, in which the judge discharged the jury because he concluded that they had a ‘fundamental deficit in understanding’ of the trial process. But the trial judge himself, Mr Justice Sweeney, said that in thirty years he had not come across a similar situation.

    There are, too, examples of cases that have collapsed after the expenditure of much time and money – the longest and probably the most expensive being the Jubilee line fraud trial, which resulted in six defendants being acquitted when the jury was discharged after the trial had been ongoing for almost two years. The impact of the collapse of the trial was so keenly felt that my predecessor Lord Goldsmith QC referred the matter to the Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service to inquire into the circumstances. The subsequent report concluded that there were a number of reasons why the trial had collapsed, including the illness of one of the defendants and the way it was presented by the prosecution, but importantly it was the (unusual) combination of the various factors which proved fatal. It was not a failure of the jury.

    There are challenges to the integrity of jury trial, but I would like to suggest that those we face now are not so very different from those that have always been present. I have, as you will know, a particular role to play in respect of jurors, because I can, and do, bring contempt proceedings against those, including jurors, whose conduct is intended to and does undermine the administration of justice.

    All juries are directed in robust terms about the need not to conduct their own research into the case. It has always been necessary to direct jurors not to discuss the case with anyone, not to visit the scene of the crime, not to research the witness or defendant details. And now such directions extend to not researching the case on the internet. To ignore those directions, intentionally, amounts to a contempt of court. This does not mean that jurors must refrain from reading the news (online or in the traditional way), nor that they should not use the internet as they would normally. It means that they must not seek out extraneous information about the case they have sworn to try in accordance with the evidence.

    About many criminal trials, there may be all kinds of prejudicial information ‘out there’ on the internet. This could be in the form of archived news reports about the defendant’s previous court appearances, or it could be, to use the words of the old authorities in a modern context, mere chaff and banter about the case on someone’s Facebook page or Twitter feed. But the chances of a juror seeing such material are fairly slim, providing they haven’t gone looking for it.

    Let’s say one of the jury trying a defendant for a serious assault decide to take matters into their own hands by looking up archived news reports about the defendant – in defiance of the judge’s directions not to do that very thing.

    Before too long, a bit of internet searching reveals that this is not the first time the defendant has been before the courts, and that he had in fact faced trial for rape. The rest of the jury must be told, the juror says to herself. There is information about the defendant that the judge is trying to withhold from us! From this point onwards, the trial process is undermined. The jury will no longer be able to deliver a verdict based solely on the evidence adduced before them; the role of the judge has been usurped, the defendant’s right to a fair trial is prejudiced.

    The scenario I described a moment ago involving a juror searching for material about the defendant on the internet was, sadly, not fictitious. The juror’s name was Theodora Dallas and the defendant was called Barry Medlock. The trial was at Luton Crown Court in 2011.

    Dr Dallas was found by the Lord Chief Justice to be in contempt of court, and was committed to 6 months’ imprisonment. Barry Medlock had to be retried before a fresh jury, and the victim had to give evidence again. When passing sentence on Dr Dallas, the Lord Chief Justice said:

    “Jurors who perform their duties on the basis that they can pick and choose which principles governing trial by jury, and which orders made by the judge to ensure the proper process of jury trial they will obey, or who for whatever reason think that the principles do not apply to them, are in effect setting themselves up above the jury system and treating the principles that govern it with contempt…”

    The Lord Chief Justice continued,

    “The problem [.. ] is not the internet: the potential problems arise from the activities of jurors who disregard the long established principles which underpin the right of every citizen to a fair trial.”

    I endorse those remarks.

    My recent experience is that the law of contempt is both adaptable and resilient in the face of the challenges of technology. The fundamental principles underlying the need for juror restraint are timeless.

    Another danger is communication between jurors and witnesses or defendants, as was revealed in the case of Fraill and Sewart where a juror, Fraill, initiated contact with a defendant, Sewart, whom she had just acquitted. The contact was made while the jury was still deliberating the guilt of the remaining defendants in what had been a long, multi-handed organised crime trial. Details of the jury’s deliberations were revealed by Fraill in the course of a Facebook chat she initiated with Sewart. In doing so, Fraill breached the prohibition in section 8 of the 1981 Act, in addition to breaching the directions of the judge not to go on the internet to research the case. Both denied the allegations, and a trial took place before the Lord Chief Justice, who, sitting with two High Court Judges, found the case proved.

    The Law Commission has just this week published a report making recommendations to reform elements of the law governing contempt of court. They include creating a statutory offence for jurors who intentionally seek information beyond the evidence presented in court. My office has worked closely with the Law Commission on the proposals which I welcome and which will be given careful thought by the government.

    My personal view is that the proposals seem to have very considerable merit. By creating a specific criminal offence of misconduct by a juror, the proposals emphasise the importance of jurors following judges’ directions, and can give clarity to jurors about what is and is not permissible. But crucially, the proposals also provide jurors with an additional layer of protection when they are accused of such misconduct, as they would themselves be able to advance a defence to a jury of their peers.

    In other words, these proposals are themselves another endorsement for the principle of trial by jury. The Law Commission are saying – and I agree – that we can trust a jury to make a reasoned decision, even in cases where jurors are themselves on trial. You might even say that the Commission has put the principle of jury service itself on trial – and found in its favour. And as I hope my speech has demonstrated, I am both pleased but also unsurprised by that outcome. Jury trial is a bulwark of our freedoms, it works, and I hope and expect that it is here to stay.

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Prosecution Policy

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    Below is the text of the speech made by the Attorney General, Dominic Grieve, at Queen Mary University’s School of Law in London on 13th March 2013.

    Thank you Professor Ormerod and good evening Ladies and Gentlemen. I am delighted that this evening’s event is jointly organised by the Mile End Group and Queen Mary’s School of Law as this brings together key strands of my life – history, law and politics. I was a student of history before I was a lawyer and a lawyer before I was a politician.

    The Law Lord, Cyril Radcliffe, believed that

    “you cannot be a good lawyer unless you can cultivate good historical sense. I agree, history and law are natural bedfellows”.

    Knowledge of the one improves understanding of the other.

    This is of particular relevance to my subject tonight: ‘The case for the prosecution: independence and the public interest’.

    There is, I think, an important debate to be had as to the merits or otherwise of an independent prosecution service staffed with professional prosecutors. At a time of reduced and diminishing resources we have to ensure that the criminal justice system is not only fair but is also providing value for money. It is a debate which, to some extent, has already started. Should we reform the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS)? Is there a greater role for the police in dealing with court cases? As the superintending Minister for the CPS I do not seek to shy away from potentially difficult questions and answers, so I welcome this debate.

    In my strong view there is one fundamental truth that underpins a fair and just system and that is prosecutorial independence. The decision to prosecute must ultimately be one taken by the prosecutor acting independently of the investigator.That view is not based on some theoretical principle of the superior merits of lawyers but is based on the clear lessons to be learnt from history.

    In order to understand why we have an independent prosecution service it is necessary to understand the history and work which preceded its creation. And, in deference to my colleague the Secretary for State for Education, I suggest we start at the beginning and consider the history of prosecutions in England and Wales in chronological order.

    The road to a national prosecution service

    Until the last half of the Twentieth Century, in England and Wales, criminal offences were prosecuted by a curious mix of private individuals, police officers or police solicitors, county prosecutors and, oftentimes, local firms of solicitors.

    In 1845 the Criminal Law Commission reported that prosecutions were conducted ‘in a loose and unsatisfactory manner’. The Commissioners continued:

    “the duty is frequently performed unwillingly and carelessly…the direct and obvious course for remedying such defects would consist in the appointment of public prosecutors.”

    It was not the first report of the Law Commission that was slow to be taken up by legislators and I have no doubt from experience that it will not be the last!

    It was not until 1879 that tentative first steps were taken toward a more formal structure. The Prosecution of Offences Act 1879 created the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). The new Director was charged with the duty to act in cases of ‘importance and difficulty’.

    The Director had only limited resources, with no department of his own and only one assistant and three clerks to help him; although rest assured the official records reveal that at some point a ‘Departmental firearm’, was provided. This was a pistol which was not surrendered to New Scotland Yard until 1953 – worryingly with 14 rounds of ammunition unaccounted for!

    In the 1920s the then DPP, Sir Archibald Bodkin, was said to personally examine 2,000 cases a year and would often personally draft indictments.

    With 107,244 Crown Court cases in 2011 – 12 were I to suggest a return to the ways of the past I suspect the current Director might seek the return of the departmental firearm!

    Slowly the DPP became involved in more criminal prosecutions, but his impact remained limited. Prosecutions continued to be prosecuted on a local basis. The police would decide the charges and make all the decisions as to the merits of a prosecution. Many offences were prosecuted by the police officers who conducted the investigation and the arrest. Even in those cases in which counsel was briefed the police remained the ultimate arbiters as to what should or shouldn’t be proceeded with.

    In 1962 a Royal Commission looked at the conduct of prosecutions and reported that:

    In general, we think it is undesirable that police officers should appear as prosecutors except for minor cases.

    The Commission declared that the regular employment of the same police officers as advocates was to be ‘deplored’.

    The Commission’s report lead to some police forces creating prosecuting solicitors departments and in other areas County Councils assumed the task. Several police forces retained the services of local solicitors to conduct prosecutions. But the solicitor/client relationship meant that the police had the last word. If instructed to go ahead with a case, the prosecutor was obliged to do so. The legal commentator Joshua Rozenberg has aptly described the prosecution solicitor of that time as being akin to a constitutional monarch, with the power to advise and the power to warn but no power of veto.

    The system was haphazard, inefficient and often arbitrary and unfair. Clearly change was needed and in the Seventies action was finally taken. The catalyst for action was a murder and fire in Catford in South East London– the Maxwell Confait murder case.

    Three youths with various learning difficulties were accused of murdering Maxwell Confait and then setting fire to his flat. The youths had been starting fires in the local area and the police concluded they were responsible for Mr Confait’s murder. Through oppressive questioning confessions were obtained and the police closed their minds to there being any other explanation for the murder. The prosecution accepted the police evidence at face value and there was no real effort to assess the strength of the confessions or available forensic evidence. The youths were charged and convicted.

    Those convictions were subsequently overturned by the Appeal Court. It was held that the confessions had been obtained unfairly and, crucially, that the post mortem evidence revealed death had occurred at a time when the youths could not have been present. It was apparent that although the boys might have started a fire at Mr Confait’s address, by the time they arrived he was long dead.

    There had been major failings by the police in the conduct of the investigation and treatment of young, vulnerable suspects. There had also been a failure on the part of a prosecution, too willing to accept the police evidence, reluctant to test and probe its accuracy. There was considerable public disquiet and the government of the day commissioned an inquiry to establish what had gone wrong in that case. The findings of that inquiry prompted, in 1978, a far wider review of criminal procedure by a Royal Commission chaired by Sir Cyril Phillips.

    The Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure

    Ultimately, the Commission’s report was to provide the blueprint for the modern criminal justice system, the twin pillars of its construct being the Police and Criminal Evidence Act and the Prosecution of Offences Act – the creator of the Crown Prosecution Service.

    With regard the prosecution of offences, the Commission found defects which needed urgent redress – there was perceived to be unfairness, inefficiency and a lack of accountability in the process.

    Looking at the role of the police as prosecutors, the Commission found that a police officer who carries out an investigation, inevitably, and properly, forms a view as to the guilt of the suspect. They felt, however, that without any improper motive the officer may then be inclined to shut his mind to other evidence which undermines that view or overestimate the strength of the evidence gathered – witness the Maxwell Confait case. Absent effective oversight, there was also greater opportunity for police corruption.

    Without a truly independent prosecutor, able to ignore police instructions, a weak or poorly investigated case would often proceed only to fail at court. This was unfair to victims who would be given false hope…unfair to defendants whose reputations and liberty may be at stake…and unfair to the public purse.

    The Commission backed their conclusion with cold, hard figures. In 1978 they found 19% of all acquittals in the Crown Court were ordered by the judge and in 24% the judge directed the jury to acquit – 43% of cases resulting in acquittal failed because the prosecution was unable to adduce sufficient evidence to make a prima facie case.

    The unanimous conclusion of the Commission was that the police should no longer retain the responsibility for prosecutions save for the most minor crimes such as traffic and regulatory offences. To the Commission it was self evident that there had to be change.

    The CPS is born

    The Commission reported in 1981 and the then Home Secretary, Willie Whitelaw, introducing the Commission’s report to the House of Commons recognised that, whilst there may be resource implications, there was a need for change.

    In 1983 a White Paper was published entitled ‘An Independent Prosecution Service for England and Wales’. The White Paper proposed a national prosecution service accountable to the DPP. It was stated that it would be neither proper nor efficient to make the prosecutor accountable to local authorities – a national service would be more consistent with the necessary independence of the new service. The result was the Prosecution of Offences Act which created a national prosecution service, the CPS.

    The ultimate decision as to whether a case would proceed was no longer that of the police but rather the Crown Prosecutor, a professional lawyer, separate from the investigation and independent of the police, acting on behalf of the DPP.

    So independence…independence from the police anxious to see a prosecution brought for flimsy or prejudicial reasons, but was this….. is this true independence?

    Is there not still a danger of encroachment by the executive or, to paraphrase Sam Silkin, a former Attorney General, a danger that the Director is little more than the ‘mere creature of the Attorney General’?

    Independence

    Prior to 1985 the Prosecution of Offences Act 1879 charged the Attorney General not only with the superintendence of the DPP but also provided him with the power to direct the institution of proceedings in special cases. The power to direct is not mentioned in the 1985 Act. I continue to superintend the work of the DPP and the CPS and I am answerable to Parliament for their work – I do not control or direct their daily work.

