Tag: Speeches

  • Steve Barclay – 2022 Statement on Opening of 50 New Surgical Hubs

    Steve Barclay – 2022 Statement on Opening of 50 New Surgical Hubs

    The statement made by Steve Barclay, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, on 26 August 2022.

    Yesterday I visited Moorfields Eye Hospital in London, where staff have significantly ramped up the number of cataract operations they can do in a single week – thanks to two of the 91 surgical hubs that are already enabling our NHS to carry out more operations quickly and efficiently under one roof.

    I want to reassure Times readers who are waiting for vital operations, or have a friend or loved one who is, that we are taking action. Today, I announced that hundreds of thousands of people across the country will benefit from more than 50 new surgical hubs, backed by £1.5 billion of government funding, to help us bust the Covid backlog.

    So far, locations for 16 of these new hubs have been confirmed and existing hubs are being expanded with new facilities. Bids for the remaining hubs will be considered over the coming weeks and months.

    From the Midlands to the South West, these new hubs will be located on existing hospital sites, speeding up the waiting times for common operations such as cataract surgeries and hip replacements that make up a large part of the waiting list.

    For example, United Lincolnshire Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust is using its surgical hubs to reduce the length of time that patients undergoing hip and knee replacements stay in hospital by about two days — meaning more people can recover in the comfort of their own home the day after surgery.

    Crucially, these new surgical hubs will deliver almost two million extra routine operations over the next three years – expanding on the progress we are already making.

    Thanks to the hard work of NHS staff, waits of over two years for routine treatment have already been virtually eliminated, the first target set out in our elective recovery plan. There has also been a drop of almost one third in people waiting 18 months or more for care since January.

    These new hubs will help us maintain this momentum and ensure more people can access life-changing operations more quickly.

  • Boris Johnson – 2022 Press Conference With President Zelenskyy in Kyiv

    Boris Johnson – 2022 Press Conference With President Zelenskyy in Kyiv

    The text of the press conference between Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, and Volodymr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, in Kyiv on 24 August 2022.

    Thank you very much Volodymyr and thank you to the people of Ukraine for the incredible honour that you have done me which is a recognition of the efforts of the UK.

    When you rang me at 4 in the morning on that grim day in February and you told me the news that we had been dreading that Putin had been so insane as to invade a sovereign European country,

    I told you then that we were shoulder to shoulder with you and that is as true today as it was in that horrific moment.

    And I can also tell you that when we met in the high security room in Downing Street to try to understand what was happening, we were filled with foreboding.

    We just did not see how this innocent and beautiful country could repel an attack by more than 100 Battalion Tactical Groups, when the suffering and the casualties would be so immense. But you did.

    And like one of those indomitable Ukrainian boxers for which this country is justly famous,

    you came off the ropes and you hit him with an upper-cut that sent Putin’s armies reeling from Kyiv and then a hook to drive them from Kharkiv,

    And it became ever clearer to the world that he had fatally underestimated the grit, the will, and above all the price that you were willing to pay to defend the country you love.

    And I salute the heroic dead, I salute the families of the bereaved and the injured,

    the emergency services who have been called time after time to the scenes of Putin’s atrocities.

    I salute the bravery of the ordinary people of Ukraine who have just got on with their lives.

    The teachers, the students, the children.

    In our country today young people are getting their grades for their exams and of course it has been a tough time for them,

    because we’ve all had to cope with the pandemic.

    But I ask them all to think of the children of Ukraine,

    two thirds of whom have been driven from their homes, two thirds,

    and who have seen nearly a fifth of their schools destroyed or damaged.

    And yet working by candlelight or in makeshift classrooms, 7,500 of them have achieved the highest possible grades.

    And it is our collective mission to ensure those brilliant students grow up to use their qualifications to achieve their dreams in a peaceful, prosperous and independent Ukraine.

    And I believe they will, because out of the ashes of your towns and cities, out of the monstrous scars left by Putin’s missiles, something beautiful is blooming, a flower that the whole world can see and admire and that is the unconquerable will of the Ukrainians to resist.

    And that was what Putin failed to understand.

    He simply had no idea how much Ukrainians love this extraordinary country with its rich black soil and magical golden domes,

    how much they treasure the life, the bustle and the freedom and the Eurovision song contest winning cultural dynamism of Ukraine.

