Tag: Theresa Villiers

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Northern Ireland Secretary, at the Assembly Buildings in Belfast on 16th April 2014.

It’s a great pleasure to be with you this morning and I’d like to thank Rev Donald Watts for organising and Rev Rob Craig for hosting this event.

Today I want to look at how we might move politics forward in Northern Ireland.

I know that the churches continue to have a key role in healing divisions, promoting reconciliation and helping to build the shared future that we all want to see.

And on behalf of the UK government I’d like to express my appreciation for all that you do for our community here in Northern Ireland.

It’s now nearly 20 years since the first ceasefires and just over 16 years since the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement.

That agreement – along with its successors at St Andrews and Hillsborough – has helped transform politics here.

And today we’re over half way through the second term of the second Assembly since devolution was restored in May 2007.

That’s the longest period of unbroken devolved government in Northern Ireland since the closure of the Stormont Parliament in 1972.

Not bad when one considers the commentators who predicted that a coalition led by the DUP and Sinn Féin couldn’t last 6 months, let alone more than 6 years.

And the executive can cite a number of real achievements, not the least of which is its continued success in bringing foreign direct investment to Northern Ireland.

This has made Belfast the second most popular city in the UK for inward investment.

Another significant step forward was the publication by the First and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland’s first ever locally agreed community relations strategy: Together: Building a United Community.

Delivery

As the First Minister highlighted in Washington recently, most decisions taken by the executive don’t go to a vote given the amount of consensus that exists, while the deputy First Minister stressed the stability of the institutions.

But for all that the executive has proven stable and delivered in a number of areas, I believe that there is a clear public perception that more still needs to be done.

That comes across in successive opinion polls and also in many conversations I’ve had across Northern Ireland.

Of course I understand that a mandatory coalition that embraces 5 parties with fundamentally divergent views on constitutional, economic and social issues was never going to be easy to operate.

Yet one of the central features of the 1998 settlement, as amended at St Andrews in 2006, was precisely to bring together politicians from different traditions and show that they could deliver for the good of the people of Northern Ireland as a whole.

It’s crucial that we make it work

So this morning I want to offer a few thoughts on how we might move things on here, to help the transition away from the politics of identity to a stronger focus on the politics of delivery.

The legacy of the past

First, I believe that the political situation here would be significantly improved if the parties could reach an agreement on dealing with flags, parading and the past.

We’ve seen over the past couple of years how disputes over flags and parades can lead to serious public disorder, at a great cost to the police, the executive, the economy and to Northern Ireland’s international reputation.

But the past too has the capacity to poison the political atmosphere, as demonstrated by the controversy over the so-called ‘on-the-runs’.

These matters are of course now being examined by a number of inquiries, including the judge-led inquiry established by the Prime Minister.

Lady Justice Hallett’s examination of the scheme now needs to run its course.

But I’d like to reiterate one point.

This government does not believe in amnesties.

We believe in the rule of law and that people who committed terrorist crimes must face the consequences if the evidence exists to prosecute.

And if at any point when we inherited this scheme in May 2010 we had believed that it amounted to an amnesty we would have stopped it immediately.

For me, there’s no doubt that the reaction to the scheme after the prosecution of John Downey was halted has reinforced the need to find an agreed way forward on the past.

One that allows us to put the era of side deals firmly behind us. A mechanism that is balanced, transparent and accountable and allows us to get on with building a better future for the people of Northern Ireland.

So I welcome the fact that the parties are continuing their work on the issues considered by the Haass process.

And I am urging them to stick with it because the reality is that only an agreement negotiated by Northern Ireland’s own locally elected political leadership is going to be viable.

Any attempt to impose solutions over the heads of that political leadership just isn’t going to work.

So those discussions do need to make progress and there will be no lack of encouragement or support from the UK government and we welcome the support and encouragement Irish government has also given to the parties throughout the negotiations.

There are of course some who believe that the best way to deal with the past is to forget it.

I understand that sentiment, but as the OTR controversy has demonstrated I don’t believe that’s a viable option.

Let me explain why.

Northern Ireland’s Operation Banner was the longest operation in British military history.

Over 250,000 men and women served in the RUC and the military over its 30 year history and I am utterly convinced that the vast majority did so with the greatest distinction, honour, integrity and courage.

The fact that many gave their lives in service to the community here in Northern Ireland is something for which we should always be deeply grateful and which should never ever be forgotten.

We owe all of them a huge debt of gratitude, not least because without their self-sacrifice and their service, the conditions for the peace process would never have been created and Northern Ireland would not be the place it is today.

And whatever process emerges from the current discussions, that is a message that I and the UK government will reiterate whenever we get the opportunity.

It was a message the Prime Minister put very clearly when he broke new ground in his response to the Bloody Sunday report in the frankness of the apology he gave for what happened that day.

We have been and we will continue to be willing to take responsibility where state agencies have acted wrongly, but the misdeeds of the few should never be allowed to tarnish the heroism of the many.

I have acknowledged on many occasions the great difficulty around efforts to address the legacy of the Troubles.

I appreciate the understandable concern that new structures and processes could lead to a one sided approach which focuses on the minority of deaths in which the state was involved rather than the great majority which were solely the responsibility of the terrorists from whichever part of the community they came.

So I have always approached this issue which caution.

But I’ve also made very clear that if the architecture proposed by Richard Haass and Meghan O’Sullivan forms part of a package eventually agreed by the political parties here, then the UK government will play our part in working with the new institutions.

We fully understand the benefits that an agreement could bring to Northern Ireland and we too are prepared to be part of the compromise needed to bring that about.

The need for a fresh approach on the past is becoming ever more vital because of the increasing pressure the status quo is placing on Northern Ireland’s institutions, with inquests, cases in Strasbourg, freedom of information requests and Troubles related investigations by the police and Police Ombudsman.

All this is placing a major burden on the policing and justice system with a recent CJI report estimating that the Northern Ireland executive now spends over £30m a year on legacy issues.

The combined impact of the various processes underway means a detailed trawl through hundreds of thousands of documents, with the greatest burden falling on the PSNI who in most cases have to decide what it is safe to disclose publicly and what must be kept secret in order to protect national security and the lives of individuals.

At least with a new process, agreed by Northern Ireland’s political leaders, there is scope to write in from the start the need for an objective balance and with proper weight and a proportionate focus on the wrongdoing of paramilitaries. Rather than the almost exclusive concentration on the activities of the state which characterises so many of the processes currently underway.

And there is scope for structured oversight by bodies representing different shades of opinion to try keep the process fair and historically accurate and to prevent it being hijacked by any one particular interest group or viewpoint.

And as we approach another marching season there is no doubt that an agreement on the way forward on flags, parading and the past – even in outline – would send a powerful global message about the ability of Northern Ireland’s politicians to find solutions even to the most divisive of issues.

Crucially though I also believe that agreement on the Haass agenda could free up the space for politicians to focus more on other issues that are critical to our future, such as rebalancing the economy, reforming the public sector and building a genuinely shared future.

Because, let’s face it, the vast majority of people in Northern Ireland don’t wake up on a Monday morning worrying about the past, flags or parades.

While these are important matters, the priorities for most people are issues like jobs, pensions, transport, schools and hospitals, and that’s where they expect their politicians to focus their energies, not tied up with fighting the battles of yesterday.

Difficult political choices

So that leads me to my second point about moving politics forward. The need to move beyond the issues that have dominated political debate here and recognise that difficult choices are often needed in order to deliver the services the public want and expect.

For example, I believe that people in Northern Ireland deserve the same protection from organised crime as people in Great Britain now have through the work of the National Crime Agency.

To me, it is deeply regrettable that despite months of talks and a real willingness by David Ford and the Home Office to be flexible, some parties remain opposed to the Assembly legislation needed to allow the NCA to operate with its full range of powers here.

That means Northern Ireland’s ability to fight some of the most despicable crimes is weakened.

Be in no doubt, it may have ‘National’ in its name but the UK government completely accepts the crucial importance of ensuring that NCA’s operations in Northern Ireland are fully consistent with the devolution settlement.

That‘s why the Home Secretary has agreed a number of significant changes to provide the necessary assurance and guarantee the primacy of the Chief Constable.

And I believe it’s now time for the executive to press ahead on the NCA and to put common sense and the interests of the public above ideology, so that the NCA is allowed to work properly in Northern Ireland for the good of all citizens.

Similarly on welfare reform, the devolution settlement gives the choice to the parties of the Executive here.

They can accept the welfare reforms the UK government has taken forward, along with the important flexibilities which Minister McCausland has secured to reflect the specific circumstances of Northern Ireland. Or they can go it alone and stick with a flawed system which too often leaves people trapped on welfare and punished for doing the right thing and going out to work.

That choice rests with political leaders here, but so too does the cost of that choice.

And there should be no doubt that the cost of that choice could rise steeply in future years, not least when the computers supporting the old system are shut down and the executive is left with the prohibitively expensive and difficult task of procuring and running their own system.

And finally, the executive faces choices on economic reform.

I’m well aware of the central place ministers here give to the devolution and reduction of corporation tax.

But if the answer on that is yes to devolution, this reform will only provide that shot in the arm the parties here hope for if it is one part of a suite of measures to make Northern Ireland a more competitive place to do business.

Issues such as labour market reform, planning reform and public sector reform must all be addressed as well if the economy here is to be rebalanced in the way all the parties say they support.

Opposition

The third way in which politics could be moved forward here is through the evolution of the devolved institutions.

Let me be clear, power sharing and inclusivity are enshrined in the Belfast Agreement and the government is not going to undermine any of those principles.

Far from it, we will continue to uphold them robustly as we have all of the institutions established by the Agreements.

Yet at the same time nobody can plausibly argue that the institutions must be set in stone for all time.

Political institutions the world over adapt and change.

As the founding father of modern Conservatism – the Irishman Edmund Burke – once put it:

A state without the means of change is without means of preservation.

And there are inherent weaknesses in a system in which it is very difficult to remove one’s rulers by voting and to choose a viable alternative.

After all, democracy does rely on voters being offered a choice and being able to exercise it.

That’s why this government is clear that we would welcome moves that facilitate a more normal system at Stormont that allows for formal opposition, so long as a way can be found to do this which is consistent with power sharing and inclusivity.

But we also believe that if or how this happens really has to be primarily for parties in the Assembly to take forward, not least because it is so firmly within the Assembly’s competence to deal with those matters that might characterise an opposition, such as speaking rights, financial assistance and committee chairmanships.

And I’d like to thank my colleagues Lord Empey and Lord Lexden for using the House of Lords debates on the Northern Ireland (Miscellaneous) Provisions Act to move this issue forward in a significant way.

Conclusion

So in conclusion, we need to move away from the politics of the past based largely around identity, to the politics of the future based around delivery.

And our ability to do that will be greatly strengthened if an accommodation can be reached on flags, parading and the past, the issues that continue to create such tension, division and disorder.

At the same time some difficult decisions are needed if we’re to build a more prosperous economy, a safer community and a stronger society.

And we should also consider the scope for our political institutions to evolve in order to ensure that our democracy is vibrant and politicians held properly to account.

Last week we saw the first ever state visit by the Irish President to the United Kingdom.

The visit was a spectacular success and I felt very honoured to play a part in it.

It was a further demonstration the transformation of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland and the bonds of affection and mutual respect that now unite us across these islands.

It was also a welcome opportunity to celebrate the immense contribution that men and women of Irish nationality and heritage make to life in Britain.