    And I think it is important to emphasise here and now that inevitably there will be times when the DPP and I will not agree. That is the nature of the law and indeed human affairs. There will be healthy and sometimes robust debate and views will be canvassed and exchanged but, save in the most exceptional of circumstances, it is not for me to order the Director to do or not do something and I have not done so.

    The relationship between the Attorney General and the prosecuting departments which he superintends is recognised in a protocol. This is a formal restatement of many of the conventions which hitherto governed the relationship between my predecessors and the DPP of the day. The protocol makes clear I am accountable to Parliament for the work of the DPP and the protocol expressly requires me to safeguard the independence of prosecutors in making prosecution decisions.

    Those decisions are those of the prosecutors under the direction of the Director and the protocol states that I will not seek to give a direction in an individual case save very exceptionally where necessary to safeguard national security – of which more shortly.

    The protocol also recognises that, for certain offences Parliament has deemed that my consent to prosecution is required. With such offences, if the prosecutor believes there is sufficient evidence to proceed then I will be asked to consider the public interest in bringing proceedings. When exercising this role I act independently of government and, as I will shortly explain in more detail, it is for me and no one else to determine if a proposed prosecution is in the public interest.

    Further protection against the encroachment of the State is provided by the Code for Crown Prosecutors.

    By statute the DPP is required to issue publicly a Code for Crown Prosecutors and, in addition to defending the CPS’s independence this is one of the ways in which the national prosecution service provides greater consistency in prosecutorial decisions. A significant improvement on the pre CPS position.

    By providing guidance on the review of cases, the Code also helps ensure that decisions nationally are fair, objective and independent. The Code provides a two stage test known as the Full Code test – is there sufficient evidence to provide a realistic prospect of conviction and is a prosecution required in the public interest – which if applied properly ensures no prosecution will be brought without evidence or for petty, vindictive or improper reasons.

    A further strand, providing protection from state prosecutions brought at the behest of a malevolent and tyrannical government, ably assisted by its cruel henchman, the Attorney General, is the professional and ethical responsibilities of those employed as prosecutors.

    The DPP has issued a ‘Statement of Ethical Principles for the Public Prosecutor’ which sets out the principles which should underpin and guide the work of the prosecutor. Prosecutors are required to act at all times in accordance with the highest ethical standards and, crucially, in the best interests of justice – not the interests of the police or the government of the day, not even in the interest of victims – but in the best interests of justice.

    The statement enjoins the prosecutor to observe the code of conduct of their professional body and to strive to be consistent, independent, fair and impartial. Prosecutors are required to report any improper attempt to influence their decision-making. It is statement which is an important protection against an overweening State, the police or a powerful individual or pressure group which seeks to control a prosecution for their own ends.

    And another cornerstone of the wall protecting prosecutorial independence is the curious nature of my own Office. Although the principal legal adviser to the Government, I perform daily a number of other functions which require me to act not as a Government Minister but as Guardian of the Public Interest – as we have seen from the Protocol with the prosecuting departments, my role in prosecutions falls within this category.

    In this role I act alone, free of government policy or direction.

    This is a valuable protection from an oppressive State. I cannot be ordered either to commence or end a prosecution and, as we have seen, the DPP is not answerable to any politician aside from me.

    He and I consider prosecutions as lawyers and it is firmly established that I am required to act in the public interest.

    The public interest

    So what is the public interest – this shape without form, this shade without colour?

    Lord Radcliffe stated:

    The public interest may often require, I think, that ideal remedies should not be pursued…….it does not always suit the public interest that certain things should be put right by the courts, even if they ought to be adjusted in the ordinary decencies of private life.

    This is an elegant exposition of the principle that not every crime will result in a prosecution – a principle acknowledged and approved by the Code for Crown Prosecutors.

    The Code provides examples of public interest factors to be considered when deciding to bring a prosecution – how serious is the offence, what is a suspect’s culpability, what was the harm caused, was the suspect a youth at the time of the offence, is a prosecution a proportionate response, and are there sources of information which require protection? A prosecutor considering these factors may conclude that the circumstances of a case are such that the public interest does not require a prosecution to be instituted.

    These are some of the factors which guide a prosecutor when applying the Full Code test and considering the public interest – but what of me? What is my approach to such cases?

    To a large extent, remarkably similar to the Crown Prosecutor, when I consider consent cases I too will have regard to the factors in the Code. When performing this role I act in a quasi-judicial capacity and I do not act as Minister, I do not consider government policy or allow my own political views to intrude.

    But I do not act in isolation, in some cases I am required to look, as it were, at the bigger picture – this is particularly true in cases involving National Security….cases which you will re-call, under the terms of the protocol I am still able to make directions.

    These cases may come to me either to consider the issue of consent or because my involvement is required owing to the peculiar sensitivities of the case. If I am considering if an offence of this nature should be prosecuted then it is common sense for me to identify all the relevant facts.

    As one of my predecessors, Sir Hartley Shawcross, informed the House in 1951, an Attorney General, in order to inform himself of relevant considerations may consult with any colleagues in the government and indeed, as Lord Simon once said, he would in some cases be a fool if he did not. But it is important to remember such a consultation – since 1951 termed a Shawcross exercise – is for the provision of information and does not consist of telling an Attorney what to do – that decision is mine and mine alone and cannot be shared or passed to government colleagues.

    Thus if I should provide a direction in a case of national security, although conversant with the facts and fully informed, no decision I make would be as the result of pressure or directions from within or indeed without government.

    This is a vital protection for the independence of the prosecution process.

    Room for improvement

    As I said at the outset, there is a debate to be had as to the future – I do not pretend to see finery where there are only rags, there is scope for improvement.

    So what of that future? How do we carry forward improvements and make justice more efficient whilst preserving those principles which are fundamental to the fairness of that system?

    Occasionally there is talk of a privatised CPS. I do not see this as being realistic or practicable. How would success be measured? How would performance be assessed? Will a prosecutor or his managers truly be independent, acting in the public interest if wary of profit margins and shareholders? And remember – he who pays the piper calls the tune.

    The prosecutorial function is quasi judicial and we must not lose sight of that truth.

    Nor do I think there should be a wholesale return of prosecutions to the police.

    Please don’t misunderstand me, I think there are certain non-contested, regulatory and traffic offences which can be and may well be best handled by the police. These volume offences require little review and CPS involvement adds little value. This was the position recognised by the Phillips Commission and Parliament which allowed for so called specified offences to be retained by the police. Indeed, last year with the agreement of the Home Secretary, I extended the number of low level specified offences which can be handled by the police.

    In doing so the valuable resource which is the prosecutor, is left freer to concentrate on the review and prosecution of serious crime.

    I also believe that there is a greater role for the police to play in terms of charging. When the CPS was established, in line with the recommendation of the Phillips Commission, the police retained the decision as to who should be charged. Over the last decade that position shifted, with the CPS taking a greater role in the decision as to charge. That was, perhaps, a shift too far.

    Too many low level offences were being considered by prosecutors and, inevitably a degree of delay, was introduced. This was inefficient and overburdened the CPS. I believe that the prosecutor is best placed to add value to the charging process when advising police in relation to large scale and serious offences, principally those offences which can only be tried in the Crown Court. There is a balance to be struck and we must ensure that we find the best process for ensuring greater efficiency.

    But ultimately it must be recognised that if we are to avoid a return to the very real unfairness of the prosecution system prior to the creation of the CPS, we must maintain a system of prosecutorial independence. That is not to say there is not more than the police can do.

    I am working closely with the Home Secretary and Justice Secretary to determine where we can turn work to the police without detracting from the vital role the CPS plays or lessening the robust fairness of the system we currently have. I do not see the police prosecuting contested cases but I can see more of the routine, non contested work, thereby freeing the CPS to deal with more difficult cases. But we must avoid parallel systems of prosecutions. To do otherwise would not only be inefficient and chaotic but would run counter to the tide of history and constitutional principle.

    Should the CPS be privatised as some have advocated? Personally I am not persuaded that a devolved system of independent but local prosecutions would deliver the efficiency, consistency and fairness which we require. To break the CPS into local prosecution departments would be to remove the economies of scale which we now see within the CPS. Consistency would also slip away as, inevitably, a varied range of policies, guidance and processes evolve across the country. This would be inefficient and unfair. I agree that the CPS should reflect local concerns and there must be greater engagement with, for example, Police and Crime Commissioners, but the national model is best placed to ensure independence and efficiency.

    The Lord Chancellor, Home Secretary and I recognise, however, that there is a need for reform and we are each working toward achieving greater efficiency within the CJS. The CPS is at the forefront of that process. Only last week we saw the DPP take the lead in introducing new, national improvements to the way that we investigate and prosecute child sexual offences. From its position of independence and knowledge the CPS is a body well placed to provide national consistency, oversight and leadership within the Criminal Justice System (CJS)..

    But the CPS is not the only part of the criminal justice system which needs to improve. The police too have a vital role to play in improving prosecution performance. I think that the relationship between the CPS and police is sufficiently embedded now to allow a frank discussion of the need for mutual improvement.

    There is little point in spending thousands of pounds on an investigation with a wealth of forensic and technical work only for a case to fail because the correct evidence has not been provided to the prosecutor. I fully endorse the Home Secretary’s drive to reduce unnecessary and wasteful police paperwork: we cannot justify the waste of a valuable resource. But in so doing we have to take care to ensure that we maintain a system that works. The Crown brings the case and the Crown must prove the case and to do that sufficient evidence is required. It must be in the right form and there has to be effective disclosure.

    The CPS, courts and police have been very successful in creating and promoting the Early Guilty Plea scheme. We need to be better at identifying those cases that will ultimately lead to a guilty plea. But we all know this is not an exact science! Just because there has been an arrest does not mean we can assume conviction will automatically follow – to make that assumption is to return to the position revealed in the Confait case and deplored by the Phillips Commission.

    Not all paperwork is unnecessary or bureaucratic. We need to identify and concentrate on what is needed.

    There is a need also to ensure greater integration and compatibility between the computer systems of the courts, police and CPS. The CPS is taking the lead on this as it implements the use of digital files within the CJS. Great progress has been made but more is required.

    Conclusion

    The CPS plays a vital role and, despite the occasional high profile failure or error, we should not lose sight of the fact that the vast majority of cases are prosecuted professionally and successfully in accordance with the principles of fairness, independence, fairness and impartiality. As the most visible player in the trial process the CPS is too often an easy target for uninformed criticism, a scapegoat for wider failings within the CJS. The reality suggests such criticism is very often misplaced.

    In 2011 – 12 there were 891,716 prosecutions in the Magistrates’ Court with a conviction rate of 86.5%; and in the same period, in the Crown Court, there were 107,244 prosecutions with an 80.8% conviction rate. These are impressive figures which show an independent prosecution service which daily delivers justice.

    When I began, I suggested history and law march together and that by looking at the past we can better understand the present and best determine the future. It is sometimes a salutary experience to pause and reflect, as we have this evening, on why things are.

    Do we still need an independent prosecution service? I say yes. It is a matter of both constitutional propriety and common sense.

  • Dominic Grieve – 2013 Speech on Trial by Google

    dominicgrieve

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Attorney General, Dominic Grieve, at the University of Kent on the 6th February 2013.

    As Attorney General I have various roles. I was once described as the “man with two hats”. I have to say, I saw that description and thought – if only it was only two!

    Most, if not all, the hats I wear are non-political; that is to say, I act independently of the Government, and certainly do not act in a political manner: legal advice is legal advice, and must not be calibrated to political considerations.

    Various aspects of the role of Attorney embody the rather broad notion of being “the guardian of the public interest”. This includes having the ability to refer certain criminal cases to the Court of Appeal on the basis that the sentence imposed was “unduly lenient”, being required to consent to certain criminal prosecutions – for example, terrorist offences which impact on the affairs of another jurisdiction, or prosecutions under the Official Secrets Act.

    Being guardian of the public interest also encompasses enforcing the law of contempt. Contempt is, broadly speaking, a jurisdiction to protect the integrity of the judicial system and the courts. Just as the judicial system has many facets, so does the law of contempt.

    And, as we shall see, the nature of contemporary contempt is changing, but the purpose of the law remains the same: in this context, it is to protect the right to a fair trial.

    Allow me to illustrate the point with the assistance of another jurisdiction.

    Late last month, The Economist ran a story about two senior federal prosecutors in Louisiana who resigned in disgrace when it was revealed that they were the source of vitriolic, anonymous blog posts directed at particular Federal judges.

    Their resignation was followed by resignation of their boss, the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana, a well respected man with a reputation for campaigning against political corruption and white collar crime.

    The Economist said this:

    “The episode is a cautionary tale about the perils of the internet.”

    Although many people think the anonymity that veils their online rants is absolute, plenty of jurisprudence argues otherwise…

    The piece continued,

    “Naturally, a host of federal targets – including some who have already pleaded guilty or been convicted – are now crying foul, saying the commenting amounted to a campaign to sway public opinion and poison the jury pool…”

    It is an interesting, disappointing story; one which I hope is never replayed by prosecutors in this jurisdiction.

    But it illustrates vividly an important point: what we do on the internet does matter, and it is not only our jurisdiction which is concerned about the impact of the internet and social media on the right to a fair trial.

    Just as defendants in the state of Louisiana are concerned that the jurors who convicted them may have been swayed by improper influence, we too must be careful to ensure that our juries are not improperly influenced, whether through published material they inadvertently encounter, or through conducting their own research – which I have termed “trial by Google” for tonight’s purposes, for such research is usually internet-based.