    And just as he fatally underestimated Ukraine, he also underestimated the price the whole world was willing to pay to support Ukraine.

    We have and we well and even though we must accept after six months of war the price is indeed a high price.

    And I have come from a United Kingdom where we are battling inflation that is being driven by the spike in energy prices that is caused by Putin’s war.

    And we face strikes being driven by trade union’s bosses who have the ruinous belief that the best way to tackle soaring energy prices is with ever higher wages when that is simply to pour petrol on the flames

    and of course we are doing everything we can to deal with the pressures people face on their cost of living and to help people through the difficult months ahead.

    And that is why it is so important for you to know now that we in Britain have the strength and the patience to get through these economic difficulties that have been so recklessly driven and exacerbated by the folly and malevolence of one man, Vladimir Putin.

    And like every other European country we are of course working to end our dependence on Russian hydrocarbons and we are building those new nuclear power stations, one a year rather than one every ten years, tens of gigawatts of new wind farms and I can tell you that we in the UK will not for one second give in to Putin’s economic blackmail because the people of my countrycan see with complete clarity what is at stake in Ukraine today.

    Yes of course, it is about you and your right to live in peace and freedom and frankly that on its own is enough,

    but it is also about all of us, all of us who believe in the principles of freedom and democracy and here today now in Ukraine I believe that history is at a turning point and after decades in which democracy has been on the defensive, on the back foot, we have an opportunity to join you in saying no to tyranny, saying no to those who would stifle Ukrainian liberty and independence and we will. And that is why Ukraine will win.

    And we also know that if we are paying in our energy bills for the evils of Vladimir Putin, the people of Ukraine are paying for it in their blood and that is why we know that we must stay the course because if Putin were to succeed, then no country on Russia’s perimeter would be safe and if Putin succeeds it would be a green light to every autocrat in the world, a signal that that borders can be changed by force and that is why the British House of Commons, all parties, stood as one, to applaud Volodymyr Zelenskyy and to support the military, diplomatic and economic support that we are giving to Ukraine.

    And I’m proud that we have already supplied more arms than any other European country, including 6,900 anti tank missiles, 5000 of the NLAWs, 120 armoured vehicles, Starstreak anti aircraft missiles, anti-ship missiles and now the MLRS

    And today I can tell you that more artillery and more ammunition is on its way and 2000 UAVs

    and we are training 10,000 Ukrainian soldiers, alongside our allies, and only the other day I was at Catterick in Yorkshire and I met 400 of your recruits that we are helping to train

    and these were people from all walks of life, people who weren’t soldiers, who had never been to battle before. But the grim reality was that in just a few weeks from now they are heading to that frontline.

    And when I listened to their cheerfulness and their courage, I knew Ukraine will win.

    And in offering this kind of training and equipment,

    I also want to applaud our friends around the world, in the EU, the Poles, the Baltic countries, the Dutch, the Czechs, the French, the Germans, the Italians, they’ve been steadfast.

    But at this juncture it would be right to pay a special tribute to the outstanding global leadership of the United States of America,

    And let me be clear, I believe this commitment by the United States of $40 billion in military support, I think $59 billion all told, has been indispensable to Ukrainian success

    and I thank Joe Biden and his team for what he is doing and to all our friends I simply say this: we must keep going. WE must show that we have the same strategic endurance as the people of Ukraine.

    We know that the coming winter will be tough, and that Putin will manipulate Russian energy supplies to try to torment households across Europe

    and our first test as friends of Ukraine will be to face down and endure that pressure – to help consumers but also to build up our own supplies

    and I believe that as we come through this winter, our position will strengthen and with every week that goes by Putin’s position will weaken. And that’s why now we must continue and intensify our support for Ukraine. The HIMARs the MLRS and all the systems that are proving so effective in Ukrainian hands.

    We cannot afford for one moment to relax the sanctions on Putin, and we must keep up the financial and economic support for Ukraine

    and every day around the world we must fight Putin’s lies – because it is his war that is pushing up the price of food and oil and gas, not western sanctions

    and we must fight any creeping attempt to normalise relations with Putin because it is becoming ever clearer that thanks to the sacrifices of the people of Ukraine, the vaunted Russian offensive in Donbas is failing and therefore this is exactly the moment for your friends to help you strike the Russians just as they begin to wobble.