I am in no doubt that as Her Majesty the Queen said at that memorable state banquet at Windsor; they have made Britain a better place.

The word ‘historic’ can sometimes be over-used but the events of last week genuinely deserve that description and none of this would have been possible without Northern Ireland’s peace process and the political progress it has made possible.

And I sincerely hope that the friendship and reconciliation between the UK and Ireland which the visit so visibly demonstrated can provide a helpful backdrop to assist Northern Ireland in completing its journey towards genuine reconciliation and a society no longer fractured by sectarian division.

As the two heads of state made so very clear, Northern Ireland’s political leaders will have the full support of both the UK and Irish governments as they strive to make progress towards that crucial goal.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce in Belfast on 13th February 2014.

Introduction

It’s a great pleasure to join you at the annual conference of the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce and I’d like to thank your CEO, Steve Aiken, for his kind invitation.

I’m very pleased that you’ve chosen to hold your conference here at Titanic Belfast. Since it opened just a couple of years ago this building has become one of the city’s major landmarks. So it’s fitting today to congratulate Tim Husbands, CEO of Titanic Belfast, on receiving an MBE in the New Year’s Honours list.

Since the British-Irish Chamber was launched to coincide with the historic visit of Her Majesty the Queen to Ireland in 2011 you have gone from strength to strength. Relations between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland economically, culturally, socially and politically have never been stronger than they are today. That was brought home to me when I attended one of your events in London last March.

I had the privilege of speaking alongside An Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, before he went on to Downing Street for his annual summit with the Prime Minister. That followed on from the Joint Declaration of 2012 which set out a course for UK-Irish relations over the ensuing decade covering a range of areas where we can benefit from closer co-operation.

That includes the first ever joint UK-Irish trade mission which took place this week with ministers from London, Belfast and Dublin attending the Singapore Airshow together. And this has brought further good news for Bombardier with potential contracts worth £479 million. And progress on all the issues covered by the 2012 Declaration will be reviewed when the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach meet again next month.

Two other events also symbolise the closeness of the modern UK-Irish relationship.

Just before Christmas the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach made a joint visit to the western front war graves in remembrance of those tens of thousands of Irishmen who gave their lives in the Great War.

And of course in April we’re looking forward immensely to welcoming President Higgins for the first state visit by an Irish President to the United Kingdom. I know he’ll receive a Great British welcome.

Economic Recovery

But today I want to concentrate on a business and economic theme with a focus on the signs recovery across the UK and the steps we are taking, alongside ministers in the executive, to strengthen the Northern Ireland economy and to help it succeed in the global race.

When the Coalition came to power the UK had suffered the deepest recession in living memory and unemployment had increased by nearly half a million. We had been left with the biggest budget deficit in our peacetime history and the government had a choice between spending more and borrowing more until the money finally ran out and crisis erupted. Or taking difficult decisions to control spending and deal with the deficit.

So we set out our long term economic plan to build a stronger, more competitive economy and secure a better future for the whole of the UK and for future generations.Today, as a result of sticking to that long term plan and the sacrifices of the British people our economy is now well on the road to recovery.

The deficit has been cut by a third.

2013 was the first year since before the crisis in which the economy grew in all four quarters.

There are now 1.3 million more people in work that at the election.

That’s 1.3 million more people able to bring home a wage and provide greater financial security and peace of mind for their families.

Across the UK there are 1.6 million more private sector jobs and 400,000 more businesses.

Our opponents predicted that cutting spending would result in a double or triple dip recession and that unemployment would rise by a million. They have been proven wrong. The government has comprehensively won the economic argument.

We’ve done this by bringing down the deficit to keep interest rates as low as possible.

By cutting corporation tax from 28p to 20p by the end of this Parliament.

And by other measures which back small business and enterprise like lower jobs taxes.

The new allowance for employer national insurance will save nearly £5.5 billion per year for hardworking businessmen and women.

That’s the equivalent of £200 per employee a measure to help business from a government that backs business.

But we recognise that the recovery is still in its early stages and serious risks remain.

So it’s essential that the government sticks to its long term plan and resists calls for more borrowing and more debt.

That is the only sustainable way to deliver rising living standards.

Recovery in Northern Ireland

I very much welcome the news that the Irish economy is showing increasing signs of healing, not least because of the positive impact that is likely to have here in Northern Ireland.

It is self evident that the economies of the UK and Ireland are highly inter-dependent and nowhere is that more true than here in Northern Ireland. And here too, there are increasing signs of recovery.

Economic activity in Northern Ireland rose by 1.6 per cent in the third quarter of 2013.

The numbers claiming unemployment benefit has fallen for eleven months in a row.

Business confidence is rising.

And there have been a number of significant announcements on exports, investment and jobs.

Bombardier, Thales, Wrightbus, Harland and Wolff, Ryobi and Fujitsu have all had good news to share over recent months.

Indeed the Ulster Bank PMI survey for January showed local firms reporting their fastest rate of growth in a decade, with the private sector exceeding their counterparts in the equivalent UK survey for the first time since October 2007.

So that’s the good news.

Yet for all that it’s also clear that the recovery in Northern Ireland is still lagging behind the rest of the UK.

Levels of economic inactivity are higher than elsewhere and we have a bigger proportion of workless households.

For many families times remain incredibly tough and that’s why the government is doing what it can to help with measures such as freezing fuel duty and cutting tax for over 600,000 in NI to help hardworking people be more financially secure.

And of course Northern Ireland’s economy remains too dependent on public spending which remains at 25 per cent per head higher than in England.

Economic pact

That’s why the government and the Northern Ireland executive have been working together to look at other ways in which we can boost the private sector and rebalance the economy.

In fact we’ve been working more closely than at any time since the restoration of devolution in 2007, closer than is the case between the UK government and any of the other 3 devolved administrations.

So last June, the Prime Minister and I, with the First and deputy First Ministers, launched an ambitious new economic pact and we have been making real progress on implementation.

Our highly successful Start-Up Loans have been extended to Northern Ireland to help young people wanting to set up their own business.

We’ve given the Executive an extra £100 million in borrowing powers to enable them to take forward projects which bring the community together, such as the shared education campus at Lisanelly.

In October the Prime Minister attended the international investment conference where he made a powerful pitch for Northern Ireland as a great place to do business – a sentiment echoed by companies like Bombardier, HBO and Allstate who have invested so successfully here.

We’ve established a joint ministerial task force on banking and access to finance, responding to a major concern for the business community here.

In addition, as part of the package we were able to maintain Northern Ireland’s 100% EU Assisted Area Status a key ask from the Northern Ireland ministers and powerful tool to attract business something the Northern Ireland executive has done with great success in recent years.

And we are continuing the necessary technical work on the potential devolution of corporation tax from Westminster to Stormont.

Our goal is to ensure that if the decision by the Prime Minister this autumn is a ‘yes’ we can introduce legislation with a view to putting it on the statute book by the time of next year’s General Election.

Corporation tax

I know that for many people here devolving corporation tax and reducing the headline rate to the same level as the Republic of Ireland is the key to Northern Ireland’s future economic success. I agree that it has the potential to have a very significant impact, and like my predecessor I have made sure my Cabinet colleagues in London are well aware of the strength of the support here for devolution.

But corporation tax even if it is devolved can’t do it all. Taken on its own corporation tax might not have anything like the desired effect unless it goes alongside other important measures to reform the economy and the way business is done here.

Economic reform

Northern Ireland has many great assets as a place to do business: a highly talented workforce, a very competitive cost base and a telecoms infrastructure second to none, to pick out just a few examples.

But at the same time there are still things done wholly by the public sector that elsewhere in the UK and Europe have benefited from greater private sector involvement and expertise. There are areas where business is more heavily regulated than in other parts of the UK. And aspects of the planning system prompted the Chief Executive of Sainsbury’s recently to declare Northern Ireland: “the hardest place in the UK to line things up.”

So if we’re to maximise the opportunities for Northern Ireland as a place for investment it’s important that we look at all of these.

Northern Ireland needs a planning system that operates in an effective and timely way, safeguarding environmental concerns but also giving enterprise the chance to grow without having applications bogged down for years with successive challenges and litigation. And it is important that the Executive agrees on the right way forward.

Red tape

Hard working entrepreneurs can also be held back from growing their business if they are tied up with red tape. That’s why at Westminster the Government embarked on The Red Tape Challenge.

We are determined to be the first Government ever to have fewer regulations at the end of a Parliament than at the beginning and by then we expect to have scrapped or improved over 3,000 regulations.

So it’s encouraging that the executive here – under Arlene Foster – are now undertaking their own project to reduce red tape. This was an important NIE commitment in the economic pact.

Infrastructure

We also need to build for the future. As in the rest of the United Kingdom, this means continued investment in infrastructure.

Despite the unprecedented pressures on the public finances as a result of the deficit we inherited, the UK government has continued to prioritise capital expenditure.

For example, we have embarked on a major programme of improvements to road and rail infrastructure in England and through the Barnett formula, that is reflected in the capital settlement for devolved areas.

Capital funding for the executive has been increased by £600 million since the 2010 spending review and there will be a 9.2% increase in real terms next year. As a result, we remain on course to deliver £18 billion of capital investment to Northern Ireland by 2017.

Last month Commercial Secretary to the Treasury, Lord Deighton the man who delivered the 2012 Olympic Park on time and under budget was in this very building to promote infrastructure as a key driver of economic growth.

In the economic pact the UK government made clear that we would apply our Infrastructure Guarantee Scheme flexibly to ensure that locally or regionally significant projects in Northern Ireland will be eligible.

Public service reform

But all of this needs to go hand in hand with reform of the public sector, so that high quality public services are delivered more efficiently.

In an age when people have unprecedented access to information they want services that are flexible and more directly tailored to their individual needs.

Public sectors the world over are reforming radically and looking at innovative ideas to rise to this challenge and Northern Ireland can be no exception.

So I very much welcome the Finance Minister, Simon Hamilton’s, commitment to public sector reform and support him in his efforts to take this forward. I believe that a strong focus on all of these areas is essential if Northern Ireland is to have more dynamic economy that delivers greater prosperity across the whole of society.

Welfare reform

And another key element is welfare reform.

It’s simply unsustainable to continue with a system that too often fails to reward those who work, parks people on benefits and then forgets about them and has a cost which is spiralling out of control. But that’s what Northern Ireland risks if it decides to break with parity and go it alone.

It’s reported that the Finance Minister now estimates that this could cost more than £1 billion over the next five years money that could otherwise be spent on schools or hospitals or transport.

Let me be clear. Our welfare reforms are designed to help people out of poverty by ensuring that work pays, to tackle the causes of welfare dependency while being fair both to those in genuine need and the taxpayer that foots the bill.

The Department of Work and Pensions has agreed a number of flexibilities with the executive to suit Northern Ireland’s particular circumstances. I strongly believe this is the right reform for Northern Ireland and I hope the Welfare Reform bill will start to make progress through the Assembly.

Conclusion

So in conclusion, we live in an increasingly competitive world and the government is determined to make the UK one of the best places in the world to do business. We have a long term plan to turn our country around. And that includes here in Northern Ireland, where a stronger economy would undoubtedly help our efforts to build a more cohesive society.

So working with the devolved administration, we are pushing ahead with implementing the economic pact we signed last June. A pact we agreed just as the eyes of the world were starting to focus on the G8 summit which did so much to highlight the many opportunities Northern Ireland has to offer.