    The way our legal system mitigates those risks is through the law of contempt.

    To think about this in more depth, I propose to cover:

    Forms of contempt; in particular how the law of contempt protects the integrity of trial by jury

    Contempt is a broad jurisdiction:

    It is the means by which certain court orders are enforced.

    It is the means by which judges regulate proceedings before them.

    Contempt encompasses a summary jurisdiction, unique in our legal system, allowing judges to deal with certain matters as contempt in the face of the court.

    It is more than a mere summary jurisdiction; as well as regulating what happens during proceedings in court, it covers what can be said about proceedings from outside court.

    Some contempts are so serious that rather than dealing with it there and then, the judge refers it to me to consider bringing proceedings in the Divisional Court, part of the High Court.

    The law of contempt regulates the behaviour of those involved in proceedings, including but by no means limited to, the jury.

    As we shall see, the law relating to publication contempt and that relating to the conduct of jurors go hand in hand.

    The Contempt of Court Act 1981 placed on a statutory basis what is known as the “strict liability rule”. That rule provides that a publication – and it must be a publication for the strict liability rule to apply – may be in contempt of court, regardless of intent to do so, for conduct which tends to interfere with the course of justice.

    The strict liability rule is limited by section 2(2) of the Act to apply only to,

    “a publication which creates a substantial risk that the course of justice in the proceedings will be seriously impeded or prejudiced…”

    There is a defence to breaches of the strict liability rule in the following terms,

    “a person is not guilty of contempt of court under the strict liability rule in respect of a fair and accurate report of legal proceedings held in public, published contemporaneously and in good faith”.

    And finally, the rule only applies when proceedings are “active”; a concept about which, as I am sure you can imagine, much legal ink has been spilled over the past 30 years.

    The 1981 Act was enacted following growing uncertainty about the scope of the former common law regime for strict liability contempt, which culminated in considerable criticism from the European Court of Human Rights in 1979 case Sunday Times v UK.

    The Strasbourg Court held that an injunction obtained by the then Attorney against the Sunday Times to prohibit publication of an article breached its Article 10 rights.

    Article 10, of course, guarantees the right to freedom of speech. It is a broad guarantee, and an extremely important one.

    Freedom of speech, and its legal cousin, the open justice principle, feature in the legal system of any jurisdiction which respects the rule of law. Freedom of speech and the rule of law go hand in hand: both are certainly part of our proud common law heritage.

    Freedom of speech encompasses not only the right of the media to speak, as it were, but also their right to gather material in order to exercise the right to free speech. It extends to the right of the public to be informed, by the media.

    But it is not an unfettered right. Article 10(2) of the Convention provides that the right,

    “may be subject to such formalities, conditions, restrictions or penalties as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society, in the interests of national security, territorial integrity or public safety…”

    The list goes on, and concludes with,

    “…maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary.”

    And the judiciary, of course, includes the jury in a Crown Court trial. Article 6 of the Convention guarantees the right to a fair trial; again, a matter of heritage for our jurisdiction in any event.

    So Parliament, seeking to balance these competing requirements, enacted the Contempt of Court Act 1981.

    Far from being a restrictive enactment, the 1981 Act was intended to shift the balance of the law in favour of freedom of speech. It sought to clarify what could and could not be published about legal proceedings.

    By clarifying the law, restrictions on publication were defined – and thereby limited – by the Act.

    For example, section 4(2) of the Act allows a court to make an order postponing publication of certain reports of the proceedings until some future date or event. This is how the provision was described by Lord Denning in a leading case some time ago,

    [The Contempt of Court Act]

    “is not a measure for restricting the freedom of the press. It is a measure for liberating it. It is intended to remove the uncertainties which previously troubled editors. It is intended that the court should be able to make an order telling the editors whether the publication would be a contempt or not.”

    The paradigm example of this would be where there has been pre-trial legal argument, say to have the case thrown out as an abuse of process. Such argument would take place, of course, in the absence of the jury. It would be highly prejudicial, not to mention nonsensical, for a jury to be sent out of court during that argument, only to read about what happened in report of the proceedings the paper the following morning!

    Or there may be several linked trials relating to the same crime: again, it would be highly prejudicial for the jury in one case to read of the evidence adduced in another. Of course, the same evidence may be common to both cases, but the manner in which it is adduced, the full context which will accompany it and the corresponding directions of the judge are vital components of the adversarial trial process.

    Take away that context, and the evidence may assume an entirely different meaning. It was once said that if you take text out of context, all you are left with is a con, and I think there is some truth to that.

    Underlying the strict liability rule is the recognition that the jury are entitled to – and will – read the papers, watch the news, and listen to the radio, and in doing so, encounter information about their cases, unless the judge directs otherwise. Parliament did not intend that jurors, or witnesses in the case, or even the judge, should be subjected to an automatic media blackout! If that was not the case, we would have a system of wholly secret justice.

    Indeed, courts have a healthy realism about the integrity of jurors, their ability to focus on the evidence and to follow judicial directions. In 2006, the Court of Appeal said,

    “There is a feature of our trial system which is sometimes overlooked or taken for granted… juries up and down the country have a passionate and profound belief in, and a commitment to, the right of a defendant to be given a fair trial. They know that it is integral to their responsibility. It is, when all is said and done, their birthright…”

    We cannot too strongly emphasise that the jury will follow [the judge”s directions], not only because they will loyally abide by the directions of law which they will be given by the judge, but also because the directions themselves will appeal directly to their own instinctive and fundamental belief in the need for the trial process to be fair.

    However, it must be true that by framing so carefully what may or may not be said about legal proceedings in the 1981 Act, Parliament recognised that much harm could be done by juries encountering information that falls outside that framework.

    Put simply, we are not to have trial by newspaper.

    All this poses a question, a rather significant question: How does a legal regime framed when the internet was but a gleam in the eye of Tim Berners-Lee cope when faced with the flow of information that now forms the fabric of our culture?

    More specifically, what does the internet mean for our system of trial by jury? Is the trial process equipped, or even able, to regulate the information that jurors receive? How can we be sure that jurors decide their cases on the basis of the evidence they hear – and not what they looked up on their smart phones on the bus on the way to court?

    To answer these questions, I will first consider two contempt cases I brought under the strict liability rule, before moving to address juror misconduct under contempt of court at the common law.

    One of the first contempt cases I brought since coming to Office was that relating to the trial of a Ryan Ward . It was, the Divisional Court noted, the first time an internet-based contempt had been referred to them.

    Mr Ward faced trial for murder in Sheffield Crown Court. The case had received a considerable degree of local publicity. It was the prosecution case that the defendant had murdered the victim following a gallant attempt he made to intervene in an attack by the defendant against a woman. The nature of Mr Ward’s defence, self defence and the absence of murderous intent, meant that the need for the media to abide by their obligations under the strict liability rule was as important as ever.

    The jury was addressed by the trial judge in the following terms,

    “Also, I would imagine by the nature of this case, and you’ll see there’s obviously press interest in it, there will be some reporting of this case. Again that’s a matter the press are free to report upon but you go on only the evidence you hear in this room, not the view other people may or may not have about it.”

    He added another warning:

    “Please don’t try and get information from outside this room about this case. Don’t, for example, consult the Internet, if there is anything out there on it. I’m not saying for one moment there is but don’t go there, don’t try and get it from anywhere else…”

    During the early evening of the first day of the trial, the Daily Mail published an article under the headline, “Drink-fuelled attack: Ryan Ward was seen boasting about the incident on CCTV, alongside a photograph of the defendant holding a pistol with his finger on the trigger. The photograph remained accessible on the Daily Mail website for just under five hours; it was removed following a request from the police.

    In the early hours of the following morning, The Sun published the same photograph on its website and in its print edition. The photograph in the print edition was cropped to conceal the gun; the online version was partially cropped, but that the defendant was holding a gun remained clear from the photograph. The photograph was taken down that evening, again following a request from the police.

    When the matter was brought to the trial judge’s attention, he carefully asked whether any of the jury had seen the articles or the photographs.They had not. The case continued and Mr Ward was convicted of murder.

    I brought proceedings for contempt. In this case, each defendant publisher conceded that publication of the photograph was wrong, and attributed the mistake to innocent error. But each – unsuccessfully – argued that the photograph did not create a substantial risk of serious prejudice.

    The Divisional Court found the case to be proved; there was a substantial risk that a juror trying the case would see the photograph and be prejudiced by it. Each paper was fined £15,000 with £28,000 costs.

    Far from highlighting any inability of the law to deal with internet contempt matters the Ward case clarifies, helpfully in my view, how the strict liability rule applies to internet publications, and what the consequential expectations on publishers are.

    And although the two publications involved may not have welcomed the ruling, I think the clarity brought by the judgment has been welcomed by the media.

    Such clarity was, after all, was one of the reasons which lay behind the enactment of the 1981 Act.

    Shortly after bringing that case, I brought proceedings against the publishers of The Sun and The Mirror for their vilification of a man named Chris Jefferies during the investigation into the tragic death of Joanna Yeates in late 2010. It was clear from the outset of the press coverage during the investigation that the media “had their man”. Chris Jefferies was later to say that he became a household name, “for all the wrong reasons”.

    There was nothing particularly new with this type of coverage; the media “feeding frenzy” is by no means a modern phenomenon. What was striking about the case was the rigour with which Mr Jefferies was pursued by the media during the period when the strict liability rule in the 1981 Act was supposed to be engaged.

    The coverage sought to portray Mr Jefferies as plainly responsible for the death of the victim, associated him with allegations of child abuse, and referred to him as an “oddball”.

    A melodramatic side piece titled, “1974 strangler never caught”, declared ominously “Last night police refused to rule out a link between the two killings” (which is hardly surprising: find me a single officer who will categorically rule out a connection between two similar unsolved crimes in the same area!). Another headline read, “The Nutty Professor” above a banner stating, “Bizarre past of Joanna Yeates murder suspect”.

    The contempt was proved. What was interesting about the decision of the Divisional Court was that, not only did it consider the residual impact of the extreme publicity on any eventual juror, it also considered that the extent of the vilification may have deterred witnesses on behalf of Mr Jefferies, had he been charged, from coming forward, for fear of being associated with such an obviously guilty man.

    Of course, not only was Mr Jefferies never charged, another man altogether was later convicted of the murder and sentenced to life imprisonment with a minimum term of 20 years.

    So it is clear that the law of contempt does not permit trial by newspaper, whether that is in the print or online editions.

    But neither does the law of contempt permit trial by Google.

    (Of course, I say Google, I mean any internet search platform, Bing, Yahoo, Wikipedia, Twitter, Facebook, blogs, the list goes on…)

    And this brings me onto common law contempt.

    Common law contempt is intentional contempt. It is conduct which tends to undermine the administration of justice, done with the intention of undermining the administration of justice.

    All juries are directed in robust terms about the need not to conduct their own research into the case. These robust instructions reflect the gravity of a juror’s task. Indeed, it is hard to think of a more serious or important civil duty that virtually any member of the public may be called upon to conduct.

    It has always been necessary to direct jurors not to discuss the case with anyone, not to visit the scene of the crime, not to research the witnesses or defendant details. And now such directions extend to not researching the case on the internet.

    To ignore those directions, intentionally, amounts to a contempt of court.

    Intention, of course, is different to motive. While you may not desire, for example, to derail a trial, the law considers that by embarking on a course of conduct that is virtually certain to derail a trial, you have intended to bring about that result.

    Before getting into the detail, a word about the internet and the law: am I trying to reconcile the irreconcilable?

    It is often said that the system of trial by jury was the bulwark of our democracy, a bastion of freedom.

    While few would dispute describing trial by jury in such terms, I wonder if for many it would seem more natural to describe the internet in that way: for many, the internet is now the champion of freedom. The connectivity it provides has gone some considerable way towards uniting the world as a global village. The role of social media in the Arab Spring uprisings is well documented.

    The internet is surely, the argument goes, an unstoppable force for good?

    Taking the argument a little bit further, in contrast to the liberation provided by the internet, we have the law; a rigid framework that is dour, unresponsive, and above all, lacks understanding of the changing role of technology in society.

    I do not accept the premise of either assertion.

    Certainly the internet has been and is a champion of freedom, and has played an important part in opening up some societies, and helping to achieve social change.

    And certainly there have been times when the law has been unable to adapt to modern society, and those responsible for making the law have been unable to see the need for the law so to adapt.

    But I want to argue this evening that the law of contempt is both adaptable and resilient in the face of the challenges of technology.

    The strict liability rule very deliberately only applies to information which presents a substantial risk of serious prejudice or impedance.

    About many criminal trials, there may be all kinds of prejudicial information “out there” on the internet. This could be in the form of archived news reports about the defendant’s previous court appearances, or it could be, to use the words of the old authorities in a modern context, mere chaff and banter about the case on someone’s Facebook page or Twitter feed.

    The strict liability rule can be fairly relaxed about such material – it is unlikely to present a substantial risk of serious prejudice because it is a needle buried away in the haystack of the internet. (I say the strict liability rule can be fairly relaxed – it can be, but is not always!)

    Indeed, most publishers are very careful not to link reports of live cases to archived news reports about the same defendant.

    So the chances of a juror seeing such material are fairly slim, providing they haven’t gone looking for it. So, to use the words of Article 10(2) of the Convention, in view of those risks, attempting to purge the internet of all such material would not be “necessary in a democratic society”.

    Trial by Google, however, is different.