    We know that Putin’s troops are tiring, that his losses are colossal, that his supply lines are vulnerable.

    We can see how tiny his recent advances have become, and how huge the cost in Russian blood and treasure and tragically in the tears of Russian mothers.

    And we also know that this is not the time to advance some flimsy plan for negotiation with someone who is simply not interested.

    You can’t negotiate with a bear while it’s eating your leg, you can’t negotiate with a street robber who has you pinned to the floor and we don’t need to worry about humiliating Putin any more than we would need to worry about humiliating the bear or the robber.

    All that matters today is restoring and preserving the sovereign integrity of Ukraine.

    And on this anniversary, let us remember that glorious day 31 years ago when on an 84 per cent turnout 92 per cent supported independence.

    And this is now a war for that independence and history teaches us that when a country has a language, an identity, a pride, a love of its traditions, a patriotic feeling that simply grows with every month and year that passes,

    and when a country of that kind is engaged in a war for its very existence, my friends, that war is only going to end one way.

    Ukraine will win,

    and Britain will be by your side.

    You have reminded us of values that the world thought it had forgotten,

    you have reminded us that freedom and democracy are worth fighting for.

    I’m proud to count myself a friend of Ukraine, I thank you for the honour that you’ve done me today,

    and you can count on me and my country in the years ahead.

  • Liam Fox – 2002 Speech to the 2nd Conservative Mental Health Summit

    Liam Fox – 2002 Speech to the 2nd Conservative Mental Health Summit

    The speech made by Liam Fox, the then Shadow Secretary of State for Health, on 25 June 2002.

    In the children’s story “The Emperor’s new clothes” it required the simple yet definite and courageous view of one individual to challenge the conventional wisdom and open the eyes of the population to their mass denial of reality. In dealing with the issue of mental illness we need a similar reality check asking whether recently adopted trends and measures are effective and relevant or merely rhetoric and fashion.

    The way in which a society treats those least able to play a full role is a measure of how civilised that society is. Sadly, I believe that we accept a level of care for those with mental illness that we simply would not accept for those with other types of illness. If you walk from Westminster up the Strand or into the heart of London and see people, many of whom will suffer from a mental illness, sleeping in the doorways of some of our wealthiest institutions then there is a policy failure that a humane society should not tolerate.

    THE UNSPOKEN EPIDEMIC

    It will come as a surprise to most people that one in four of us will suffer from sort of mental health problem at some point in our lives. One in four. I doubt there is a single person out there who has not experienced the impact of mental ill-health on someone in their life – be it relative, friend or colleague.

    Mental illness is society’s unspoken epidemic, one of its last taboos and so rarely discussed. People regard mental illness as a weakness. They stigmatise those individuals who suffer from it. Why else was Mrs. Rochester locked in her attic? Why else did it take Lorraine Wicks so long to accept her son Joe had schizophrenia in Eastenders, and for him to seek help? If we are to diffuse the stigma surrounding mental health, we must dispel the ignorance of people.

    The spectrum of mental ill-health is incredibly broad. It encompasses the Mum with post-natal depression, the Dad struck by depression after a period of prolonged unemployment and the son or daughter with a behavioural disorder who is underperforming academically and is disruptive in the classroom.

    It is also about the college friend who commits suicide (seemingly for no reason), the soldier returning from an overseas conflict but unable to adjust to the realities of daily life, and the elderly parent slowly being ravaged by the dehumanising erosion of the human spirit known as Alzheimers.

    While the safety of the public must always be at the top of our priorities we need to move the debate away from an obsession with the mercifully few incidents when someone with a mental illness harms someone else and remind ourselves that it is in the interests of that very public safety that we ensure adequate and appropriate treatment for all those who need it.

    THE CURRENT SITUATION

    Sadly, too many politicians seem to pay more attention to the potential dangers psychiatric patients pose, and issues surrounding their compulsory treatment than to the far more important issue of appropriate treatment of all patients. We need to shift the debate away from those rare incidents of violence which end up stigmatising anyone with a mental health problem.

    The situation is currently bleak with widespread staff shortages, acute and day-bed shortages, wide gaps in community provision, and a lack of effective step-down care for those returning to the community.

    It is a situation made worse by the knowledge that while funds are earmarked in the health budget they all too often fail to reach those in need. Cutting the mental health allocation is an easy way of balancing the budget. The mentally ill are least likely to complain, make a fuss or write to the newspaper columns.