We are determined to secure a better future for Northern Ireland and more prosperous economy and we want to work with you in the British Irish Chamber of Commerce and right across the business community to help deliver that.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, to the Literific Society at Queen’s University in Belfast. The speech was made on 19th December 2013.

I’m delighted to be able to attend this evening’s meeting of the Queen’s University Literific Society.

I’m not planning to dwell on the issues of the moment which are, as we speak, the subject of intense negotiations in the Haass working group.

With the conclusion of that process imminent … I don’t want to pre-empt the outcome.

But I do want to reiterate that this is an important opportunity to make progress on some of the most divisive issues in our society and I hope that opportunity will be grasped.

And I urge all the parties to try to find a way forward and exercise that “give and take” that the Prime Minister called for yesterday.

But important as flags, parades and the past are … this evening I want to say a few words about the some of the other big challenges we need to tackle if we are going to build a better future for Northern Ireland.

… a Northern Ireland which is a place of aspiration and opportunity … underpinned by a stronger society and a more prosperous economy.

And as I look around the room this evening I’m convinced that’s the priority for most people here … as it is the overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland.

I’m sure that many of you will be making important career decisions that could determine how you spend the rest of your lives.

For some … that might mean leaving Northern Ireland, possibly forever.

That has been the number one option for many graduates over the years … meaning their skills and talent are exported to Great Britain, Europe, the United States or elsewhere.

In fact in many places around the world you’ll find young people from Northern Ireland making a big impact … as I did only last month when I was in New York.

We need to find ways of ensuring that for the brightest and best in Northern Ireland, making a life here is an option.

That means building an economy based on enterprise and opportunity.

So let me say a few words about that.

It’s no secret that the last few years have been incredibly tough … across these islands and for much of the developed world … as we all felt the aftershocks of the biggest economic crisis in half a century.

In the UK and the Republic of Ireland we’ve had to deal with huge levels of public and private sector debt and unsustainable levels of public spending.

In the UK’s case, we had the largest structural deficit in our peacetime history.

Today, as a result of some very difficult decisions the UK’s deficit is down by a third … and this week the Republic became the first of the Eurozone countries to exit its EU/IMF bailout.

And I think we can at last see clear signs that our two economies are beginning to turn the corner … back on course for sustainable growth and recovery.

Here in Northern Ireland, the number of people claiming unemployment benefit has fallen for ten consecutive months.

We’ve also seen some welcome announcements on new jobs at places like Bombardier and Harland and Wolff here in Belfast and Fujitsu in Derry.

But it’s also clear that we still have a long way to go … particularly when it comes to issues like youth unemployment which remains far too high.

That’s why for example in his recent Autumn Statement the Chancellor, George Osborne, announced the abolition of employer National Insurance contributions for almost all under 21 year olds.

We are determined to help businesses to grow and create jobs, and help families with the cost of living.

The hard truth is that the only way to achieve a sustained rise in living standards is by growing the economy.

And it’s by growing the economy that we can continue to fund the public services on which we all depend and pay for a welfare system that protects the vulnerable while being fair to taxpayers.

Here in Northern Ireland the economy is still too dependent on public spending.

It’s clear that more work needs to be done before we succeed in the shared goal of the UK Government and the Northern Ireland Executive to rebalance in favour of private enterprise.

So in June the Government and the Executive agreed an economic pact aimed a boosting the private sector and helping businesses here compete in the global race for investment and jobs.

This pact sees the two administrations working more closely together than ever before.

And an important part of that package was the extension of our very successful Start Up Loans scheme to help young entrepreneurs access the finance they need to start their own business.

The reality is that just as labour is more flexible and mobile than at any time in our history … so is business, which these days often has the luxury of choosing wherever in the world it wants to locate.

So we need to highly competitive in the global market place … and demonstrate that we are one of the most attractive places in the world to do business.

That’s why we’re committed to giving the UK the lowest business taxes of any major developed economy … while closing loopholes to make sure all businesses pay their fair share tax.

It’s also the reason for securing special incentives for certain key sectors … such as our tax break for high end TV production which has been crucial in keeping Game of Thrones in Northern Ireland.

And of course our goal of rebalancing the economy is one of main the reasons why David Cameron brought the G8 to Fermanagh in the summer … to showcase the very best of Northern Ireland to the world.

But of course there’s no doubt that things remain difficult for many people … and the jobs market continues to be very competitive.

So the Government is committed to supporting aspiration, hard work, enterprise to give opportunities for everyone who wants to do the right thing for themselves and their families.

And while it’s tough … and there’s a long way to go … our economic reforms are starting to deliver results.

But Northern Ireland is never going to fulfil its potential as a place of opportunity while elements of our society here remain so deeply divided.

Working together, we have to tackle issues like sectarianism and the underlying tensions that lead to division and the kind of violence that can too often disfigure our streets.

So back in May the Executive … which has the lead in this area … published its community relations strategy Together Building a United Community.

The UK Government welcomed that as a promising first step … but the real test is delivery.

I know from my regular dialogue with the First and deputy First Ministers that they are committed to taking this forward … and I would strongly urge them to do so.

As the Prime Minister said at the investment conference in October we want to see a Northern Ireland defined by its shared future and not by its divided past.

Of course I know there are those who say that we can’t build a shared future until we’ve resolved the past.

But nor can we let the past hold us back by acting as a barrier on other initiatives to rebalance the economy and build a more cohesive and shared society.

So irrespective of the outcome of the debate on flags, parading and the past … there is still much pressing work that can and must go ahead.

And this will continue to require real leadership from Northern Ireland’s politicians.

Of course the UK Government can provide support and encouragement in those areas that are devolved … and we will continue to work closely and constructively with the Executive to play our part both in strengthening the economy and healing social division.

But this great task of reconciliation which still faces Northern Ireland also needs the backing of the whole community.

That includes young people who have such an important stake in getting this right.

The young people of Northern Ireland will be an essential component of the change we need.

They must have a real say in moving Northern Ireland forward and that’s why forums like the Literific … the oldest student society here at Queen’s … are so important.

And in conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to condemn once again the disgraceful attacks we have seen on Belfast city centre in the run up to Christmas.

These were reckless and callous crimes which could have cost lives as well as damaging the economy just when it needs all the help it can get.

But I know that the PSNI are working incredibly hard to do everything they can to keep people safe.

The terrorists have no support and the condemnation of these recent attacks has been widespread and emphatic.

The people of Belfast will not be scared out of their own city centre by the actions of a violent minority.

So I wish you well with your debate this evening.

I commend the Literific Society on the contribution you make the debating the great issues facing our society today.

And I would like to wish you a very Happy Christmas and a successful and peaceful 2014.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in Belfast on 9th November 2013.

I am delighted to be with you to mark the 75th anniversary of the Irish Association and I’d like to thank your President, Rev Brian Kennaway for inviting me to speak at this special event.

I’d also like to mention 2 other people who are with us this evening. The first of those is Daithi O’Ceallaigh, your Vice-President, was a very distinguished Irish Ambassador to the United Kingdom and he has made a great contribution to the strengthening of relations between our 2 countries over many years.

And secondly, I would of course like to warmly welcome the presence of An Tánaiste, Eamon Gilmore with whom it has been a pleasure to work since I was appointed Northern Ireland Secretary just over a year ago. Eamon of course combines a number of roles, Foreign Minister, Trade Minister and leader of the Labour party within the coalition government.

As experience at Westminster shows, leading 1 of 2 parties in a coalition comes with its tribulations.So I should say how grateful I am that Eamon will always find time for engagement on Northern Ireland matters, which he approaches in such a constructive way and with such enthusiasm for further progress on key challenges we face here.

Work of the Irish Association

And I am in no doubt that some of those challenges can be ably assisted by the work of our hosts the Irish Association. A key objective of the Irish Association is the promotion of communication, understanding and co-operation between all the people of Ireland and, I quote:

To make reason and goodwill take the place of passion and prejudice in Ireland, North and South.

And this has echoes of spoken statement made in 1926, just 5 years after the Treaty and twelve years before this body was founded:

…the North and South have got to live together as neighbours and the prosperity of Northern Ireland does undoubtedly affect the prosperity of the South of Ireland.

So it is for the government of the South and the Government of the North, to turn their hands rather from the matters which may have divided them in the past, to concentrate on the matters which really affect the welfare of the people in their own area with a view that the whole of Ireland, and not one part of it, may be prosperous.

These words come from someone who is inextricably linked with Parliament Buildings where we meet today and who might be regarded as a rather unlikely champion of North-South co-operation.

They were actually spoken by Sir James Craig, Viscount Craigavon of Stormont and Prime Minister here from 1921 to 1940.

Of course for a variety of reasons the aspirations set out by Craig back in 1926 did not immediately come to fruition and for many years the relationship between North and South was an uneasy one. At least one historian has referred to it as a cold war.

So I pay tribute to the work of the Irish Association, which since 1938 has tried to provide a bridge to facilitate debate and discussion of cultural, economic and social issues across this island. Over the past 7 decades you have played a valuable role in the furthering the growth of tolerance, understanding, trust and reconciliation. And today in large part due to the efforts of organisations like yours the cold war between North and South has been consigned to the past and relationships across this island have never been closer.

Political Progress

Just consider this.

20 years ago it was considered ‘historic’ when a unionist leader led a delegation to Dublin for face-to-face talks with the Irish government for the first time since partition. Today, it’s commonplace for the unionist ministers to be in Dublin discussing issues of mutual interest with their Irish counterparts or indeed for Irish ministers to be here in Northern Ireland.

Only a few years ago, it would have been unthinkable for a unionist leader to attend an event to mark the contribution of the GAA to society here. Yet last month I had the privilege to attend a Co-Operation Ireland dinner at Queen’s University where the DUP First Minister delivered a speech that did precisely that.

And until recently, nobody would have believed it if anyone here had suggested that a Sinn Fein leader would be shaking the hand of Her Majesty the Queen. Yet that’s precisely what happened at the Lyric Theatre in Belfast last year.

North-South Co-Operation

So for all the difficulties we might still have, and whatever the imperfections of the current settlement don’t let anybody suggest that Northern Ireland hasn’t come a very long way.

I frequently choose to refer to establishment of devolved government here at Stormont now mid-way through its second term without suspension as an example of progress. But I’m also conscious that the Belfast Agreement covered 3 strands not only the internal arrangements for the governance of Northern Ireland but also the relationships between North and South and those between East and West.

Let me be clear the UK government, while continuing to fully support the Union and Northern Ireland’s place within it, also regards the North-South institutions as an integral part of the political settlement here. There is no contradiction here as Sir James Craig recognised all those years ago in the speech I quoted and as you in the Irish Association have also understood for decades. In fact the Agreement states clearly that:

The North-South Ministerial Council and the Northern Ireland are mutually interdependent and one cannot successfully function without the other.

In the government’s view, North-South Co-Operation on issues of common concern is a matter of simple, practical common sense that threatens nobody’s political identity or aspirations.And I know that’s the position of the Irish government too.

So the UK government sees no reason why democratically accountable North-South Co-Operation cannot continue to prosper, just as the relationship covered by the third strand of the Agreement, between the UK and Ireland also goes from strength to strength. We are seeing a visible manifestation of that this very weekend.

Decade of Centenaries

Tomorrow, the Tánaiste will be joining the First Minister at the Cenotaph in Belfast for the Remembrance Sunday service while I shall be in Enniskillen standing shoulder to shoulder with the Taoiseach. All of us will be united in remembering people from all sections of the community – Protestant and Catholic, Unionist and Nationalist – who made the supreme sacrifice in war. And participation in these events forms part of a wider programme of co-operation as the UK and Irish governments work together to find a common approach to the decade of centenaries.