    The reason is this: I mentioned a moment ago that the internet is a haystack of material, scattered with the odd prejudicial needle, as it were. Trial by Google allows a juror to locate the haystack, find the needle, pull it out and ascribe significance to it that it simply would never have had otherwise.

    It takes a minor risk and turns it into a major risk.

    In doing so, trial by Google offends some foundational principles of our legal system.

    The first principle is that a conviction, or for that matter an acquittal, should be based on evidence adduced in court, in accordance with established rules of evidence, subject to the supervision of the judge.

    Let’s say a defendant being tried for grievous bodily harm had previously been tried – and acquitted – of rape. Let’s say the case against the defendant for GBH does not feature details of the rape allegations. And with good reason too: the strict rules of evidence relating to bad character do not allow that kind of highly prejudicial material to be adduced in the circumstances of this case. Even if the rape acquittal was admissible, the judge would have explained the relevance of the bad character evidence in careful terms. The jury trying the defendant are to base their verdict on the evidence adduced before them; the previous acquittal was excluded for good reason. Let’s say the judge has admitted some so-called bad character evidence, but that he was very careful in the way he crafted the directions to the jury about how it is relevant.

    Now, let’s say one of the jury decide to take matters into their own hands by looking up archived news reports about the defendant – in defiance of the judge’s directions not to do that very thing.

    Before too long, a bit of internet searching reveals that this is not the first time the defendant had been before the courts, and that he had in fact faced trial for rape. The rest of the jury must be told, the juror says to herself! There is information about the defendant that the judge is trying to withhold from us!

    From this point onwards, the trial process is undermined.

    The jury will no longer be able to deliver a verdict based solely on the evidence adduced before them; the role of the judge has been usurped, the defendant’s right to a fair trial is prejudiced. The press, who had been scrupulous in their reporting of the GBH matter, avoiding all mention of the defendant’s previous convictions, might as well have not bothered. The defendant may not have been tried by newspaper, but he was certainly tried by Google!

    Of course, it is often hard to tell if the above research has been carried out, which leads us to the next fundamental objection to trial by Google:

    Trial by Google offends the principle of open justice.

    It should be clear to the defendant, the public, the victim and the prosecution what the evidence in the case is. If a jury is exposed to prejudicial material which, for whatever reason, is not before the court, the basis on which the defendant is convicted or acquitted will never be known.

    The principle of open justice is met by our system of trial by jury through proceedings being in open court, through the adversarial scrutiny of the evidence, and through the judge’s directions to the jury before they retire to consider their verdict. All this is undermined by trial by Google.

    A further facet of the principle of open justice is that evidence can be challenged, probed and questioned. Open justice is scrutinised justice. By definition, that is not so with trial by Google; not only is the basis of the jury’s finding unclear, but the parties will have been denied any opportunity to challenge the evidence which the jury itself gathered.

    This returns us to our original question: is the law of contempt fit for purpose?

    After all, we live in an information age. Searching for information about something we are unsure of is second nature for many; how can the law expect jurors to do something different? Surely only Mr Justice Canute would seek to stem the flow of the tide of information in this way?

    Well the law can, and does, expect jurors to show restraint. The principles which underlie this expectation are nothing new.

    All that is new is that there is an additional area in which jurors are required to show restraint.

    The fundamental principles underlying the need for juror restraint are timeless.

    The scenario I described a moment ago involving a juror searching for material about the defendant on the internet was, sadly, not fictitious. The juror’s name was Theodora Dallas and the defendant was called Barry Medlock. The trial was at Luton Crown Court in 2011.

    For conducting her searches which revealed the previous acquittal of the defendant for rape, Dr Dallas was found by the Lord Chief Justice to be in contempt of court, and was committed to 6 months” imprisonment. Barry Medlock had to be retried before a fresh jury, and the victim had to give evidence again.

    When passing sentence on Dr Dallas, the Lord Chief Justice said;

    Jurors who perform their duties on the basis that they can pick and choose which principles governing trial by jury, and which orders made by the judge to ensure the proper process of jury trial they will obey, or who for whatever reason think that the principles do not apply to them, are in effect setting themselves up above the jury system and treating the principles that govern it with contempt…

    The Lord Chief Justice went on to underline that the court’s robust approach was not borne out of lack of understanding of the significance and role of the internet.

    Judges, no less than anyone else, are well aware of and use modern technology in the course of their work. The internet is a modern means of communication. Modern technology and means of communication are advancing at an ever increasing speed. We are aware that reference to the internet is inculcated as a matter of habit into many members of the community, and no doubt that habit will grow. We must however be entirely unequivocal.

    Pausing there for a moment, I think I should highlight that it was our current Lord Chief Justice who, in December 2010, first permitted the use of live, text-based communication from the court room, initially on an interim basis, and later on a settled basis.

    The allegation that the judiciary do not understand the internet is simply without merit.

    Returning to the Dallas case, the Lord Chief Justice continued,

    The problem therefore is not the internet: the potential problems arise from the activities of jurors who disregard the long established principles which underpin the right of every citizen to a fair trial.

    I endorse those remarks.

    Indeed, the internet has made the commission of many criminal offences much easier. It would be absurd to suggest that such conduct should no longer be criminalised on account of the ease with which such offences can now be committed.

    Given the focus of my remarks has been on the need to prevent jurors from accessing prejudicial material, advertently or inadvertently, I have not spent time examining the potential for jurors to use the internet to communicate with defendants, or indeed witnesses, using the internet.

    That is not so much trial by Google, but rather trial by Facebook Friend Request. That the law is apt to deal with such irregularities was demonstrated in the case of Frail and Sewart where a juror, Frail, initiated contact with a defendant, Sewart, whom she had just acquitted. The contact was made while the jury was still deliberating the guilt of the remaining defendants in what had been a long, multi-handed organised crime trial.

    Details of the jury’s deliberations were revealed by Frail in the course of a Facebook chat she initiated with Sewart. In doing so, Fraill breached the prohibition against that very thing contained in section 8 of the 1981 Act, in addition to breaching the directions of the judge not to go on the internet to research the case.

    Both denied the allegations, and a trial took place before the Lord Chief Justice, who, sitting with two High Court Judges, found the case proved.

    Sewart was sentenced to two months’ imprisonment, suspended for two years, on account of her young child and the fact that she had already spent 14 months on remand prior to her acquittal. Frail received a term of 8 months’ immediate custody.

    I mention the case as I conclude because it further demonstrates the flexibility of the existing legal framework law to this very modern form of offending. Save for a brief discussion at the contempt trial about the true meaning of LOL – opinions vary – there could have been no allegations that there was any lack of appreciation in the court room of the impact of modern technology on the trial process, nor what to do about it.

    Avid followers of my contempt caseload will know that I have mentioned only a few of the recent cases I have brought.

    I have also not mentioned the Law Commission’s excellent consultation on this very topic, which is due to close on 28 February. It raises important questions about, for example, whether some of the conduct I have outlined this evening should continue to amount to a contempt of court, or whether it should be classified as a criminal offence. I am sure the Commission would be delighted if you were to respond. I am proud to say that my Office has worked closely with the Law Commission during the consultation process, and I look forward to reading the final report next year.

    But in what I have said, I hope that I have demonstrated that the legal framework for the jury trial in this jurisdiction starts from the premise that the jury are to be trusted, and establishes a framework in which their vital function is to flourish, and be preserved.

    We have never allowed trial by newspaper; and neither do we allow trial by Google.

    The Economist article I outlined earlier concluded with the exhortation to the new United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Louisiana to, and I quote, “stay out of the chat rooms”.

    I can only conclude by imploring jurors in this jurisdiction to do likewise.

  • Justine Greening – 2015 Speech on International Aid

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development, at Chatham House in London on 15 October 2015.

    Introduction: A changing world

    It’s great to be here at such a crucial time.

    The UK’s international development policy is not only the right thing to do but also the smart thing to do for Britain’s national interest.

    And I know some Secretaries of State for International Development would stand here and give you a speech on the importance of international development, predicated on why eradicating grinding poverty is the right thing to do.

    Some Secretaries of State for International Development would stand here and argue why the very same international development is the smart thing to do, and in Britain’s national interest – as if it were a totally different approach.

    I want to argue today that our approach can be – and is – both right and smart at the same time.

    I believe it’s a false choice to say we should either do the right thing OR the smart thing – because a strong, sensible international development approach will achieve both. That in responding to the needs of the poorest, we address our own too. That what benefits them, also benefits us.

    Which is why 3 years ago I began a fundamental shift in our approach to aid – a change which is proving its worth right now.

    As we approached the end of the Millennium Development Goals, it was clear we needed a changed approach.

    We faced a growing youth population, countries in conflict who weren’t delivering on any of the goals on health and education, and an increasing number of humanitarian crises. It was clear there were huge emerging challenges that DFID needed to up its game on.

    So when I made one of my very first speeches as International Development Secretary back in early 2013 I set out some key priorities. They were:

    • responding to crises and building resilience to disasters, while strengthening governance, peace and security – based on the knowledge that instability ends up on our own doorsteps, as the current refugee and migration crisis shows us only too vividly
    • boosting our work on economic development, because it is jobs and growth that enable countries to lift themselves out of poverty and aid dependency, while at the same time growing the markets and trading partners for Britain of the future
    • putting women and girls at the heart of everything we do, because no country can successfully develop if half its population is left behind and
    • a laser-like focus on better results and achieving much greater value for taxpayers’ hard-earned money.

    Running through all of these was an understanding that if we were to deal with the challenges we faced, we needed to deal with their root causes, and not just their symptoms.

    Then, as now, we faced a complex and dangerous world.

    In a changing world, we changed.

    Today, we are seeing how our investment in international development is playing a major role in the UK’s ability to respond to the issues of the moment – whether they are the migration and refugee crisis or the rise of extremist terrorism.

    I am going to talk to you about how this fundamental shift has not only benefitted the poorest and most in need across the world, but has benefitted Britain too.

    Building stability

    Tackling poverty and instability overseas means tackling the root causes of global problems that affect us here such as disease, migration, terrorism and climate change.

    Whether we like it or not, if we don’t help sort out other countries’ problems today they become our problem too – threatening our national security. That’s why when it comes to the Syria crisis – now 4 years old – we took the decision to be there from day one.

    So far we have given more than £1.1 billion, making us the largest single country donor to date, bar the US. This has paid for the basics: food, water, shelter, medical supplies.

    But I have also set up the No Lost Generation initiative to ensure Syrian children continued to get an education. And DFID is pioneering brand new ways to promote livelihoods in the Syria region with the World Bank. All things that have enabled the vast majority of displaced Syrians to stay in the region.

    To date, only around 4% of the total 12 million Syrians who have been displaced have sought asylum here in Europe. If that support wasn’t there many more would be attempting the perilous journey across the Mediterranean and turning up on our doorsteps.

    We were ahead of the curve in seeing the ramifications of not supporting those impacted by the conflict – and now we are staying the course, supporting those caught up in this crisis and the countries that are providing sanctuary to them.

    It’s the right thing to do for Syrians caught up in a senseless, brutal war. But let’s not beat around the bush – it’s also the smart thing to do for British people.

    Although at the beginning of the last Parliament we committed to invest 30% of our total spend in fragile states and conflict countries, we’ve gone beyond that and currently invest around 40%.

    And of course the reality is that percentage needs to continue growing to reflect the challenges we face.

    But stability is not only about war and conflict – it’s about working ‘upstream’ on a country’s underlying resilience too. It’s about the strength of their institutions – whether that’s the justice system or broader.

    It’s about driving out corruption.

    Corruption is bad for development, bad for the poorest, and bad for business. It corrodes the fabric of society and public institutions.

    So we have significantly stepped up our work to reduce the impact of corruption.

    We’re supporting justice systems, strengthening police forces.

    Investing in resilience

    Stability is also about ensuring countries are resilient when disaster strikes.

    So we are investing significantly to improve the quality and speed of humanitarian responses in countries that we know are most at risk – and crucially ensuring they are better prepared.

    For every £1 spent on disaster preparedness we save up to £7 on disaster clear-up. That’s why in Nepal we are ensuring schools are built to withstand earthquakes. In Africa we have helped countries pool together to get insurance against the impact of extreme weather.

    In West Africa we have tackled the Ebola epidemic. When a deadly epidemic threatened an entire continent, we sent brave British men and women from the military, our NHS and my own DFID staff to the frontline to fight the disease at source.

    In doing so we saved countless lives in Africa – and kept ourselves safe here too.

    And last month the Prime Minster announced a 50% increase in our global climate finance commitments, helping poor countries both mitigate climate change and adapt to it.

    We are able to do this because we’ve prioritised leading in emergencies, which has seen us create world-leading systems and expertise that are swift and flexible.

    Our humanitarian and resilience work is built on a proud British tradition of helping people in the world in their hour of need. But it is also firmly in Britain’s interest.

    Improving education and health

    And of course, stability is also about health and education – because healthy, educated people help build strong economies.

    That’s why we championed these areas in the last Parliament. For example, on malaria, the Chancellor made a commitment to up our game – from around £200 million to £500 million per year.

    And that’s why in our recent manifesto the Prime Minister committed the UK Government to:

    • immunising 76 million children by 2020, saving 1.4 million lives
    • helping at least 11 million children in the poorest countries gain a decent education and
    • leading a global programme to accelerate the development of vaccines and drugs to eliminate the world’s deadliest infectious diseases.

    It’s worth pointing out that malaria alone can consume 40% of a country’s healthcare bill. Imagine our NHS in that situation.

    Helping countries develop economically

    Alongside stability, what are the other challenges we needed to stay ahead of the curve on?

    Back in 2012 when I set out a new economic development strategy at the London Stock Exchange no one was talking about a ‘youth bulge’. But it was clear to me that what young people growing up around the world needed was a job.

    And in 2013 the World Bank predicted an extra 600 million jobs will be needed to absorb burgeoning working-age populations over the next 15 years.

    Wherever you are in the world, people – especially young people – tell me they want the same thing: a job and the dignity of work.

    In helping young people achieve their potential you help a country achieve its potential too. And it supports stability.

    That’s why we have:

    • doubled our investment in jobs and growth to £1.8 billion
    • streamlined our work into one directorate in DFID and
    • worked with key multilaterals like the World Bank.

    But there is more to be done.

    The migration and refugee crisis of the summer shows us why this is such an urgent issue – people need opportunities in their home countries.

    If we do not continue to invest in jobs and growth, more and more people will be driven to migrate, seeking work elsewhere, including in Europe. Countries will not be able to lift themselves out of poverty for good and ultimately they will remain reliant on the aid that we and others give.

    That’s why we will continue stepping up our game in this area and why we will continue to tie it into our work on stability.

    And I have two final points on economic development:

    Firstly, of course when I talk about rights for women and girls there is no doubt in my mind that it is the right thing to do.

    I believe women’s rights are the greatest unmet challenge of the 21st Century.

    When we hear about the number of 8-year-olds being forced into marriage, the proportion of young girls from Somalia being subjected to Female Genital Mutilation, the women being prevented from registering a business or even owning a mobile phone – no one can find those statistics acceptable.

    But we should also look at the economic case.

    How can a country successfully develop when half its population – its people, its most valuable asset – is excluded?

    For those who think this a human rights agenda – you are right. But is also a business agenda. The business case is clear.

    Investing in women and girls is one of our best buys. For example, every £1 spent on family planning can save governments up to £4 on healthcare spending, housing, water and other public services.

    That is why women and girls will continue to be one of my key priorities and at the heart of everything my department does.

    Secondly, there is a UK prosperity agenda here too. When we create jobs for others, in the end, that creates markets that can support UK jobs and UK exports.

    Value for money

    All of this means I am confident that we have been – and will continue to – spend on money on the right things. But as important is spending money in the right way.

    When I arrived in DFID 3 years ago, I came armed with my accountant’s eye. Value for money is what I focused my 15-year business career on and I see no reason to change that in politics.

    In those 3 years, I have created a more professional, accountable, transparent, value for money driven organisation – delivering for both the world’s poorest and the British taxpayer:

    There is now one named person in charge of every programme and clear and simple rules and processes so everyone knows what they’re responsible for.

    I’ve boosted the commercial capabilities of our staff – it is now mandatory for all senior civil servants to take a commercial leadership course.

    I’ve strengthened our internal audit – so we’re reviewing programmes far more frequently and cutting ones that don’t deliver.

    And I’ve expanded the use of by payment by results – with results-based aid now the norm for most of our contracts.

    I’m proud that DFID is now being recognised for this, winning Chartered Institute of Procurement and Supply awards for the last 3 years, beating public and private competition.

    And we’re making savings. In total, we have made more than £400 million in savings in the last 4 years thanks to more effective procurement. That’s £400 million now being spent on improving lives and saving lives.

    And we have increased scrutiny – not least from the online Development Tracker, our IDC select committee and the watchdog ICAI.

    In Britain’s interest

    So what does all of this mean for Britain?

    I’ve always been clear that everything we do in DFID is firmly rooted in the UK’s national interest. It is something I have been focused on from the outset.

    And I reject any argument that it’s somehow a choice between helping people overseas or helping people here in the UK.

    As I said at the beginning, the right international development strategy will achieve both.

    Our national interest has been served by having a long term economic plan – and sticking to it – because it’s enabled stronger investment, better healthcare and education, stronger institutions.

    Part of that long term economic plan for Britain surely has to be a stable world and a strong global economy. When we invest in jobs and growth overseas we’re not only helping people overseas today, we are creating long term growth that is in Britain’s national interest.

    When we’re supporting refugees in their home region or creating jobs, this government is tackling the root causes of migration.

    When we’re fighting Ebola, the UK is stopping the spread of the disease to our shores.

    When we’re fighting for women’s rights and education for girls, we are doubling the number of people who can build their own country’s future.

    I’ll be frank: when I first came to DFID it felt like quite an isolated department, it was even located away from the rest of Whitehall.

    Today that’s changed.

    DFID operates at the heart of government – based in Whitehall – and our work has never been more clearly in the national interest.

    And we’re working differently.

    We have pulled in all the talents across government, not just from the Foreign Office, to help us pursue our agenda.

    On any given day we’re working with:

    • HMRC tax inspectors
    • with the military to fight Ebola
    • with HMT to reform the international tax system
    • BIS on a joint trade policy
    • DECC and DEFRA to tackle climate change
    • The Met and City of London police to take on international corruption
    • or alongside the National Crime Agency to clamp down on the people traffickers operating in the Mediterranean.

    And we’re working with them all to instil DFID’s best practise on ODA reporting, value for money and accountability.

    That’s our new normal and DFID is stronger for the partnerships with other departments who are working alongside us.

    A less mentioned reality is that all of this work inevitably grows our influence abroad.

    Maybe that’s why when you look at the Soft Power Index – which looks at every country in the world and its intrinsic ability to influence – the UK comes out on top.

    Looking ahead

    Where do we go next?

    Well, it will be about looking ahead and staying ahead of the curve, staying ahead of the long term trends that can make or break security and prosperity.

    It’s about sensibly tackling the challenges of today.

    We will continue to work with flexibility and innovation and in a way that helps both the world’s poorest and most vulnerable and in doing so serves our national interest.

    Whether that is addressing the challenges that directly affect the UK, such as the ongoing crisis in Syria and the drivers of migration.

    Tackling instability and conflict in fragile states to prevent them becoming safe havens for terrorists.

    Building build jobs, growth and prosperity.

    And it makes sense for Britain to continue using its unique historical ties for the benefit of development and diplomacy.

    Conclusion

    Today we deliver one of the most pioneering, inventive, 21st Century approaches to development anywhere in the world.

    It’s an approach that improves the lives of millions of the poorest and most vulnerable.

    That makes the world a safer, healthier, more prosperous place.

    That projects British values and influence overseas.

    That serves the UK national interest.

    When it comes to development, right now there is no country doing as much as us, as flexibly, as swiftly, as smartly.

    Not just the right thing to do but also the smart thing for Britain, allowing us to stand tall in the world.

    Our investment of 0.7% of our national income is 100% in our national interest.

  • Justine Greening – 2014 Speech in China

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development, in Beijing at the China International Development Research Network on 2nd April 2014.

    Thank you for the introduction. I’m absolutely delighted to be hosted by CIDRN and to have the opportunity to address you today about the future of international development.

    The UK and China have both been giving assistance to countries in need for more than 50 years. There are differences in our approach to development but there are also important similarities. And there is a lot we can learn from each other.

    It was in this spirit that 3 years ago the UK and China established a ground-breaking partnership on international development.

    Since then we have established successful collaborations in investment, peacekeeping and building resilience to disasters. Yesterday I had the opportunity to visit the National Disaster Reduction Centre of China to see how China co-ordinates its response to natural disasters.

    I have come to Beijing because I think that the UK and China can work together more closely on development.

    And by sharing our different experiences of working in the developing world, and our different skills and expertise… collectively we can lift more people out of poverty and help more countries develop, thereby reducing their dependency on aid.

    I do not need to tell this audience that the last few decades have seen the most dramatic improvements in living standards the world has ever seen, with the number of people living in absolute poverty falling by half in 20 years.

    Much of this was driven by China, where over that same period 680 million people were lifted out of poverty by virtue of your economic success.

    There is now a growing conviction across the international community that if we keep at it, we can end absolute poverty within one generation.

    I know the UK and China both believe that this must be the simple – but powerful – aim of the next set of development goals when the Millennium Development Goals expire in 2015: an end to extreme “dollar a day” poverty for the first time in history.

    Yet we know that progress is not inevitable. By 2015 there will still be 900 million people living in absolute poverty and these people will be the most marginalised… the most vulnerable… the most difficult to reach.

    It is going to take a global partnership, working together, rallying around a clear and inspiring set of development goals to end poverty for everyone.

    And today I would like to set out what the UK sees as some of the key ingredients for a powerful post-2015 framework that leaves no one behind.

    Girls and women

    As you know the Millennium Development Goals for tackling poverty really served to mobilise and galvanise the international community into action these last 13 years.

    And as the deadline for the MDGs approaches, we can cite many real achievements, including visible improvements in all health areas and getting more children into primary education.

    We need to finish the job of the MDGs and the next set of development goals must have a clear focus on getting the basics to absolutely everyone: health, nutrition, education, water and sanitation.

    And I think that is something we can all rally around and agree on.

    But we also need to tackle the issues that the MDGs left out.

    Like China, the UK believes that gender equality needs to be a key focus for the next set of development goals. No country can develop properly if they leave half of their population behind and excluded.

    In the last few decades significant progress has been made for girls and women. More girls are now going to school, women are living longer, having fewer children and participating in the labour market more.

    But there is so much unfinished business. Globally, women do 66% of the world’s work; but women only earn 10% of the world’s income.

    And in Africa, whilst 71% of girls attend primary school, only 32% go into secondary education.

    One in nine girls in the developing world is forced into marriage before they reach their fifteenth birthday.

    Since becoming International Development Secretary I have put girls and women firmly at the heart everything my department does. We are helping women around the world get access to education, financial services and contraception. We are improving women’s land rights and helping them access security and justice.

    This July we will host an international summit with our Prime Minister David Cameron to bring together global efforts to help eliminate early and forced marriage, and female genital mutilation. Two really but important, neglected issues.

    This agenda needs global action if we are really going to deliver irreversible gains for girls and women. And alongside China we are supporting a dedicated standalone gender goal in the next set of development goals. I hope this can tackle critical issues at the root of gender inequality, such as ending child marriage and securing equal rights for girls and women to open bank accounts and own property.

    This will help us go beyond easy wins and really start to overcome the social, cultural and legal barriers that hold girls and women back from playing their full roles in their countries.

    Economic Development

    I know that the UK and China also agree that a focus on promoting private sector growth and jobs is fundamental to the next set of development goals.

    If you ask people in developing countries what they want – and it doesn’t matter at all whether you ask a man or a woman – they’ll often say getting a job and earning an income.

    People – no matter where they are – want the opportunity to be financially independent and to have the dignity of being able to provide for themselves and their family.

    Since becoming the UK’s International Development Secretary I have ramped up the focus on economic development.

    Across the world, we are helping to dismantle barriers to trade, boost investment and improve the business climate.

    British development money is modernising ports in Kenya and Uganda, upgrading roads from Uganda to Rwanda and cutting start-up costs for businesses in Nigeria.

    And this morning I was pleased to launch a new UK-China partnership with the Ministry of Commerce, focused on strengthening Africa’s trade performance.

    Over the next few months we will carry out joint research to assess how trade, investment and aid-for-trade from China and the UK can most effectively support growth and poverty reduction in Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya.

    This partnership has the potential to lead to multiple wins, for the African nations themselves as we build up the evidence base on their specific needs and priorities in those countries, and for the UK and China as well. I look forward to seeing the results and to collaborating more on this in the future.

    Stability and security

    Gender and economic development are both key ingredients for post-2015 and I know that there is broad consensus on this.

    The UK, together with many other countries, also believes that peace and stability for all nations is an intrinsic part of the fight against poverty.

    When we come to agreeing the post-2015 framework, we must recognise that strong, effective, accountable institutions are intrinsically valuable outcomes in themselves – in addition to being essential for managing the risks of conflict and providing a stable environment for business.

    I think the UK and China can find common ground here as well, and China is already making significant contributions to African countries in this way through its support to peacekeeping missions and efforts at mediation.

    This is a really important agenda. We know that conflict-affected states have fared much worse in achieving MDGs and by 2025 around 80% of the world’s extreme poor are expected to live in these same countries.

    And just as conflict destroys infrastructure, enterprise, schools, the very things a country needs if it is going to break out of poverty, I believe development can contribute to peace by addressing the root causes of conflict.

    This is important to all of us. We all want our own personal security to be respected. And security and stability are vital for girls and women above all.

    One in three of all women will be beaten or sexually abused in her lifetime; over half a million die a violent death every single year.

    My department – the Department for International Development, or DFID – has a growing portfolio of programmes focusing on these issues.

    Britain is assisting Paralegal Committees to help more than 1,200 villages and communities in Nepal to prevent and respond to violence against women and children. This programme has been so successful that the Government of Nepal has asked if it can be integrated into their own Women’s Development Programme.

    When we come to agreeing the post-2015 framework, we must recognise that strong, effective, accountable institutions are intrinsically valuable outcomes in themselves…in addition to being essential for managing the risks of conflict and providing a stable environment for all.

    We also know that integral to economic growth and development are the institutions and governance that support it. It means a pro-business environment, governments that bear down on corruption, and the rule of law so that contracts can be enforced and so that property rights allow people to invest in their property and keep the hard-earned gains.

    On property rights for example, 90% of Africa’s land is estimated to have insecure tenure or contested land rights and this puts a major constraint on growth. The G8 land partnerships, launched during the UK presidency of the G8 last year, are helping to attract responsible investment through better assessment of the land related risks and how to mitigate them.

    The Golden Thread, as Prime Minister David Cameron calls it, is not a Western agenda. We recognise the need for countries to craft their own policies and strategies to deliver governance and peace. It is about countries having effective organisations; about governments and judiciaries themselves following rules and inspiring confidence and stability.