This began last year with an exhibition to mark the Third Home Rule Bill in Westminster Hall, which was attended by the Taoiseach and which subsequently was shown in Dublin and Belfast. And it will include other often tumultuous episodes in our shared history the outbreak of the Great War next year the Somme and the Easter Rising in 1916 and culminating in the events of 1921 to 1922.

I’m conscious that all of these have the potential to be very divisive an opportunity for some to re-live the battles of the past or pursue a particular political agenda. So our task, working alongside colleagues in the Executive and in Dublin is to be faithful to history while encouraging greater respect and understanding in a way helps us to move forward.

And in this we can have no better example of how to handle sensitive historical events than the example set in 2011 by Her Majesty and the then President of Ireland, Mary McAleese. They demonstrated that in looking at centenaries one can be generous to another tradition without in any way abandoning ones own cherished beliefs. That’s the spirit that I hope will guide us through this decade of centenaries just as it has the work of this Irish Association over the decades.

In his speech to the British-Irish Association in September, Eamon issued a very generous invitation to the Royal Family, the UK government and unionists to participate in events to commemorate the Easter Rising in 2016. We greatly appreciate that offer and I look forward to discussing with him how we might take it forward.

UK-Irish Joint Statement

But it’s not just on the decade of commemorations that the UK and Irish governments are working closely. In March 2012 the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach issued a joint statement, setting out a framework for how our 2 countries can work together in a range of areas over the next decade. And of overriding importance is economic growth and job creation. That’s essential when you consider the interdependence of our 2 economies.

Something like £1billion of trade takes place between the UK and Ireland each week and that trade supports over 400,000 jobs. But there’s a whole range of other areas too such as energy, transport, travel and the EU where there’s scope for us to do more. We are, for example, working to establish a visa waiver pilot, which would mean that tourists from certain countries with an Irish visa can include both north and south in their trip without the need for a UK visa.

There’s an intensive programme of work underway on a range of economic matters, which the Prime Minister and Taioseach will review at the next of their annual summits in March.

Shared Future

Another key priority is to work with the Northern Ireland Executive here to rebalance the economy and help to build a more cohesive and united society. For our part the government launched an ambitious new economic pact with the Executive in June.

The G8 summit showed the world the very best of Northern Ireland and last month the Prime Minister attended an international investment conference where he made an unashamed sales pitch to business to come and invest here. That conference built on the immensely successful work done over the years to attract foreign investors to Northern Ireland.

Many of those investors may come here initially because they are attracted by a low cost base but I think a key reason why they stay here and expand here is because of the abilities and skills of the people of Northern Ireland and the warmth of the welcome they offer. But it’s clear to me that the Northern Ireland economy will never reach its full potential unless we address the community divisions that still too often spill over into disgraceful acts of rioting and violence.

So both of our governments have welcomed the community relations strategy launched by the First and deputy First Ministers in June: Together: Building a United Community. And we strongly support the establishment of the All-Party Group under Richard Haass to look at flags, emblems, parading and the past.

Now we all know that tackling these issues is very difficult. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership has solved many seemingly intractable problems over the past 2 decades. And with the same determination and leadership I believe that progress can be made once again. But politicians also need encouragement and support in taking difficult decisions.

For any elected representative, reaching out beyond your power base, beyond your traditional supporters, and beyond that part of the community from which you come, can be a hard road to take. So the UK and Irish governments stand ready to provide some of the support and encouragement needed to help Northern Ireland’s leadership take that path forward as can our great friends and allies in the United States.

But that support also needs to come loud and clear from people throughout this island who want to move Northern Ireland forward the kind of people who want to see an end to the tension, division and rioting that can too often disfigure the streets of this great city where we meet this evening. Ordinary hard working people who, as the Prime Minister put it in his recent speech, want to Northern Ireland to be defined by its shared future, not its divided past.

And that’s where organisations like the Irish Association can continue to perform a hugely positive role. For 75 years you have played your part and I wish you well in your continued work to build respect, mutual understanding and reconciliation throughout the island of Ireland.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 7th November 2013 at Lancaster House in London.

Your Royal Highness, your Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen. On behalf of the UK government it’s a pleasure to be able to welcome you all to Lancaster House and to this investment seminar.

I am delighted to be co-chairing this seminar with Arlene Foster who is the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Investment in the Northern Ireland Executive.

The government and the Executive are working together on our shared goal of promoting Northern Ireland as a great place to live work, visit and invest. And that is why Arlene and I are jointly hosting this event today. We would like to thank you for coming to take part today.

Our aim is to tell you more about Northern Ireland and the business opportunities that it offers. Alastair Hamilton, the Chief Executive of Invest NI will then give you a presentation on why Northern Ireland is an excellent place for your country to invest in and do business with.

We also want you to come and see Northern Ireland for yourself and make your own minds up. So after this seminar, Arlene and I will be writing to your Head of Mission to invite the Ambassador, or High Commissioner or High Representative to lead a delegation of companies from your country or region to come to Northern Ireland next year.

We would like to give you the chance to see for yourselves the opportunities that Northern Ireland can offer your respective countries. And I’d be delighted if you were able to be my guests at Hillsborough Castle. Hillsborough is the residence of Her Majesty the Queen whenever she or members of the Royal Family are in Northern Ireland.

And when you do visit, you will be able to see the success story around inward investment that has been part of the extraordinary political progress of recent years.

Northern Ireland has a fantastic manufacturing pedigree. Dunlop tyres, Massey Ferguson tractors and Short Brothers planes are all pioneering examples of a great manufacturing tradition that continues today. And now Northern Ireland can boast fresh achievements in the modern era.

The world’s top city for the technology that drives global stock markets isn’t London or New York or Hong Kong – it’s Belfast, where you’ll find the systems behind the New York Stock Exchange and Chicago Mercantile Exchange.

Northern Ireland is the place which produces a quarter of the world’s marine energy devices, over 1 in 3 of all computer read/write heads and almost a third of all business class aircraft seats.

Of course, we all know about Scotch whisky, but the world’s oldest licensed whiskey distillery is actually in Bushmills in County Antrim which has a licence dating from 1608.

London’s red buses are famous across the world and a third of them are made by Wrightbus in Ballymena, a company which is also exporting buses to China.

And some of the strongest advocates for Northern Ireland are those who’ve already set up business there. For example, Suren Gupta, the Executive Vice President of Allstate, told a recent investment conference that their operations in Northern Ireland had saved the company more than a billion dollars.

And Pierre Beaudoin, the CEO of Bombardier, recently said:

I would strongly recommend Northern Ireland as a place to do business and a good place in which to grow that business.

Over recent years, Bombardier have invested a £520 million in Belfast to design, manufacture and assemble the advanced composite wings for its new CSeries commercial aircraft. That brings Bombardier’s overall investment in Northern Ireland to more than £2 billion.

So it shouldn’t come as a big surprise that with over 800 foreign investors, Northern Ireland is now second only to London as the top UK destination for inward investment, with almost 8,000 jobs created through foreign investment in just the last three years.

Northern Ireland is increasingly becoming a destination of choice, for business, for culture and for tourism. It is a place that has been transformed since the political settlement agreed 15 years ago under Belfast Agreement. Once known chiefly for its divisions and conflicts, Northern Ireland is a now a heartening, even an inspirational example, of how seemingly intractable problems can be resolved through dialogue.

Yes there is still terrorist activity by so-called dissident republicans. But they have almost zero public support and no mandate whatsoever. The overwhelming majority of people have chosen peace and democracy as the way to resolve their differences and the PSNI and their partners are doing a highly effective job in countering the residual threat from terrorism.

In fact its low levels of crime make Northern Ireland one of the safest places in Europe in which to live and work.

The foundations underpinning the political settlement in Northern Ireland remain solid. That is not to say that all the difficult issues have been resolved. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership is committed to finding lasting solutions in the interests of the whole community.

That is why they have asked the distinguished US diplomat, Richard Haass to chair all-party talks on some of the most controversial questions which are still capable of sharply dividing opinion in Northern Ireland. And in doing that they have the firm support of both the UK and the Irish governments.

And as you will hear today, Northern Ireland has much to offer potential investors:

– It has a highly competitive cost base making it a great base from which to sell into the rest of the EU and the EU

– It has excellent transport links, particularly to Heathrow, but also to destinations in Europe and the US

– Its telecoms infrastructure is second to none, including Project Kelvin which delivers ultra-fast connectivity with North America through the Hibernia North Transatlantic cable

– Its education system has the highest rankings for reading and numeracy of any English speaking part of the world

– Its two world renowned universities produce 4,000 business and technology graduates every year

And of course, investors in Northern Ireland benefit from a time zone which enables them to trade with Asia in the morning and America in the afternoon, and all the while using English as the global language of business.

But there are significant challenges which remain for the Northern Ireland economy, not least of which is its over-dependence on public sector spending. To help drive forward with the goal of rebalancing the economy and boosting the private sector, the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive agreed a far reaching economic pact in June in the run-up to the G8 summit in Fermanagh. This pact will see our two administrations working more closely together than ever before.

Both the UK government and the Northern Ireland Executive are strongly pro-business. We are determined to deliver a business-friendly tax and regulatory climate. So the main rate of UK corporation tax will be down to 20% by April 2015 giving us the lowest rate of company taxation of any major developed economy.

The Chancellor’s tax credit for film and high-end TV has been crucial to securing a fourth series of Game of Thrones, which is now being filmed in Belfast’s Paint Hall studios and which has done so much to highlight the scenic beauty of Northern Ireland.

Our employment laws give us one of the most flexible labour markets in Europe and we’re also determined to encourage and reward innovation with initiatives like the patent box for which we have legislated.

We’ve also secured EU Assisted Area status for Northern Ireland meaning there is an attractive range of grants and support on offer from Invest NI.

But Northern Ireland has an asset which is even more valuable than all of this put together – its people. It’s not just the fact that Northern Ireland offers a highly skilled, dedicated and loyal work force with low attrition rates. It’s more than that. The climate of friendliness, warmth and hospitality is one of the reasons why the Prime Minister called Northern Ireland: “this very special part of the United Kingdom”.

When the G8 summit came to town, even the protesters commented on the friendly welcome they received.

Belfast recently hosted the third biggest sporting event, the World Police and Fire Games. The accolade that Northern Ireland was given at the end of the Games by the World Police and Fire Games President was not only that they were the the best games ever, they were the friendliest games ever. So maybe it shouldn’t be so much of a surprise that the Office for National Statistics recently concluded that Northern Ireland is the happiest part of the United Kingdom!

Your Royal Highness, your Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, thank you once again for coming to this seminar. I look forward to continuing our discussions over lunch and I very much hope to be able to welcome you to Northern Ireland in the very near future.

Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, at the Spirit of St Patrick Charity Dinner on 12th March 2013 at Ballynahinch.

It’s a great pleasure to be able to speak to you in such magnificent surroundings this evening. I would like to congratulate the Friends of St Patrick, for hosting the second Spirit of St Patrick dinner. I’d also like to thank Margaret Ritchie and Ian Paisley for jointly inviting me tonight – a fine example of cross-community co-operation in action.

The motivation of Friends of St Patrick is to promote the true spirit of Ireland’s Patron Saint by crossing community divides, bringing people together and encouraging people from all backgrounds to help others less fortunate than themselves.

Some might question what possible relevance a figure from the so-called dark ages can have in 21st century Northern Ireland. Well just two weeks ago I had the privilege of visiting St Patrick’s grave at Down Cathedral, Saul Church and the St Patrick visitor centre with Margaret Ritchie. I was struck by two things:

First the great potential that exists to boost tourism here, not least from the millions of people across the world who drink St Patrick’s health every 17th March. But I was also reminded just how much we can be inspired by St Patrick’s life and his message, which still resonates today so many centuries after his death.

As someone whose teaching predates the divisions in Christianity which emerged in Europe from the 16th century, St Patrick can be a genuinely unifying figure. And of course finding ways to reconcile different traditions and bring people together in a cohesive and shared society should be a key priority for all of us in Northern Ireland.

After just over six months in office as Secretary of State I am convinced that there is no greater or more pressing challenge for Northern Ireland’s political leadership. So it’s on this subject that I’d like to focus my remarks this evening.

First, the positives: Over recent weeks I’ve visited many cross community projects and I’ve seen many examples of superb work being done to tackle sectarianism and bridge divisions. I’ve been heartened by the commitment to breaking down barriers shown in interface areas, particularly among young people.

The opening of the Alexandra Park peace gate which I visited a few weeks ago is a real step forward. I also saw great work underway at the Jethro Centre in Lurgan to build mutual understanding between different parts of the community. And the movement towards shared education represented by the Lisanelly campus in Omagh is surely an example of the way forward that brings children together from diverse backgrounds.

These and many other initiatives show what can be done and point the way forward. This kind of work needs to be developed and repeated across Northern Ireland.

And we should not forget Northern Ireland’s well deserved reputation for hospitality and the friendliness of its people. That’s something which has certainly struck me during my first six months here.

As we approach the 15th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement, we should not be shy of trumpeting how life for almost everyone here has been transformed since the dark days of the troubles. The Agreement and its successors settled the constitutional argument and ensured that the future of Northern Ireland will only be determined by democracy and consent.

They established political institutions in which all parts of the community are represented according to their mandate, with all the key public services in local hands.

All parties signed up to unequivocal support for policing, and the rule of law and achieving their objectives by exclusively peaceful and democratic means.

The rights and identities of both main traditions, British and Irish, are fully protected.

We have a police service more accountable and representative than ever before.

Relations between the UK and the Republic of Ireland have been transformed, as was demonstrated again yesterday with the successful summit meeting between the Prime Minister and the Taioseach.

The peoples of our two countries have never been more connected than they are today. And while the dissident threat remains severe, the main terrorist campaigns that cost thousands of lives over thirty years have ended.

All of these are huge steps forward for Northern Ireland and indeed for these islands as a whole. But they were not gained easily. The relative peace and stability that Northern Ireland now enjoys took years of negotiation, many difficult compromises and real political leadership and courage on all sides.

The achievements of the peace process should never be taken for granted and we should all be clear that there must be no turning back. So I say to those who seek to de-stabilise society here, be they so-called dissident republicans attempting to achieve their objectives by terrorism, or those loyalists engaged in riotous protest in the mistaken belief that this is a means of defending our national flag:

You will not succeed in dragging Northern Ireland back to the violence and instability of its past.

And the Government will never shirk its responsibility to keep people here safe and secure. It is our number one obligation and we will fulfil it, not least by giving our full backing to the PSNI who serve this community without fear or favour.

Yet for all the gains of the past two decades, it is clear that we’ve still got a long way to go if we are to build a genuinely cohesive and shared society. That has been so vividly illustrated by the flags protests and by the activities of dissident terrorists over the past days.

The Belfast Agreement talked of the need for ‘reconciliation, tolerance and mutual trust’. But at too many levels, society here remains even more divided than it was when the Agreements were signed.

The number of so-called peace walls has gone up. Over 90 per cent of children are educated separately and the numbers in integrated schools has gone down. Public housing remains largely segregated. And issues like flags and parades still have the capacity to provoke tensions that can too often result in violence that scars the image of Northern Ireland, injures police officers and disrupts daily life in some of our most deprived communities. So tackling sectarianism and division has to be a priority.

It’s an economic priority – the cost of policing the protests is already £20 million, money that could have been spent on community policing or on schools or on hospitals and now never will be. At a time when we are in a global race for investment and jobs we need to be able to promote the best of Northern Ireland. We just cannot afford images of lawlessness and rioting to be beamed across the world.

It’s a political priority – because a more cohesive society will help to underpin devolution and the greater stability that Northern Ireland now enjoys. Ask investors what are the key factors they take into account when taking decisions to locate a business and political stability is virtually always up there near the top.

And, of course, it’s a security priority, because sectarian divisions can make it easier for paramilitaries and terrorists to recruit. So I believe we need to return to the spirit of the Belfast Agreement and look again at how we can build the ‘reconciliation, tolerance and mutual trust’ which it envisaged.

While virtually all of the relevant policy areas are devolved to the Executive, we have always made clear that the UK Government will support Ministers here in taking the difficult decisions needed to make change happen. That’s a message both the Prime Minister and I deliver in all of our discussions with the First and deputy First Ministers, because a shared future cannot be imposed from London. It requires local solutions, local leadership and local drive. And it needs those solutions, that leadership and that drive now.

Northern Ireland has enormous potential. And its already shown how it can shine on the world stage. Last year we saw the successes of the Irish Open at Portrush, the Titanic Centenary and the ground breaking Diamond Jubilee visit of Her Majesty the Queen.

2013 can also be a great year for Northern Ireland. Derry-Londonderry is making a flying start as the first ever UK city of culture. In the summer we have the World Police and Fire Games – the third largest sporting event on the planet. And of course the eyes of the world will be on Northern Ireland in June when the G8 Summit comes to Co Fermanagh.

All of these events provide us with the opportunity to show what Northern Ireland can be – a confident, modern forward looking place whose best days lie ahead. A Northern Ireland that has put behind it the sectarianism and divisions of the past and which is building a genuinely shared future for all its people.

I know that’s a hard task and there are no quick fixes. But it’s a prize worth striving for. And working with organisations like yours, encouraging reconciliation and promoting the true spirit of St Patrick, I know it’s something we can ultimately attain.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, at a British-Irish Chamber of Commerce lunch on 11th March 2013.

Taoiseach, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen; it’s a great pleasure to be here and it’s a great honour for me to be following An Taoiseach, Enda Kenny.

I’d also like to thank Fergal Naughton, Michael Keaveney and the British-Irish Chamber of Commerce for inviting me to address you and for hosting today’s lunch.

The Chamber does a great job in fostering trade links between the UK and Ireland, as the turnout this afternoon highlights.

The economies of both our two countries are inextricably linked. The UK needs a successful Ireland and Ireland needs a successful UK. The flow of goods and services between the UK and Ireland amounts to £1 billion Euro every week. The UK is Ireland’s largest export destination and the Republic is a key market for Northern Ireland, accounting for around a quarter of its exports.

The presence of the Taoiseach here today is testament to the fact that the peoples of the United Kingdom and Ireland have never been more connected. We saw that in the historic visit by Her Majesty the Queen to Ireland in 2011.We saw it in the Joint Statement on UK-Irish relations over the next decade issued by the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach twelve months ago.

And we saw it at the London Olympics – when we cheered the athletes from both our countries and took such pride in all they achieved.

Over the next fortnight, St Patrick’s Day celebrations taking place across the UK will remind us of the huge contribution made by the Irish community to life in our country. In particular, the Irish influence over our culture is unique. The English may have given the world our language but the Irish have shaped our literature in the most profound way over a period dating back hundreds of years.

Rooted in our common history, the relationship between the UK and Ireland embraces cultural, commercial, sporting and family ties. And it’s a relationship that the both the UK and Irish Governments want to see go from strength to strength.

Later today, the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach will hold the second of their annual summits. Our two governments are determined to implement the intensive programme of co-operation set out in last year’s Joint Statement, especially the work to promote jobs and growth.

Here in the UK, the Government has cleared a quarter of the deficit we inherited and over a million jobs have been created in the private sector.There are tentative signs that our economy is healing. The road ahead will be difficult, but it’s the right road.

Our priorities are getting on top of our debts to help keep interest rates low, bringing down business taxes, cutting red tape and creating the right conditions for enterprise to flourish. We are in a global race and only those economies that are fit to compete will succeed.

I welcome the signs of recovery we’re seeing in Ireland’s economy and the huge progress made by the Government there in addressing the debt problems which have beset so many European countries.

The fact that the summit last year and the one today will focus so much on the wider UK-Irish relationship has of course been made possible by the progress that’s been made on Northern Ireland in recent years. And the co-operation between successive UK and Irish governments has been vital to that.

As we approach the fifteenth anniversary of the Belfast Agreement it’s worth remembering what has been achieved:

– Constitutional issues have been settled on the basis of consent

– A devolved government in which all parts of the community represented according to their mandate means that nearly all the key public services are in locally elected hands

– We have a police service more accountable and representative than ever before

– We have a constitutional settlement which guarantees protection of the rights and identities of both main traditions, both British and Irish

– And UK-Irish relations have been transformed

Most important of all the Belfast Agreement has put an end to the main terrorist campaigns that saw so much tragedy and loss during the thirty years of the Troubles. That’s what been achieved as a result of political dialogue in Northern Ireland.

But as the flags controversy has shown, although we’ve come a long way, there’s still much to be done if we’re to build a genuinely cohesive, stable and prosperous society. In meeting those challenges neither the UK nor the Irish Government will shirk our responsibilities. We will maintain our security effort against those who oppose democracy and want to undermine the political institutions in Northern Ireland through terrorism and murder.

And let me place on record here my immense gratitude to the Taoiseach for the unprecedented levels of security co-operation between our countries. That co-operation has undoubtedly saved lives.

I’d particularly like to thank Eamon Gilmore and Alan Shatter with whom I have had many fruitful and constructive discussions since becoming Secretary of State. Indeed one of the bonuses of my job is the excuse it provides to visit Dublin on a regular basis, a city which has retained all its vibrancy and energy even through the depths of the economic challenges of recent years.

In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, we need to work together to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure. We need to rebalance the economy to end our overdependence on the public sector and boost private enterprise. And we need to work with the Northern Ireland Executive to address sectarian divisions and build a genuinely shared future for all.

Those are the UK Government’s priorities and they are shared by our colleagues in the Irish Government. Working closely together, we are determined to achieve them.

2013 has the potential to be a great year for Northern Ireland. Derry-Londonderry has already made a real impact as the first ever UK city of culture. In the summer the World Police and Fire Games will attract thousands of visitors. And in June the eyes of the world will be focused on County Fermanagh when some of the world’s most powerful leaders gather for the G8 Summit.

The decision to bring the G8 to Northern Ireland was very much a personal initiative of the Prime Minister and I know it has the strong support of the Taoiseach. It will give us the opportunity to show off the best of Northern Ireland.

The UK and Irish Governments will be working hard together to seize this opportunity to promote Northern Ireland as a great place to visit and a great place to invest. And I am sure we can rely on all of you here to help send out that message loud and clear on the global stage that the G8 summit will give us.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 2nd March 2013.

I’m delighted to have the opportunity to address the Alliance party conference this morning and I’m pleased to be the first ever Conservative Secretary of State to do so.

It’s also a great pleasure to be here alongside your leader David Ford. Given my responsibility for national security, I work very closely with David as Northern Ireland’s Justice Minister.