    But it isn’t only the UK that wants to see these issues included in the post-2015 framework: the Common African Position, adopted recently by African states, includes pillars on peace and security, and economic growth, as well.

    This is a powerful message from Africa to the rest of the world and I hope China will join us in listening and partnering with Africa on the post-2015 agenda.

    Conclusion: Why development?

    When I make the case for international development in the UK I say: it is the right thing to do and the smart thing to do.

    The right thing to do because we are giving people, wherever they are in the world, the chance to stand on their own feet, to be healthy, and to be able to pursue their lives in their own way, to make the most of their talents.

    The UK public consistently shows immense generosity when it comes to helping those in need. And the UK government reflects that with our development work, particularly when it comes to giving life-saving humanitarian assistance.

    And development is the smart thing to do as well, because by driving growth and reducing the risks of investment in the world’s emerging and frontier markets, we have an opportunity to do even more business with them.

    The UK has been one of the many beneficiaries of China’s own development. Back in 1992, the value of UK exports was just £600 million. In 2011, our two-way trade was £13.7 billion and growing.

    International development means international trade and international trade means jobs and prosperity both overseas and at home. So working together is in all our interests.

    Today the world is at a crossroad for deciding the future of international development. We have a historic opportunity to agree a compelling set of post-2015 development goals.

    During my visit here this week I have been very pleased to discover how much common ground there exists between our two countries on the post-2015 agenda.

    And I truly believe that if we hold the course and work together to address the issues I have outlined today, we can ensure ours is the generation that eradicates extreme poverty once and for all.

  • Justine Greening – 2014 Speech on International Development

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the International Development Secretary, in Scotland on 3rd April 2014.

    It’s a great pleasure to be here with you today.

    As all of you know we are at a key moment for shaping the future of international development.

    The Millennium Development Goals have inspired a generation. These unprecedented set of developing world promises have given all of us a clear direction, a path we can all follow.

    It is a path we have followed. Over the past fourteen years we have witnessed the largest reduction in poverty in history. The number of people dying from malaria and HIV has plummeted. Polio is on the brink of eradication. Millions more children are in school, paving the way for more gains in the coming years.

    I’ve just this morning returned from China, where much of the progress towards the MDGs has been made. There I met people in their 50s and 60s who have witnessed the most extraordinary changes during their adult lives. They’ve watched China go from a country in 1985 where 75% of people lived in poverty to one where that percentage had dropped to 13% by 2010.

    They talked from the heart about how development had brought routine access to health, education and transport, transforming the lives of many ordinary Chinese people in just one generation. And I see no reason why we can’t help other parts of the world to achieve similar transformation in just one generation.

    So we face a crossroads. The 2015 deadline is fast approaching and we have a genuinely historic opportunity to agree an even more ambitious set of goals and to finish the job the MDGs started.

    The United Kingdom has an absolutely central role to play in this.

    As confirmed yesterday by the Office for National Statistics, the UK is the first country in the G8 to invest 0.7% of national income on international development. It prompted a BBC Newsnight reporter last night to christen the United Kingdom an “aid superpower”, which probably isn’t far wide of the mark when you think about it.

    But what matters is that meeting this long-standing UN target of 0.7 shows that we are fully committed to creating a more stable and prosperous world. It shows that while development is happening constantly, we – the United Kingdom – will not stand aside as millions of people across the world still suffer from the worst symptoms of extreme poverty.

    And there’s no doubt to me that it is in our country’s DNA to get out into the world and make an impact. We take global priorities and make them our own as any responsible country should.

    The UK Department for International Development is ranked consistently among the most effective and most transparent aid donors in the world. It’s something that I’m very proud of and I hope that you are too. The OECD’s Development Assistance Committee Peer Review – which as you know is the most rigorous international benchmark – has called DFID a model of good practice.

    And the results speak for themselves.

    Over the past three years, thanks to the work of the United Kingdom, six million children across the developing world have received a primary school education. 20 million people have access to clean water. 22 million children have been immunised against killer diseases.

    But our support for the developing world goes much further than that. NIDOS, for one, has been doing incredibly important work on policy coherence, demonstrating that UK support for the world’s poorest people doesn’t begin and end with DFID.

    By working with the Department for Business we have a major say in Britain’s trade policy, aligning international trade with what works for Britain and the developing world. Our work with the Department for Energy and Climate Change is helping to protect the world’s poor from the worst impacts that climate change can bring.

    Scotland’s role

    And the truth is that these achievements belong to all of us. Scottish civil society, and Scotland as a whole, can be proud of the immense contribution made with, and through, DFID.

    It was just 50 miles up the road from here, at the G8 Gleneagles Summit in 2005, where G8 members in the EU committed to reach the 0.7% target.

    This would not have happened without the voice of civil society – your voice – ringing in those leaders’ ears. And you have played a uniquely important role in helping us stick to this promise.

    Scottish civil society plays a very significant role in the fight against poverty and DFID is proud to support the work of several NIDOS member organisations represented here today.

    Working with Edinburgh’s Mercy Corps we are delivering clean water and sanitation to one-and-a-half million people in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, one of the most deprived places on earth.

    Alongside the Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund we are helping to improve the lives of 6,500 disabled people in South Sudan.

    With the Global Alliance for Livestock Veterinary Medicines we have helped to make rinderpest only the second disease in history – after smallpox – to be eliminated by mankind. And if you’re not up to speed with rinderpest, it was a cattle disease that for thousands of years caused famine, ruined livelihoods and brought untold suffering. It is impossible to overstate the importance of this achievement.

    But that’s not all that Scotland with DFID is achieving.

    Across Scotland, DFID, through our Connecting Classrooms and Global Learning programmes, is helping to ensure schoolchildren can learn about life in some of the world’s poorest countries. Our children are Skype-ing and talking with their peers in totally different parts of the world, learning through understanding.

    Through the Health Partnerships Scheme DFID is working closely with the University of Edinburgh to improve palliative care in countries across Africa.

    And I am delighted to announce today that we will be providing another £10 million to the Health Partnerships Scheme. This will enable health institutions across the UK to join the fight against poverty in the developing world.

    And then there’s the UK International Citizen Service, providing young people in Scotland and the rest of the union the chance to volunteer for development projects in Asia and Africa, allowing them to make a direct contribution to the fight against global poverty.

    So with all that brilliant work taking place, I want to recognise the commitment of the 600 DFID staff at my department’s joint-headquarters in East Kilbride.

    At Abercrombie House, just a few miles from here, we have teams leading DFID activities worldwide, from supporting the UK’s overseas territories to improving governance and tackling corruption.

    DFID teams in East Kilbride also led the work on last year’s major Nutrition for Growth summit, which was part of our country’s G8 Presidency. Through this one event Britain secured 4 billion dollars in commitments from donor governments and businesses worldwide, helping 500 million undernourished women and children.

    And when disasters hit, like it did in the Philippines last year, staff from Abercrombie House play a role in our country’s response.

    This is the kind of positive work that Scotland and Scots are doing through their DFID – through our DFID. Real impact across the globe every day, helping millions of people each year.

    Now it’s true that the Scottish Government’s International Development Fund is supporting important work in Asia and Africa, building on Scotland’s great historic links with Malawi, and I pay tribute to that.

    But what is undeniable to me – looking at all of the UK’s great work – is that we have a far bigger impact on the lives of the world’s neediest people precisely because we have been united in this work.

    As the world’s second biggest aid donor the UK can make truly transformative interventions, as economies of scale enable us to squeeze the maximum value for money out of every penny we spend.

    As one of five permanent members of the UN Security Council, and with our own place on the board of the World Bank, the UK can ensure core values shared right across the whole of the UK are reflected at the top of these vital global institutions.

    As a United Kingdom, we shape rather than follow the global development agenda.

    Post-2015

    And there is no better proof of this than our work shaping the post-2015 landscape.

    The UN Secretary General recognised the UK’s standing as a world leader in international development when he asked our Prime Minister to co-chair his High Level Panel on the post-2015 development goals last year.

    The resulting report said – rightly – that the progress made since the year 2000 means we now have an unprecedented opportunity to end extreme poverty within our lifetimes.

    But this is in no sense inevitable. There will still be 900 million people living in extreme poverty in 2015… and these people will be the hardest to reach.

    We face an enormous challenge. To meet it, we need a new set of clear, inspiring, ambitious goals that will build on the MDGs and address the issues they left out.

    The High Level Panel agreed that in creating this new set of goals we should leave no one behind. I am also personally committed to ensuring we not only have a standalone goal addressing gender equality… but that the empowerment of women is reflected in each and every goal agreed.

    The panel also agreed that 2015 represents an unprecedented opportunity to put development on a more sustainable footing. We need to manage the very worst risks of climate change while ensuring a more sustainable use of food, water and energy.

    But critically we need goals that tackle the causes as well as the symptoms of poverty.

    This means helping to create the conditions economies and societies need to thrive.

    Peace, the rule of law, an absence of corruption, the recognition of property rights and institutions that serve all the people, not just a select few.

    This is what economists – from Jim Robinson and Daron Acemoglu to Amartya Sen – want.

    Most importantly, this is what people across the developing world want and need. They want to be able to register land in their own name so they can have the confidence to invest in it. They want a police force that is impartial and can be relied on to protect their families and property. They want to establish businesses to create the jobs that provide the dignity of work and the financial independence to be able to take their own decisions in their lives and plan for the future.

    The UN has now asked over a million people what they want to see in the next set of development goals. Just below education, healthcare and job comes honest and responsive government, and protection against crime and violence.

    Golden Thread

    At the heart of all this is what the Prime Minister calls the Golden Thread of development. This is a thread that weaves together the values and conditions that lead to more stable, prosperous and ultimately successful societies.

    The first strand of this thread is peace and security.

    Stability is the foundation for development in all countries. A major lesson learned from the MDGs is that development simply isn’t possible without addressing the causes of conflict and fragility.

    Time and again we find that conflict and violence correlate directly with the most extreme and intractable poverty.

    Creating peaceful and stable states, from South Sudan to Syria, must be a priority for the international community. The violent conflict in these two countries has caused terrible suffering and displacement, setting back development by decades. It is estimated that the Syrian conflict has put back that country’s development by 30 years.

    We, for one, have been doing our part, achieving tangible results on the ground. In Nigeria, our Justice for All programme is improving personal security and access to justice, focusing on a more accountable police force.

    In just one year the percentage of the public reporting satisfaction with the police response in one Lagos suburb rose from 47% to 63%.

    We are also helping to ensure getting justice is not the sole preserve of men. In Malawi, where links with Scotland go back over 150 years, DFID is helping women living in rural areas to gain access to justice, working with traditional community tribunals.

    Before this programme began, only a third of tribunals included a female judge. Today virtually every tribunal assisted by DFID has elected women assessors.

    DFID remains committed to supporting the people of Malawi, which is why earlier this week we announced funding for the delivery of essential drugs and medicines to 660 health clinics across the country.

    The second strand of the Golden Thread is an open economy.

    Last year, Afrobarometer published the results of a poll of more than 30,000 people across Africa. They asked one simple question: what is the most important problem that your government should focus on?

    And there was one runaway winner: unemployment.

    Men and women around the world want the dignity to earn an income, to be independent and to look after themselves and their families. That’s why, in my time at DFID, I have ramped up the focus on economic development.

    The UK is helping to dismantle barriers to trade, boost investment and improve the business climate in the world’s poorest countries. UK aid is modernising ports in Kenya and Uganda, upgrading roads from Uganda to Rwanda and reducing start-up costs for businesses in Nigeria.

    This work – which we are doing hand in hand with business and governments – will install the fundamental building blocks of sustained and inclusive economic growth.

    We know that growth leads to jobs. But countries which are growing can also take responsibility for their own development, ultimately freeing themselves from a reliance on aid. This requires a tax regime, an effective revenue authority, and strong, corruption-free institutions that can invest these revenues in the vital public services that people need, like health and education.

    For instance, DFID is now working alongside HM Revenue and Customs to help countries like Somalia introduce financial budgeting systems for the very first time.

    The third strand is an open government and an open society.

    While many countries are making rapid progress towards the MDGs, some are still lagging behind when it comes to giving people a say, through free and fair elections, government transparency or freedom of expression.

    I don’t believe these are optional extras that can be permanently set aside by countries. We’ve seen time and time again that open societies and open economies deliver better outcomes for everyone – especially the poor. Sustainable prosperity spreads where people’s rights and freedoms – the right to vote, to trade, to start a business – are respected and enshrined.

    The Challenge ahead

    Peace and security… open economies and open societies: they are not only the building blocks of development, they are valuable outcomes in themselves.

    Which is why we’ll be pushing for these Golden Thread issues to be included in the post-2015 framework.

    I should say that it will not be easy. There are many voices out there who oppose standalone goals on governance and security.

    But this is precisely the kind of debate – a debate about the evolving nature of development – that we all need to engage in.

    And this also goes for the post-2015 framework as a whole.

    To make the new set of goals ambitious and workable, we need everyone – governments, NGOs, businesses and academics – to get out there, make their case, and get people excited about what these targets could deliver for the world and its neediest people.

    I believe that it’s a challenge all of us will grip because we know what’s at stake.

    The progress of the last 15 years has shown us what can be achieved – and has given us sight and hope of what could be 15 years from now: the ending of extreme poverty by 2030.

    United, I know we can do it.

    Thank you.

  • Justine Greening – 2014 Speech on Forced Marriage

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the International Development Secretary, on 4th March 2014.