David’s role in overseeing law and order and the criminal justice system in Northern Ireland comes with grave responsibilities and heavy burdens and I’m sure that you’ll agree with me that he does an outstanding job.

I’m pleased to confirm that the draft legislation I published last month contains provisions to give the Justice Minister exactly the same security of tenure as other Northern Ireland Executive ministers.

That’s a commitment that this government made to the Alliance Party a year ago and it’s a commitment that we’ll keep.

The draft Bill is now being scrutinised by the Northern Ireland Select Committee. It’s the first time ever that a Northern Ireland Bill has been subject to pre-legislative scrutiny.

That’s a far cry from the days when emergency legislation had to be pushed through in response to the latest political crisis or to prop up faltering institutions. Once the pre-legislative scrutiny is complete I hope to bring forward our actual Bill in the next parliamentary session that begins in May with a view to the provisions becoming law by the end of the year.

I should also say that Parliament has been united in its support for Naomi Long, and other Alliance members who’ve been subject to intimidation and threats in recent months. Sadly the list of those who have been threatened and intimidated and had their offices attacked is a long one but I would like offer special support and sympathy to Stewart Dickson, Linda Cleland, Geraldine Mulvenna, Michael and Christine Bower and Laura McNamee.

As I said in the House of Commons back in December, any attempt to prevent elected representatives going about their daily business is an attack on democracy. It is completely unacceptable and it will not be allowed to succeed.

So be clear about this.

This government, working with the Justice Minister and the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), will do everything it can to ensure that politicians can do the job they’re elected to do. Our overriding duty is to keep people in Northern Ireland safe and secure, whether the threat comes from dissident republicans or loyalist protestors.

It’s a responsibility that we will not shirk. And I’d like once again put on record my deep appreciation for the bravery and professionalism of the men and women of the PSNI.

They do a fantastic job and all of us who believe in the rule of law owe them an immense debt of gratitude. The tragic loss of Philippa Reynolds is a very sad reminder of the risks faced by police officers every day.

But we should comfort ourselves with the knowledge that officers of the calibre, integrity and dedication of Constable Reynolds illustrate what an outstanding police service we have in Northern Ireland.

They are probably one of the most highly scrutinised police forces in the world and they do an incredibly difficult job without fear or favour, making the strongest efforts to be fair to all parts of the community.

Flag protests

Over the past number of weeks I’ve spent much of my time out and about meeting people in areas most affected by the protests places like Carrickfergus, the Newtownards Road and the Short Strand. I’ve spoken to politicians, businessmen and women, church leaders and other community representatives in places like North Belfast, Lurgan, Craigavon, Portadown, Lisburn and Londonderry. Many have told me that the street protests reflect a feeling amongst some in our community that they’ve been left behind.

At its most basic level they ask: “What has the peace process done for us?”

Now I’m keen to work with Executive ministers to look at how we can address genuine concerns that people have so that people feel they have a real stake in Northern Ireland’s future. In particular we need to look at how we can encourage more private sector investment and promote jobs in disadvantaged areas. That’s not just in loyalist areas but in nationalist ones too. It’s clear too that the efforts being made by the Executive to address educational underachievement will be crucial in addressing this feeling of disconnection and alienation.

But on one thing I am sure. This government will not be moved by people who wrap themselves in our national flag and engage in unlawful rioting and attacks on the police. Respecting democratic decisions and obeying the law are two of the hallmarks of our United Kingdom.

This applies to flags. It also means complying with the decisions of the Parades Commission, as the only lawfully constituted body with the authority to make determinations on parades in Northern Ireland. We cannot afford a repeat of scenes that we saw in parts of Belfast last summer. At a time when we’re in a global race for jobs and investment we need to be able to market the best of Northern Ireland.

That’s one of the reasons why the Prime Minister took the personal decision to bring the G8 here in June. It offers global branding that money simply could not buy. By the same token it’s hard to put a price on the damage done to Northern Ireland’s reputation by the flag protests over recent months. So I say again , let’s finally get these protests off the streets and start a proper political dialogue about how we resolve issues like flags and identity.

It’s dialogue that has resolved so many of the deep seated problems of Northern Ireland’s past and it’s dialogue that’s crucial to building a successful and cohesive future for Northern Ireland and all its citizens.

Benefits of the peace process

And as we approach the 15th anniversary of the Belfast Agreement all of us who support the political settlement here, and want it to work, need to stand up for what it’s achieved. Of course it wasn’t perfect – it involved some very difficult compromises on all sides. There were elements that many, including in the Conservative Party, found hard to swallow.

But in answer to the question “what has the peace process done for us?” let me suggest the following weighty list of achievements.

– it has settled the constitutional position of Northern Ireland on the basis of consent, leaving its place in the United Kingdom probably more secure than at any time in its history

– it contains robust protection for the rights and identities of both main traditions in Northern Ireland, both British and Irish

– it has established political institutions in which all parts of the community are represented according to their political mandate and all can have their say

– it has vested responsibility for virtually all the key public services in locally elected hands

– it has delivered a police service more representative and accountable to the community than ever before.

– it has left relations between London and Dublin and between north and south better, stronger and more productive than they have ever been before

And above all it brought to an end the main terrorist campaigns that over 30 years saw more than 3,500 people killed and many more maimed or injured, including those who lost their lives in a ball of fire that 35 years ago engulfed the venue in which we meet today, in one of the most shocking and brutal terrorist attacks of the Troubles.

That’s what the peace process has done for Northern Ireland. As any Secretary of State learns early in their tenure, political discourse here isn’t always suffused with optimism with a tendency perhaps to focus on what has been lost rather than on what has been gained.

But we should never allow people to forget just how far forward this place has moved in the past 2 decades. We should never stop reminding people of just how much has been achieved and just how dramatically the Belfast Agreement has transformed life for the better in Northern Ireland.

And we should never cease our efforts to keep going forward to complete the work that started with the peace process.

Shared future

The events of the past few months have reinforced the urgent need to tackle sectarian division and build a genuinely shared future for everyone in Northern Ireland. It’s an economic priority because Northern Ireland cannot afford to spend a million a week on policing riots and protests.

It’s a political priority because a more cohesive society will help to underpin devolution and political stability. And it’s a security priority because sectarian divisions can fuel grievances on which terrorists and paramilitaries prey. Under the devolution settlement most of the key policy responsibilities for dealing with these issues rest with Northern Ireland’s elected representatives.

In my regular discussions with ministers here, I’ve been keen to stress the UK government’s willingness to support them in coming forward with bold and imaginative solutions. We’ll back them in taking the difficult decisions that may be necessary to make progress.

A shared future cannot be imposed from London, it requires local solutions, local leadership and local drive. Nobody doubts that this is an immensely difficult task.

With some divisions dating back centuries, there are no quick or easy fixes. But Northern Ireland’s political leadership has been able to solve problems just as difficult as this over the last 20 years and I welcome the commitment that the Alliance Party has shown on this issue over so many years.

So I say to the Executive today, let’s work constructively and positively on this – let’s give it the urgency it genuinely requires – and let’s get on with the projects and the goals that need to be delivered if we’re going to fix this problem and complete the work that started with the Belfast Agreement.

Economy

Another area where progress is needed is in rebalancing the economy by ending our over-dependence on the public sector and promoting a stronger private sector. And we have to do this against the backdrop of the biggest deficit in the UK’s peacetime history.

There might be some who argue that the government should ease up in its efforts to reduce the deficit, and possibly even spend a little more to give the economy a short term boost. I disagree. While the road on which we are embarked is a difficult one, it’s the right one. To change direction now would risk a repeat of the mistakes of more borrowing and more spending that got us into this mess in the first place.

So when my shadow at Westminster calls for cuts in VAT he ought at least to spell out how he’d raise the extra £15 billion his policy would cost. The simple truth is that you don’t solve a debt crisis by creating more debt. We’ve cleared a quarter of the deficit in a little over 2 and a half years. Across the UK, the private sector has created over a million new jobs.

At long last there are tentative signs that the economy is healing. I realise how tough things are here in Northern Ireland. And that’s why we’ve taken measures to help hard-pressed families.

For example, the government has cut income tax for over 600,000 people and we’ve taken over 30,000 of the lowest paid out of tax altogether. And pensioners have benefited from the biggest ever single cash increase in the state pension.

Those are the actions of a coalition government that’s on the side of those who work hard and want to get on while protecting the most vulnerable in society. I fully recognise that here in Northern Ireland unemployment remains far too high, particularly among young people. Many of the key policies to promote local growth and jobs, such as planning, training and skills are devolved. And I commend the work that your minister, Stephen Farry, is doing at the Department for Employment and Learning on the matters such as skills and apprenticeships which are so crucial both for our economic competitiveness and for delivering opportunities to young people.

But there are things the UK government can do to help. In the Autumn Statement last December we made an additional £132 million available to the Executive for capital infrastructure projects. We’ve also exempted Northern Ireland electricity generators from the carbon price floor a key demand from the business community here. And we are continuing to look at the case for devolving the power to set corporation tax to the Assembly in order to help attract new investment.

Fulfilling our potential

I’m the first to admit that we’ve hardly had the ideal start to 2013. Northern Ireland has hit the headlines for all the wrong reasons. But it doesn’t have to be like this. As a place to live, work and do business, Northern Ireland has so much going for it. And 2013 still has the potential to be a great year for Northern Ireland.

Derry-Londonderry has already got off to a great start as the first ever UK city of culture. The World Police and Fire Games will bring thousands of competitors and spectators here in the summer.

And the G8 in Enniskillen will see the eyes of the world focused on Fermanagh. All of these events give us an opportunity to demonstrate how far Northern Ireland has come, and what we have to offer as a positive, modern and forward looking place that’s open for business.

So let’s show that side of Northern Ireland to the world this year.

And let’s move forward together.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by the Minster of Transport, Theresa Villiers, in London on 17th March 2011.

Thank you for that introduction. Finding the best way for aviation to grow sustainably and successfully is among the most important transport challenges we face in the modern world. This morning, some of the most knowledgeable commentators from different sides of the debate have discussed their perspectives on that difficult task. I’m delighted now to have this opportunity to set out elements of the Coalition’s approach to delivering an aviation industry that can thrive and prosper while also addressing its local environmental impacts and plays its part in combating climate change.

Today, aviation generates around £11 billion a year and employs around 200,000 people directly. It drives our multi-billion pound tourism sector and it helps this island nation trade with the rest of the world by providing vital international connectivity. On the other hand, as other sectors start to decarbonise, aviation’s overall share of carbon emissions looks set to grow significantly in future years unless action is taken. But I think it’s a mistake to see this issue as a binary choice between economic and environmental concerns. The steps needed to decarbonise the economy can open up significant economic opportunities for this country.

Over the past three years this country has learned a bitter lesson that unsustainable growth fuelled by spiralling levels of government and personal debt can end up being counter-productive and fraught with risk. Well growth which is very heavily dependent on dwindling supplies of fossil fuels and which leaves a hugely expensive climate legacy for future generations also has a major economic downside. As we see Middle East instability push oil prices up the energy security benefits of decarbonising our economy become ever clearer.

The Coalition’s approach

One of the Coalition’s first acts in Government was to cancel the third runway at Heathrow and make clear that we would not support new runways at Gatwick or Stansted. Building new runways at our three busiest airports would have made it more difficult to meet our commitments on climate change and left us paying too high a price in terms of the local environmental impact on surrounding communities. The DfT Business Plan promises to make the promotion of sustainable aviation one of our five overall priorities for structural reform.