    Introduction

    Thank you for that introduction, and I want to thank our hosts PLAN, Girls Not Brides and the UK Gender and Development Network for organising this event.

    I also want to thank all of my officials in DFID who work on this day in and day out, for all of their efforts.

    And I know there are charities, campaigners and activists here today who are at the forefront of helping to make the world a better place for girls and women.

    I don’t think I need to tell everyone here how important the girls and women agenda is to me personally, and to my Department. Our Prime Minister talks about the Golden Thread of Development, building the kind of open economies and societies where everyone has a chance to contribute. Women and girls are an integral part of that challenge.

    Many of you were present a year ago when I set out that the Department for International Development would be taking its work on girls and women to the next level.

    In many areas, that meant getting to the root cause of the problem, which is about tackling the discriminatory social norms that keep too many girls and women poor and marginalised.

    Tackling the deep-rooted prejudices and attitudes that mean simply being born a girl in some communities and countries, defines and limits what you can achieve for your whole life.

    And in the last year I really do feel like we’ve made real progress on our strategy to help give girls and women a voice, choice and control over their lives.

    We’ve helped more women access modern, safe family planning methods. We’ve helped promote girls and women as leaders in politics, peace processes and public life. And we are removing the barriers that so often prevent girls and women from contributing to and benefitting from economic development.

    I am personally championing a new initiative to leverage greater international investment from a wide range of partners, including the private sector, to support countries that are integrating work on improving girls and women’s prospects into national economic development plans, starting with Nigeria and Sierra Leone.

    And we are also scaling up our work on tackling violence against girls and women. And I’m particularly proud of the ambitious, world leading work DFID is doing to end Female Genital Mutilation in a generation, work that has been brilliantly led by DFID’s Parliamentary Under Secretary of State Lynne Featherstone.

    I should also praise William Hague, the Foreign Secretary’s on-going commitment to addressing sexual violence in conflict through the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative and the UNGA Declaration of Commitments to End Sexual Violence, which have now been endorsed by 140 countries.

    The gap on Early and Forced Marriage

    So it has been a year of progress, and I’m really grateful to all of the campaigners, all the organisations here today who have worked with us. Together, I really do believe that we have pushed gender equality up the global agenda.

    But I’ve felt that there was an area that we didn’t talk about enough, an area that has too often gone unacknowledged and untackled and that is Early and Forced Marriage.

    In the past many of us have found talking about Early and Forced Marriage very uncomfortable. It’s generally been considered too difficult, too taboo, maybe too entrenched to focus on too much.

    As I’ll outline today, I believe this has simply got to change.

    All over the world millions of girls are being forced into marriage, many while they are still children, where they will come under immediate pressure to have children themselves.

    And for many of us, as we grow up we realise there’s a whole world of opportunity out there – but for these girls, whatever may be the case for their brothers – when they reach adolescence their world shrinks. And hope gives way to a restricted, limited reality.

    And this isn’t good enough. Nearly 20 years ago at a historic women’s conference in Beijing, the international community agreed with America’s then First Lady Hilary Clinton when she said: “that human rights are women’s rights…. and women’s rights are human rights.”

    Since then the world has made great progress on gender equality…but as long as Early and Forced Marriage exists we have not fulfilled our promise to girls and women. Early and Forced Marriage remains one of the critical symptoms of the low status of girls and women in many societies, and of the day to day neglect of their rights.

    It’s time for us to break the silence and take action.

    A Human Rights Issue

    DFID is already doing this in our campaign to help end Female Genital Mutilation.

    FGM is something we have historically backed away from in many respects. Yet there are 125million girls and women across the world who have had their genitalia partially or totally removed – leading to a lifetime of psychological scars and serious health problems.

    In many places FGM is carried out because it is believed to be in the girl’s best interests. Traditionally uncut girls cannot marry and are seemingly condemned to a life of stigma and discrimination.

    Slowly but surely things are changing for the better. Women and girls, – and many men and boys, – leaders and communities are speaking out against a harmful and violent practice that holds girls, women and countries back. And we are seeing thousands of communities in West Africa deciding to abandon the practice of FGM.

    Our job is to support them and to accelerate the pace of change.

    And the UK is already leading the way as the world’s biggest supporter of activity to end FGM, something I think we can be incredibly proud of. Last year DFID launched a £35 million programme that will work in 17 countries to support the Africa-led movement to end FGM.

    And I want to replicate the success that DFID and others are having on FGM with Early and Forced Marriage.

    It’s another huge issue…Early and Forced Marriage happens all over the world…it happens here in the UK.

    In total Early and Forced Marriage affects about 14 million girls every year. 1 in 3 girls in the developing world are married by age 18, and one in nine are married by age 15. Some are as young as 8 years old.

    But as with FGM, we are starting to hear voices across the developing world saying enough is enough. We must support them.

    Voices like Zambia’s First Lady Dr Christine Kaseba who recently launched her country’s campaign against child marriages…she highlighted the problem of Zambia having a statutory law prohibiting child marriage but customary laws allowing it.

    She says: “We cannot have a situation where defilement of girls as young as 12 years is backed by the law! How then do we come up with strategies that can protect our children when laws that are supposed to protect children are so fluid and porous?” Her words.

    And you only have to talk to girls themselves and hear how they feel about it to grasp how wrong this practice is.

    Girls like Fatima from Egypt, who was 15 when she was forced to marry what she describes as a ‘grotesque old man with 6 children’. After being married she was immediately under pressure to have a baby, against the advice of doctors.

    Girls like Lamana from Cameroon, also 15 when she was told she had to marry. When the day of the wedding was announced she recalls thinking, “how can I invite my friends to a forced marriage? I refused all of the ceremonies because I didn’t want to be a part of that.” She eventually ran away after her husband raped and beat her.

    Lamana and Fatima have since received help from PLAN, one of several amazing organisations doing pioneering work to help girls rebuild their lives and speak out against their experiences.

    But we know that there are many other girls who will never get to talk about their experiences.

    Last year it was reported that an 8 year old Yemeni girl named Rawan died after suffering internal injuries on the night of her arranged marriage – to a man more than 5 times her age. She was just 8.

    History, tradition, cultural practises…these should not and can never be used to excuse the unacceptable.

    And Early and Forced Marriage is unacceptable.

    The smart thing to do

    It is not just about human rights. When girls cannot decide for themselves whether, when and with whom to get married and have children: it’s not just unacceptable for them, it’s a disaster for development.

    Girls who marry earlier are more likely to suffer domestic violence and sexual abuse, they are more likely to contract HIV from their older husbands…

    …Girls who give birth before the age of 15 are also 5 times more likely to die in childbirth than girls in their 20s…

    …And the children of child brides are 60% more likely to die before their first birthday than the children of mothers who are over 19.

    Early and Forced Marriage is also closely linked to low levels of economic development…Girls who marry young are more likely to be poor and stay poor.

    In contrast delaying marriage and enabling girls to improve their education, health and job opportunities can not only help them to move out of poverty, it can also have a profound impact on their families and on their own children, giving them the opportunity to break the cycles of poverty that can pass from generation to generation.

    And that’s why the theme for this year’s International Women’s Day ‘Equality for women is progress for all’, is so apt.

    But as long as girls are being locked out of progress, valued only for their bride price…a country cannot develop properly. Transforming her future – means transforming the future of whole communities and countries.

    Taking action against Early and Forced Marriage

    So what can the UK do to tackle Early and Forced Marriage?

    To begin with, I think we’ve got to beat the drum internationally and see the UK play a leading role in calling for greater resources, better coordination, and a stronger focus on this issue.

    We need to step up as a country to join with Canada and the Netherlands, who have taken the initiative in actively supporting the Southern country leadership we’re seeing from Zambia, Ghana and others to push UN resolutions on Early and Forced Marriage.

    I also want the UK to be at the forefront of galvanising not just statements of support and UN resolutions, important as they are, but shaping long-term international action.

    As many of you are aware we are at a key moment for designing the next generation of international development goals, with the Millennium Development Goals for reducing poverty due to expire at the end of next year.

    These goals have seen some huge successes over the past 13 years…but progress has been uneven, particularly for girls and women.

    And it was fantastic that MDG3 addressed gender equality but in many respects the MDGs could have gone further in addressing discriminatory social norms, like Early and Forced Marriage. And in fact efforts to improve maternal health are among the most off track, progress on adolescent births has all but stalled.

    In May last year the UN’s High Level Panel for the Post-2015 development agenda, co-chaired by our Prime Minister, alongside President Yudhoyono of Indonesia and President Sirleaf of Liberia, said we should be the generation to end extreme poverty.

    The UK is hugely supportive of this and the Panel’s goal of leaving no one behind.

    And the UK believes it is vital that the world agrees a powerful standalone gender goal post 2015. It was right that the Panel recommended that we have an explicit target on ending Child Marriage, alongside these other gender targets, and we will work to support this in the process ahead in the UN.

    I will be raising Early and Forced Marriage when I attend the Commission on the Status of Girls and Women next week, holding a roundtable with Canada where we will champion the call for global action on this.

    I also believe that in DFID we can do more to help end Early and Forced Marriage with our own development programmes and humanitarian responses.

    As with FGM, we will build on what works, continuing existing pilots, scaling up where programmes are successful, and we will start new pilots to find more innovative solutions on what works.

    Our FGM campaign has also shown us that to succeed there needs to be a grassroots movement, a real coalition of voices – girls and boys, parents, religious and community leaders, politicians – all speaking out against a harmful practise. This movement has really started to get momentum already. In December last year Health and Education Ministers from 21 countries in Eastern and Southern Africa set themselves a target to eliminate Early and Forced Marriage by 2020.

    We must support them – DFID is working already directly with communities where Early and Forced Marriage is prevalent.

    Our flagship programme in Ethiopia’s Amhara region, focuses on engaging with the whole community to change attitudes. It works directly with girls and boys through programmes in schools, including girls’ clubs, mentorships, economic incentives to encourage girls to enroll and stay in school.

    It is early days for this programme but there are already parents who have changed their minds on the value of education for their daughters, and decided to keep them in school. And we know there have been over 600 marriages that have been cancelled since the start of the programme.

    These sorts of programmes can show us the way forward. And DFID is currently developing more programmes like this one. We are looking to reshape our portfolio so more of our work has an explicit and direct focus on Early and Forced Marriage. You can expect to hear much more on this in the coming months.

    The UK is also getting its own house in order on both FGM and Early and Forced Marriage. Legislation to criminalise forced marriage in the UK is currently going through Parliament.

    Our Forced Marriage Unit provides assistance to victims, and it gave advice or support relating to a possible forced marriage in more than 1300 cases in 2013. But we know this is unlikely to reflect the true scale of the abuse. And we know that some studies have suggested that between 5000 and 8000 forced marriages take place in the UK annually.

    At the beginning of the year the Prime Minister set out that in 2014 Britain will lead the charge on the empowerment of girls and women worldwide.

    And just this afternoon Parliament agreed a new law, proposed by the MP Bill Cash, and I want to pay tribute to the work Bill has done on getting this Bill through every stage of Parliament.

    This Bill will ensure that from now on the Department for International Development is legally obliged to consider gender equality before we fund a programme or give assistance anywhere in the world. And it sends a powerful signal about the UK’s clear intent in this area. It will be something we can take round the world and say to other countries we are doing because we believe this matters.

    A Call to Action

    Today I want to issue a challenge to everyone here, NGOs, charities, activists, businesses to help us bring Early and Forced Marriage up the global agenda in 2014 and then to keep on pushing.

    These are complex issues and we need to work with lots of organisations and partners. And I want to hear from members of this audience on what they think their role can be.

    I want to challenge businesses, our UK businesses to play their part to support girls and women in the sorts of countries DFID works in. This could mean sourcing more from women producers and business owners, tackling gender inequality in wages. It could mean offering flexible working arrangements, proper childcare facilities, parental leave and other support to all employees, men and women. Business is part of the solution too.

    Finally, I want to urge girls in the UK to join us in our campaigning efforts on FGM and Early and Forced Marriage this year and to stick with us on the road ahead.

    We know what a powerful force for change girls can be.

    Girls like Malala Yousafzai, the Pakistani school girl shot by the Taliban for going to school is now spearheading a global campaign for girls’ education, which is having a huge impact all around the world.

    Girls like Fahma Mohamed who got a meeting with the Education Secretary after getting more than 250,000 signatures to her petition urging the Government to write to all schools about Female Genital Mutilation, which is exactly what we’ll be doing.

    And girls like Muna Hassan, who will be speaking to us shortly about her campaign on FGM, which she started at the age of 13.

    These girls took the causes they felt strongly about right to the top…and put the spotlight on governments and world leaders to demand, and get, change.

    I recently visited a secondary school in Wakefield in Yorkshire, Outwood Grange Academy, and as I listened to the girls there, I was struck by how strongly the girls in this country feel about girls their own age having to go through FGM, being forced into marriage, forced into having children before they were ready. They wouldn’t accept it themselves and they don’t want other girls to have to put up with it.

    Now I want to know what you think, so tell me on twitter @JustineGreening and #Transformherfuture

    I’ll be listening, the Prime Minister will be listening…And we are taking your priorities and making them ours.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, you can’t pick and choose on human rights. You can’t decide to go for some matters and raise those, but leave others that feel too hard, too sensitive, too controversial to tackle.

    Early and Forced Marriage is a human rights issue.

    It’s not focused on enough because it’s complex to address. It takes time to address. Because it means a fundamental shift in attitudes, a shift in investment, in policy. None of these things are easy, but that should never give us the excuse to ignore it

    And last year, I remember Tanya (the CEO of PLAN UK) asking me – what is the Government doing about Early and Forced Marriage? I gave an answer, but I knew in my heart it could have been better, and it was up to me and to Ministers to make sure we had a better answer.