In a few weeks time, we will publish an aviation policy scoping document, asking strategic questions to inform the development of a sustainable framework for the future of UK aviation. We aim to conclude that process in 2013 after a wide ranging national debate and extensive engagement with industry, environmentalists, community groups and the full range of stakeholders.

In recent years, the debate has become increasingly polarised. We want to try to build more of a consensus that recognises the crucial benefits that aviation brings to our society and our economy, but also acknowledges the need for restraint and for aviation to do more to address its environmental impacts. However, the process for producing that strategy over the next two years does not mean we stand still on our efforts to deliver important aviation policy goals.

Better not bigger

I fully recognise how vital it is that our major airports provide efficient and high quality gateways to the rest of the world. So I want to emphasise that our decision to reject three new runways does not mean that we don’t care about the quality of service provided by our airports. Our decision to reject those three runways means that it has become even more important to make the most of the airport capacity we already have, in the UK in general and south east in particular. I strongly believe that there are significant changes we can make to improve the quality of the passenger experience within current capacity constraints. In short, it is possible to make our airports better without having to make them bigger and we’ve got a range of initiatives underway to deliver that.

We will be introducing legislation in the next Parliamentary session to modernise and improve airport economic regulation to improve the quality of service that passengers receive at designated airports. Rather than focusing the bulk of regulatory action on a single price review every five years, the new licence based system we propose should enhance the effectiveness of the CAA by enabling it to intervene more quickly if an airport is failing its customers. Put simply, we’ll give the CAA the powers it needs to become a more responsive regulator throughout the control period, not just every five years.

We have established the South East Airports Taskforce to harness industry expertise to help deliver the change needed to improve the passenger experience for air travellers. The remit of the Taskforce focuses on Gatwick, Heathrow and Stansted but I firmly believe that its work will also benefit other airports across the country.

We want to create the right conditions for regional airports to flourish. They have an important role to play in the regional economies we want ensure they are successful as part of our efforts to close the prosperity gap between north and south. So it is important that the work of the Taskforce benefits airports across the country.

The issues the group is considering include border queues, security and resilience. Securing our border against crime, terror and illegal immigration is vital in these difficult times. We are working with the Home Office and the UK Border Agency on improving the way border checks are conducted for air passengers. The impressive work being done by UKBA, particularly with new technology, is focused on delivering this crucial policy goal in a way which minimises inconvenience for passengers.

We are also analysing ways in which the regulatory framework for aviation security might be reformed to address security queues and improve efficiency while maintaining the same high levels of passenger security, or better. The aviation industry told us that the system we inherited from the last Government can be too prescriptive and process-driven. So we are working on a fresh approach that will set the industry demanding outcomes to achieve but give them more flexibility to find the best and most efficient and passenger friendly way to deliver those outcomes.

A Taskforce sub-group led by the CAA is looking at resilience and delays. We hope to find collaborative solutions and improvements to operating practices that both airports and airlines can sign up to. Getting buy in from both sides can enhance the effectiveness of the changes we’re discussing.

I also believe that delivering the Single European Sky programme could deliver major improvements on delays, resilience and airport efficiency. The issue it’s designed to address can perhaps best be illustrated by the following facts. Europe has around 60 major air traffic control centres. The US has less than half that number but manages more than double the number of flights. Rather than splitting responsibility along national boundaries, the Single European Sky project aims to see airspace managed using much larger units known as Functional Airspace blocks. Our British and Irish FAB is the first to be operational in Europe and is already delivering improvements in fuel consumption and emission reductions. SES has the potential to generate economic, safety and environmental benefits; crucially it could reduce the need for stacking.

International action

But we also need action at a global level if we are to deliver a sustainable and successful future for aviation. So we will press ahead with efforts to negotiate access for UK based airlines to new markets. We’re also committed to including aviation in the EU Emissions Trading System. We are also working through ICAO and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change to push for international agreement on aviation emissions. Progress has been slow in recent years but the first major ICAO conference in which this Government took part saw a modest step forward. ICAO adopted an aspirational global goal for stabilising emissions from international civil aviation from 2020 onwards. We are also actively contributing to technical work to set international CO2 emissions standards for new aircraft types, and to devise metrics for reporting aviation CO2 emissions. It may not grab headlines but this detailed work is pivotal if we are to make real progress at a global level.

Technology

Technology is of course crucial to delivering our aviation policy goals and Britain can be at the forefront of that technological change. Indeed, UK technology and know-how is already playing a major role in making commercial airliners more fuel efficient. We can be proud of the fact that new aircraft like the Airbus A350 and Boeing 787 Dreamliner feature so much British engineering excellence, including British wings and British engines. Together these new aircraft will increase efficiency for passengers, reduce emissions around airports and help address noise problems. And over the horizon, I hope we can look forward to real advances on biofuels. Though I think it’s wise to admit there is no miracle technical solution round the corner on carbon or noise, technology may provide some of the answers.

Noise

Through ICAO’s Committee on Aviation Environmental Protection, we are making a similar contribution to technical work on international noise standards for new aircraft types. We fully recognise the concern felt about aircraft noise and the impact it has on quality of life. This was a key factor in our decision to say no to new runways at Heathrow, Gatwick and Stansted. So early in my tenure as Aviation Minister I confirmed we would not revive Labour’s proposals on mixed mode and that we could continue to support runway alternation at Heathrow and the much valued respite it provides for those under the airport’s densely occupied flight path.

We want to provide clear and stretching objectives for industry to reduce noise impact of flights by improving aircraft technology and operating procedures. And we’re working through ICAO to deliver that on an international basis, as well improvements air navigation and airspace management to deliver quieter approaches and climbs. That’s in addition to the progress we are pushing for through the CAA’s Future Airspace Strategy and the SES programme I’ve already referred to.

And of course I’m acutely aware that the debate on night noise will intensify in the coming months. I fully recognise that night noise is widely accepted as one of the least acceptable impacts of aviation. The current night restrictions regime for the three main London airports is due to expire in October next year. I know that the stakeholders and communities affected are keenly waiting news on this. I would like to assure this audience that I consider this to be one of the most important tasks I will face as Aviation Minister and that getting the right answer on this issue is a personal priority for me. I hope to make an announcement soon about how the process will go forward for establishing the successor arrangements to the current regime.

High Speed Rail

Ladies and gentlemen, today I’ve tried to give you a snapshot of some of the work we are doing to improve our airports and promote sustainable aviation, but I want to cover one last crucial element of our strategy for getting the best out of our airports and that is our ambitious plans to deliver a high speed rail network for this country. Experience around Europe shows how attractive high speed rail journeys are when they compete with short haul aviation. Taking just two examples of many, Air France has entirely stopped flying between Paris and Brussels and charters high speed TGV trains instead, and flights between Madrid and Barcelona plummeted when the high speed line opened. The high speed network we propose connecting London, Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds will have consequences beyond those cities. For example, running trains on to the new network from Scotland could cut journey times from Glasgow and Edinburgh to London to as little as 3½ hours. Now Deutsche Bahn hope to start running direct services from London to Amsterdam, Frankfurt and Cologne, in addition to Eurostar’s Brussels and Paris routes. At present, there are probably around 140,000 flights every year between these destinations and airports in the South East. 140,000 flights! Providing a viable rail substitute for even a modest proportion of those flights could release significant capacity at our crowded airports, enabling them to focus on routes where flying is the only option, such as for long haul and brick economy destinations, enabling us to get better economic value from our airports within current capacity constraints.

Ladies and gentlemen, there is no doubt that completion of the high speed rail network we propose be a long and arduous process. You only have to glance at the pages of the national newspapers every morning to realise that, but I firmly believe that it will be worth the effort. Not just because our plans will radically change the economic geography of this country and help us tackle a north south divide problem which has defied solution for decades, but also because high speed rail can transform the debate that has raged for some many years on airport capacity in the South East. Formidable challenges lie ahead, whether it’s on high speed rail or the future of aviation. I look forward to working with you all in addresses those challenges so that we deliver the sustainable growth and sustainable aviation that we need for a successful and competitive future for the UK economy.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by Theresa Villiers, the then Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, on 13th January 2010.

It is an honour to appear alongside such a respected advocate of Conservative values. And it is an honour for me to be invited to speak to a think tank of Politeia’s stature about Conservative ideas for reforming the railways.

The railways were the symbol of progress when this country led the world into the industrial era.  And now as we seek ways to revitalise our economy and do so in a way consistent with addressing the climate crisis, the renewed importance of our railway network should not be under-estimated.

Today’s railway carries more people than in the years before Dr Beeching cut swathes through the network. Privatisation has helped turn an era of managed decline into one of expansion. Yet it is self evident to anyone who regularly travels on the railways that the experience can be a grim one, particularly for those travelling everyday in cattle class conditions in massively overcrowded trains.

As the months tick by in Brown’s Britain, with the snow and rain falling on commuters stranded on  overcrowded platforms in stations which even a Government sponsored report acknowledge can too often be grim and forbidding places, I am more convinced than ever that we cannot go on like this; that we desperately need change.

We need change to ensure the rail industry works more cohesively together with a stronger and more unified focus on addressing those things that matter most to passengers, like overcrowding. We need change to ensure that the industry is accountable to passengers and responsive to their concerns. And we need change to loosen the vice like grip that excessive Whitehall micromanagement exerts on our railways.

We have a clear plan to deliver the change we need on Britain’s railway network.

And delivering value for money will be at the heart of that plan … as way to relieve the pressure off both the farepayer and the taxpayer at a time of acute crisis in the public finances.

Let’s just look at some of the bad news over the last couple of months.

The unions are becoming more and more ready to disrupt services with the London Midland Sunday working debacle spreading to affect my constituents on First Capital Connect’s Great Northern Line commuter services and then escalating to major disruption on the Thameslink throughout much of this winter.

The extra capacity promised by Labour seems perpetually delayed.

For example, Tom Harris promised that between 900 and 1300 new Thameslink carriages would be ordered by the Summer of this year. The DfT have yet to get as far as even announcing the preferred bidder.

Not just one, or even two, but three successive Secretaries of State for Transport have promised 1300 extra carriages to relieve chronic overcrowding. The methods used to calculate that figure defied some of the best brains in the nation. My colleague, Stephen Hammond, finally uncovered the truth via a series of parliamentary questions.

The real figure is actually over 300 short of the total those Secretaries of State promised. And at the last count, several hundred haven’t yet even been ordered and only a fraction are actually in service on the network.

Over five years after the decision was made to switch Eurostar services to St Pancras, all of the international platforms at Waterloo remain mothballed, despite repeated assurance that at least one of them would be in use by December last year.

At this rate, we seem to have as much chance of boarding a train at Platform 9 3/4 at Kings Cross as we do at the long promised Waterloo Platform 20.

So there are many reasons why we need change to ensure the whole rail industry works more efficiently in serving the interests of customers. That, of course, includes passengers but it also includes freight customers.  Making rail an attractive option for those who need to move goods around the country is pivotal if we are to ease congestion on our roads and keep our promises on tackling climate change. In a modern, low carbon economy, holding a fair balance between the interests of passengers and freight users should not be under-estimated.

One of the first steps towards making the rail industry more accountable to customers and more strongly focused on value for money would be to unify the way the industry is regulated and strengthen the powers of the regulator.

Supervision of Network Rail and the performance of the train operators would be brought within a single body, with a duty to safeguard the interest of customers.

That will give the regulator the authority it lacked when serious problems occurred on First Great Western route from 2006 to 2008:  the authority to bang heads together and get problems addressed promptly regardless of whether the operators or Network Rail were responsible for the initial fault.

So we would turn the Office of the Rail Regulator into a passenger champion by giving it responsibility for monitoring key aspects of franchise performance and enforcing them on behalf of the DfT.

The regulator also has an important part to play in our plans to reform Network Rail. We need to remedy a key mistake made by Gordon Brown when Network Rail was created.

In his efforts to keep Network Rail’s debts off the nation’s balance sheet, he created a structure that left Network Rail accountable to no-one. Not to shareholders, or to train operators, or to passengers.

Take the fiasco that occurred two years ago, when Network Rail let its Christmas engineering works over-run on the West Coast Main Line. Huge disruption was caused to both passengers and freight customers. But no heads rolled. And the company still paid out six-figure bonuses.

Yes, Network Rail was fined by the ORR. But when the taxpayer picks up the bill for NR’s debts, this is little more than a meaningless gesture.

But Network Rail’s remuneration committee still allowed substantial bonuses this year despite a formal letter warning that performance had been mixed. All the regulator could do was to say that he was “surprised and disappointed”. Under a Conservative Government, if the regulator is disappointed, the senior management will feel it. We will give the regulator the power to inflict real financial pain on Network Rail via the confiscation of reduction of bonuses in cases of serious under-performance.

At present, Network Rail’s senior management is theoretically accountable to “members” who are supposed to function like the shareholders of a public limited company. In reality they do no such thing. The senior management can get away with scooping the bonus pool because an amorphous grouping of 100 members, the appointment of which can be vetoed by the very management team they are supposed to scrutinise, simply aren’t strong enough to stop them.

So a further measure a Conservative Government would adopt to give Network Rail much stronger incentives to respond to their customers is reform of the company’s governance.

We will streamline and shrink the membership to turn it into a supervisory board. We will ensure that members will be appointed independently of Network Rail’s management.

And we will make sure we have people on it who will provide a strong voice for passengers and for train and freight operators, in setting the overall direction of the company and holding its management to account.

And, in addition, we will inject more contestability into areas of Network Rail’s remit. At present, the company has an almost complete monopoly over publicly funded rail improvements.

A recurrent concern about their performance is the slow pace and often high cost of delivering much needed improvements.

Yes, we all know issues have arisen in relation to the big tickey projects such as the West Coast Main Line upgrade. But huge frustration has also arisen in relation to Network Rail’s approach to smaller scale projects such as station improvements, longer platforms and car park expansion, improvements that can be real lifeline to hard-pressed commuters.

So we would open up funding for these smaller scale rail improvements so they are contestable by a range of industry players including the train operators.

We believe that getting the train operators involved, as the companies closest to passengers and with the most direct interest in delivering what they want, should help drive forward more cost effective delivery of important measures needed to relieve overcrowding such as longer platforms and station improvements.

We also believe this aspect of our reforms will provide a valuable benchmark against which to measure the performance and value for money achieved by Network Rail.

And to help us draw in much needed private sector investment in this kind of upgrade a Conservative Government would adopt a simple idea, a measure that’s had widespread support for years, that’s proven its effectiveness and in the limited instances where it has already been deployed, in short, it’s a no-brainer.

I am, of course, referring to longer franchises.

The Government recently tendered the South Central franchise for just 5 years and 10 months.

This period is a blink of an eye compared to the longevity of rail assets.

We need franchises that are long enough to allow operators, their banks and shareholders to commit investment in the knowledge that they are allowed a reasonable payback period.

We believe 15 to 20 year franchises should become the norm.

Clearly safeguards will need to be put in place to protect the passenger interest during the duration of such a long franchise including break clauses.

This model has already shown it can work, with Chiltern Rail’s 20 year franchise enabling them to invest in signalling improvements, a new station and increased parking for cars and bicycles, with more due to be announced this week.

I and my colleagues have been making the case for longer franchises for many years and we very much welcomed the indication shortly before Christmas that we might finally be starting to convince the Government on this.

Another reform of the franchising system that we could introduce would be a move to more qualitative assessment of franchises so that bids are not judged only on price but also on their commitments to invest in the sort of improvements I’ve been referring to aimed at tackling overcrowding and improving the passenger experience.

The Government’s Dutch auction approach led to some heroically optimistic bids.

Natex was the second franchise to go down on the East Coast Main Line in less than three years, a franchise award which the rail minister at the time warmly welcomed with the words:

“The whole deal is good news, not only for the passenger but for the taxpayer.”

After one franchise collapsed because it couldn’t make the numbers add up on a bid that would yield £1.3b in premia, was it really wise to it to accept one for £100m more to be delivered in a shorter time period?

Of course getting value for money for the taxpayer will always be hugely important, never more so than at this time of crisis for the public finances.

But I believe that it is possible to engage in a more intelligent assessment of value for money which recognises the importance of long term investment in the rail improvements that can do so much to improve life for commuters.

So in summary, three important elements of our plans for putting passengers at the heart of the way our railways are run are strengthening the rail regulator, reforming Network Rail and awarding longer better franchises.

But there is another key reform for which our railways are crying out.

We need to radically scale back the DfT’s detailed day-to-day involvement in matters like timetabling and the procurement of rolling stock.

Well intentioned though it is, having civil servants drafting detailed timetables and deciding with the 0909 from Reading can stop at Slough or not is not the best way to run a railway.

High as my regard is for the civil service, the man in Whitehall does not always know best.

I am in no doubt that the extent of Whitehall involvement in the detail of train procurement, specifying design down to the last bolt, is one of the reasons why the new carriages promised by Labour have been so very slow in coming.

Instead the Government’s role should focus more on setting overall direction, while we apply a modern model of regulation to make Network Rail more efficient and more customer focused and give train operators the best incentives to deploy private sector investment as part of a cost-effective solution to passenger concerns.

And there is more.

Important though it is, reforming the way the existing railway runs isn’t enough. We also need to prepare for the future.

The future needs of our transport infrastructure, our economy and our environment. I cannot be plainer: this country needs high speed rail.

Over a year ago I set out my party’s commitment to high speed rail and benefits it has to offer. Quite simply, it can transform the international competitiveness of regional economies by redrawing the time-distance map of these islands.

A classic example is provided by Lille, a town with high unemployment and below average income. It fought hard to be on the TGV network and its economy was wholly transformed by it.

In this country, not only does high speed rail have major advantages in addressing the prosperity gap between the South East and the rest of the country, it can yield significant benefits in terms of knitting together regional economies as between one another.

And just as our nineteenth century rail revolution did, ushering this kind of step change in connectivity that comes with HSR will drive social change too.

When Barak Obama sought to sell his vision of a new high speed train network to the American public he used Spain as an example.

And when you look at the Spanish experience with HSR you start to understand why he chose that country rather than longer established players like France or Japan.

Spain is rolling out high speed track and a phenomenal pace. Its AVE high network hasn’t just breathed new life in the cities it serves, it has even started to break down intense regional rivalries, some of which date back centuries. So much so that the terrorist group, ETA, said it would target anyone involved in construction of a high speed link between the Basque region and Madrid. It even went so far as to detonate a bomb at the headquarters of one of the contractors working on the project.

Well thankfully our regional rivalries aren’t as acute in this country. But the impact of HSR in Britain could still be profound and far reaching.

And I believe that the Conservative pledge on high speed rail that we made at our party conference in 2008 has transformed the debate on the future of our transport networks in this country

At that conference, I announced that a Conservative Government would give the go ahead for a new high speed line connecting London and Heathrow with Birmingham, Manchester and Leeds.

I should emphasise that we see this very much a first step. Our aspiration is to go further in years to come, to a line that stretches north to Newcastle and Scotland; and to a network which ultimately expands to connect many of the UK’s major cities in a national high speed network.

Since that announcement, the momentum for high speed rail has been gathering pace in this country.  Now it can boast support from politicians across the spectrum.

Despite the Government’s longstanding reluctance, don’t forget Ruth Kelly’s 30 year strategy for the railways had no place for high speed rail, we saw a change of heart from Labour with the establishment of HS2 Ltd. I should make it clear that I am grateful both to Sir David Rowlands for keeping me informed on its work and to the Secretary of State for permitting and encouraging him to do so. As and when we see the report we will be able to make a decision on the merits of the proposals it contains.

There has, rightly, been a great deal of discussion about the benefits of cross-party work on projects as important and long-term as building Britain’s high speed rail network. The birth of our first 68 miles of track to the Channel Tunnel owed much to an unlikely combination of John Prescott and Michael Heseltine.

But there remain a number of important differences between Lord Adonis’ approach and mine.

Firstly, we are the only party to have put forward a fully costed, timetabled commitment to bring high speed rail.

Secondly, our extensive modelling is predicated on the most cautious assumptions including those we have made on future fare revenues. We see no point in building a line where fares put its use beyond the reach of ordinary families.

Thirdly, it remains a matter of regret that HS2’s primary remit covers only London to Birmingham, when the arguments for taking HSR further north are so clear. So far the Government has declined to match our commitment to bring high speed rail to the north of England.

And fourthly, when it comes to air to rail switch, the Government just don’t get it.

HSR has huge potential to assist us in cutting carbon emissions by providing a viable alternative to thousands of short haul flights. However, you will only maximise its potential to do that if you connect up new domestic lines to HS1 to the Channel Tunnel; and if you make sure that HSR is smoothly and efficiently integrated into Heathrow. That is why we want a new rail hub for Heathrow so that passengers can go straight from the airport to a top class new high speed rail line that can take them on to destinations like Paris and Brussels by connecting up with HS1 and the Channel Tunnel.

Over recent months, of course was been asked about the impact of the recession on our plans.  I can answer that question today. If we are elected, our plans for a new line to Manchester and Leeds will go ahead.

We have carefully costed our proposal. We are confident that it’s workable and that it’s affordable. We stick by our commitment.

We will deliver on it.

And on this project, as in all our endeavours if we are elected to serve this country as its Government, value for money will be a guiding principle.

To those who say it makes no sense to embark on this great task, given the state of the public finances, I have four points to make.

Firstly, even with the most optimistic forecasts, the planning and preparation needed is likely to take at least 4 to 5 years, so the major spend is unlikely to begin before 2015 when construction would start.

Secondly, however great the efforts we make, the period of construction will inevitably be a long one. So the taxpayer’s contribution will be stretched over the 12 years it would take to deliver the complete line up to Manchester and Leeds, relieving the pressure on budgets in individual years.

Thirdly, every credible study indicates that the West Coast Main Line will be full, some time between 2015 and 2020. Expecting aviation or our congested motorways to meet the resulting capacity pressure is neither practical nor environmentally acceptable.

Given the lead times involved in building new railways, we can no longer put off the decision on a new line. Within ten years, extra capacity on the West Coast corridor will not be a “nice to have luxury”, it will be a pressing necessity.

It would be hugely short sighted to embark on a new conventional line when the cost uplift for high speed rail is probably 30% at most.

And fourthly and finally, study after study shows that over time high speed rail will pay for itself, not least the report published last year by Network Rail.

Ladies and gentlemen, this is a project that requires us to look beyond recovery from recession and set our sights on preparing for prosperity.

It was a British engineer who gave the world the railways.  Now Britain lags behind a lengthening list of countries across Europe and Asia who are harnessing the benefits of high speed rail. It is high time we started catching up with the rest of the world. I am convinced that if we are going to build a greener and more competitive Britain, we need to rise to the high speed rail challenge.

Thank you.