    I believe Early and Forced Marriage is, in effect, a litmus test for us. If we can ensure voice, choice and control, then girls will be able to decide who and when to marry. And when this happens a better future will open up for them, and for their countries, and for us.

    The UK can but we also must show leadership on this, and we will. We will keep building on the growing momentum, until it becomes unstoppable.

    DFID’s going to leave no stone unturned in tackling Early and Forced Marriage. We will do this alongside our campaign on FGM, alongside our work to prevent other forms of physical, sexual and psychological violence against women, and together with our work on helping women entrepreneurs get finance and land rights, on family planning, and on education.

    By bringing all these things together, by keeping these issues under the spotlight, and by galvanising global action…we can give girls and women around the world the chance to write their own futures, and in doing so I passionately believe we will make all of our futures better too.

  • Justine Greening – 2013 Speech on Tanzania

    justinegreening

    Below is the text of the speech made by Justine Greening, the Secretary of State for International Development, in Tanzania on 5th November 2013.

    Introduction

    I’m delighted to be here in Tanzania addressing this audience, and I would like to start by thanking Prime Minister Pinda for bringing us all together today, and the Capital Markets and Securities Authority for co-hosting this event.

    This is my second visit here as the UK’s Secretary of State for International Development.

    On my last visit, five months ago, I saw a country that can, and will, graduate from aid and deliver prosperity for its people.

    Thanks to a stable government, growth levels of nearly 7% this last decade, exports of goods and services tripling, and the recent discoveries of off-shore gas: Tanzania is on the verge of an economic transformation.

    The challenge is to keep that momentum going, to accelerate growth even faster and to ensure that everyone reaps the benefits of that growth.

    The UK is determined to help Tanzania to realise its enormous potential and in doing so lift everyone out of poverty. The key to this will undoubtedly be investment, trade and jobs.

    This isn’t news to anyone here. We know it’s jobs that help people lift themselves out of poverty for good. You need investment and trade for economic growth and jobs. And you need a thriving private sector, alongside a proper tax base, to support the health services, education system and infrastructure that everyone relies on.

    This is really the lesson of the last 30 years – it is growth and jobs that defeat poverty, aid by itself is not enough. Which is why since becoming Secretary of State for International Development, I have ramped up my Department’s, DFID’s, focus on driving global economic development, making it a top priority to bring down the barriers that stand in the way of businesses and entrepreneurs creating wealth across the developing world. And in our country programmes, challenging ourselves to do more on the ground directly working with government and the private sector.

    Tanzania is very much one of our flagship countries when it comes to this new approach, I believe things that work here can be replicated across Africa and other developing nations.

    Today, and over the course of this visit, I will be announcing new DFID economic development initiatives that will see us work collaboratively with the Tanzanian Government, and the private sector, to plot a path for accelerated growth and jobs.

    Mutual prosperity

    This is in Tanzania’s interests – and it’s also Britain’s best interests. We share this common ground. As Tanzania develops, our relationship will increasingly move from aid to trade.

    The UK is already the leading investor in Tanzania and there are 35 FTSE companies operating here.

    But I know both our countries want to strengthen those commercial links even further and I’m delighted today, to be formally launching a new economic partnership between Tanzania and the UK.

    Tanzania is one of five African countries, along with Ghana, Mozambique, Cote d’Ivorie and Angola, to be forming High Level Prosperity Partnerships with the UK.

    These partnerships cover sectors where UK expertise matches the partner country’s needs. In Tanzania for example we’re hoping to double the number of UK companies doing business in the renewable energy and agriculture sectors by 2015.

    I know Prime Minister Pinda and the Tanzania Government are determined to make a success of this high level partnership – and so are we. Across the UK government, DFID working with our Foreign Office and UKTI, we will be focusing resources on strengthening economic cooperation between our two countries.

    And DFID will be stepping up work to improve the investment and trade environment for domestic and international investors – as evidenced by my second visit here in six months.

    Business Delegation

    This visit is the first time DFID is leading a high-level business delegation to Africa, reflecting our new market-making approach to development.

    I’m delighted to be joined here by 18 companies, large and small, from Britain and around the world and all active in sectors key to Tanzania’s development, agriculture, capital markets, transport and logistics, renewable energy and construction.

    Some of these companies have already won contracts here. For example Asco, an oil and gas company based in Aberdeen, has won a major contract to provide Supply Base services to BG in Tanzania. This will be operated out of the port of Mtwara and will employ over 100 local people.

    Some businesses joining me are interested in expanding their investments in Tanzania and a number who are exploring opportunities for the first time.

    As a British Minister I’m pleased that so many UK companies have come with me on this trip. I want to see far more British businesses joining the development push and working collaboratively with DFID.

    I should be absolutely clear that this is not about bringing back tied aid. The onus will continue to be on British companies to show Tanzania, and other developing countries, why their offer is the best one – and I believe they are well placed to do this. The UK has been amongst the international leaders in corporate governance, and I know the Dar Stock Exchange is keen to learn from other corporate governance approaches, and disseminate to companies already listed, or planning to list.

    At the same time DFID is committed to working with the Tanzanian Government, and with Tanzanian, British and international businesses, to help overcome the barriers that can stop businesses from investing, growing and creating jobs: whether that’s a difficult business environment, information gaps that hold back investment decisions or financial challenges.

    Co-investment models

    There are a number of ways we can do this. Key areas of partnership include the G8 land and tax initiatives which will see us work hand in hand with the Government of Tanzania. The G8 land partnership will put in place a Land Tenure Unit in the Ministry of Lands which will collect and publish data relating to current and future land deals, and develop a road map for land reform by June 2014. The G8 tax partnership will lead to a more efficient, effective, and fair Tanzania tax administration, and bring experts from the UK’s HMRC to advise on customs modernisation. The Government will also see more UK support to Trade Mark East Africa, which is reducing the barriers to trade.

    But often the last, most difficult barrier to overcome will be getting the lifeblood of enterprise and entrepreneurship flowing – finance.

    On my last visit here I spoke to businesses, including Agrica in Kilombero and Unilever, about how DFID could help collaborate with the private sector to unlock financing projects with clear development outcomes.

    The clear ask from them was for DFID to not just look at traditional grants, but to invest in commercial partnerships on sensible business ventures that would also benefit thousands of farmers, employees, and consumers.

    In this way DFID would share some of the risk that would otherwise stop investment from taking place – and we would also share the reward if the venture was a success.

    Today I’m announcing that DFID is going to trial this new approach of working with the private sector here in Tanzania.

    We’ve selected four local projects, which, following due diligence, will likely see us co invest with commercial and not-for-profit partners using returnable loans and equity, rather than traditional aid grants.

    The first of these projects will see us co invest in a tea project, through a broader partnership with Unilever, and UK based philanthropic organisations, the Wood Family Trust, and the Gatsby Foundation.

    This project is part of the Tanzania Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania programme. SAGCOT, as most of you will know is an innovative public-private partnership, driven by the Government of Tanzania, that aims to catalyse $2.1billion of private investment over twenty years and triple the area’s agricultural input.

    DFID is already investing £36 million in the SAGCOT initiative. We’ve now earmarked up to a further £7.5 million to support this specific project, which aims to boost the incomes of more than 3,600 potential tea farmers spread throughout 27 villages. Importantly the funding will be returnable for subsequent investments with the Wood Family Trust that will generate development outcomes.

    We are also set to co invest in three further projects, through the Africa Agricultural Development Company, AgDevCo, which aims to raise rural incomes and increase food security, and also reinvests all profit generated into further agricultural development in Africa.

    Through AgDevCo, DFID will co invest in Equity for Africa, a UK based organisation that provides leasing finance to SMEs in the agriculture sector. This funding will allow small businesses to scale up, initially in the Mbeya region and in due course throughout Tanzania.

    We’re also looking to finance Tanzanian Tea Packers Ltd who want to develop a site as a £ 1.5MW hydro power plant to directly benefit 430 smallholder households working for the Wakulima Tea Company, and to help raise the incomes of 15,000 further smallholder farmers supplying the tea company. The new plant will end the existing reliance on very expensive diesel generators, and will provide excess power to the TANESCO grid.

    Finally we’re planning to co-finance with Kilombero Plantations, East Africa’s leading rice producer, to help finance their rice husk gasification plant – a potential first for Africa. This will allow the business to increase its land under irrigation and therefore its yields. KPL already works with over 5000 smallholder outgrowers and plans to further expand this These are all important projects for supporting Tanzania’s agriculture sector and ultimately feeding millions of Tanzanians. Furthermore we estimate that over 80% of the proposed funding will be returned to AgDevCo by 2021 and used for reinvestment in further agricultural projects.

    DFID will be monitoring the progress of these projects and watching their success.

    If we’re sharing the risk of launching or expanding a business venture, it’s right that we should also share the rewards. And by adopting new methods of financing, we will be able to redeploy our aid money many times over, multiplying the development impact.

    I hope this innovative, self-sustaining, job-creating investment, which generates a return that can itself be reinvested, can be a major part of how DFID works in the future and complement the investment that CDC already undertakes.

    Capital markets

    These co investment ventures could be the short-term future for helping businesses to grow and create more jobs. However the long-term future for financing business growth at scale needs the development of capital markets.

    It is capital markets that mobilise long-term finance for the public and private sectors. They also drive improvement in corporate, environmental, social and governance standards. And they give people, through owning shares, a stake in economic growth.

    Tanzania’s capital market is at an early stage, with seventeen companies listed on the Dar es Salaam Stock Exchange, but we’re seeing rapid expansion.

    And it came across clearly from my discussions with CSMA, Dar Stock Exchange and others on my previous visit, that this capital market, when properly developed has the potential to transform the Tanzanian economy.

    I believe the UK, which is a global centre of financial expertise, can play a key role in working in partnership to develop Tanzania and Africa’s capital markets.

    We have already established strong links with Africa. There are 103 sub-Saharan companies listed on London Stock Exchange markets with a market capitalisation of over $70 billion. Since 2007, African companies have raised over $9.9 billion on LSE markets from international investors. But true success lies in having a vibrant capital market right here in Tanzania, in Africa, to meet the rapidly growing demand for investment.

    And DFID, together with other development partners, is funding financial sector development organisations in Tanzania and across the region.

    But we can do more to ensure African capital markets share in UK expertise.

    I am delighted to announce today that DFID will form a strategic partnership with the London Stock Exchange Group (LSEG) to support capital market development in East Africa.

    As a first step, we will look at addressing the very real skills shortages that our country partners have identified as a critical constraint on market growth. We will be providing bespoke training for financial sector professionals, regulators and government officials, in partnership with the world-class LSEG Academy. Our experience, your entrepreneurship should make for a powerful combination.

    Of course we’re not only concerned with financing big business in Tanzania. It is often smaller enterprises that hold the key to creating more jobs in communities across this country and more prosperous economies. But 69% of smaller-sized Tanzanian businesses have no access to finance, and only one in six Tanzanian adults has access to formal financial services.

    The Enterprise Growth Market, that Prime Minister Pinda will shortly be launching, is an incredibly exciting initiative for providing much needed finance for smaller growing companies. The UK, alongside some of Tanzania’s other development partners have supported this initiative through the Financial Sector Deepening Trust of Tanzania.

    Finally, I’m also announcing today that DFID will invest £4.4million in Women’s World Banking, a global network of financial service providers dedicated to achieving women’s economic empowerment by increasing their access to financial services, assets and resources.

    And this investment, in a partnership with three commercial banks in the region including NMB in Tanzania, will provide over one million women across Africa with access to financial services.

    Investing in women in this way is hugely powerful – we know that when a woman generates her own income she re-invests 90% of it in her family and community. Women are an engine of growth and no country can fully develop unless women are economically empowered as well as men.

    Conclusion: Improving the business environment

    Today I’ve outlined a number of new projects that will see the United Kingdom government and my Department, DFID, work with government, with business to help get finance flowing in Tanzania, giving existing and emerging businesses the economic lift-off they need to grow. Of course finance is one of the ingredients for success. There are more. If there isn’t the right kind of climate for trade and investment then businesses won’t prosper.

    Over the next two days I will hope to hear more from businesses on the ground about how the UK can further support the Tanzanian Government to move up the Doing Business ranking – I know there are particular concerns around the complexity of the tax regime and availability of power and electricity.

    Improving the business environment will be a key part of our Prosperity Partnership, and over the course of this visit I will be announcing measures to boost infrastructure in Tanzania and speed up trade across the region.

    The World Trade Organisation Ministerial Conference next month will be a very important moment for Tanzania. The UK is strongly supporting an ambitious outcome including an agreement on Trade Facilitation to cut unnecessary bureaucracy at all borders, which is costing business and ultimately the public.

    This will benefit all those who trade, especially SMEs and firms in developing countries who currently have the least efficient customs procedures.

    If agreed, we estimate this deal would deliver $100billion each year to the global economy – with $10bn of this going to Sub-Saharan Africa. So let’s all do everything possible to shout about the benefits of this deal and make sure we get the right outcome next month. 100% of a 60% perfect deal is better than a failed outcome which gives no benefits to anyone.

    The UK Government will work with Tanzania, building on our new prosperity partnership, developing our commercial links and pushing down the remaining barriers to growth.

    There is no doubt in my mind that with the right support and the political will, Tanzania can complete its success story to a middle income country, a major market and economy of the future, and in doing so, improving the day to day lives and prospects of millions of Tanzanians and generations to come.