    The evidence that the Government does not consider mental health a priority is stark. Buckinghamshire Mental Health NHS Trust has seen £1 million originally earmarked for mental health diverted into other areas. Half of all GP practices in Cumbria offer counselling to patients in need, and there are plans to axe the £78,000 service. The Avon and Wiltshire Mental Health Partnership Trust faces service reductions amounting to £500,000, and the Acupuncture Clinic at the Department of Psychiatry at North Manchester General Hospital is threatened with closure. It costs £60,000 a year to run. It’s quite clear that far from being a priority, mental healthcare is an afterthought for this Government.

    Our inner cities bear more than their fair share of the burden. Those who are homeless, or who have alcohol or drug addictions, frequently also have mental health problems. They end up in our inner cities – where they become invisible amidst the hustle and bustle of city life to those who might otherwise help them.

    But mental ill-health is not just an issue that afflicts inner cities. The crisis in our countryside has also led to an increase in mental health problems – such as the well documented tragedy of farming suicides which has touched my own constituency in North Somerset.

    A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

    Throughout history, mankind has sought to put distance between itself and those deemed mentally ill. In the era of witchcraft, the treatment of the mentally ill consisted of the casting out of devils and theatrical exorcisms. Once civilisation had moved beyond that phase of superstitious fear, the commonly held view, for many centuries, was that insanity was untreatable. Any approach to dealing with the mentally ill had to focus on containment and custody. The mentally ill were hidden from human view in asylums and institutions, with varying standards of care. Locked away out of sight – and literally out of mind – those sent to asylums sometimes lay chained to their beds all day long. The corridors echoed to the screams of the undiagnosed and untreated deranged.

    For many the reason they were there in the first place was often forgotten. Having an illegitimate child was sufficient to have you labelled a ‘congenital imbecile’ or ‘morally defective’. You were condemned to an asylum for the rest of your natural life. Even in the 1960s, there were examples at an asylum in the Scottish Highlands of asylum ‘inmates’ having all their teeth removed to simplify oral hygiene, and false teeth being washed communally in a big bucket.

    For the countless thousands in these appalling institutions, those who were not ill to start with frequently ended up depressed, if not deranged, by the conditions they were forced to live in.

    THE CONSERVATIVE RECORD

    The Conservative Party has always been at the forefront of mental health reforms. It was Lord Shaftesbury who began to turn mental health from an instance of private misfortune to a matter of public concern. He highlighted the atrocious conditions in many of the London asylums, and changes began, albeit very slowly, to occur.

    The reliance on asylums and other custodial institutions was such that by 1954 the population of psychiatric hospital beds peaked at 152,000 – more than twice the current prison population.

    But it was Enoch Powell who took the first decisive step away from this model of care. In his own words, the 1959 Mental Health Act lit a ‘funeral pyre’ beneath the decaying network of asylums.

    He was at his most eloquent on this subject in 1961, in what has become known as his Water Tower speech. He talked of asylums which stood ‘isolated, majestic, imperious, brooded over by the gigantic water-tower and chimney combined, rising unmistakable and daunting out of the countryside’ His goal, broadly speaking, was to move treatment of the mentally ill away from remote asylums and into local hospitals ‘in the community’.

    With the development of new drugs, the possibility of treating patients actually in the community slowly became a reality. Starting with the findings of a committee into mental health chaired by Cecil Parkinson at the request Norman Fowler when the Conservatives were in opposition in the 1970s, policy development culminated in the 1983 Mental Health Act and Kenneth Clarke’s 1990 NHS and Community Care Act.

    CARE IN THE COMMUNITY

    Most people accept that it was right in principle to bring an end to the old asylums and have patients treated close to or within the community. Certainly the concept of care in the community had support right across the political spectrum.

    But, as Virginia Bottomley wrote in a letter to The Times in 1998: ‘In an institution, an individual can be monitored 24 hours a day. In the community, reporting and fail-safe mechanisms are necessary if tragedies are to be avoided. ….. The pendulum has swung too far.”

    That a warning in those terms should have been delivered by such a staunch supporter of the concept of care in the community ought to have set alarm bells ringing in government. But nothing was done.

    Now the suicide rate is rising again. The increasing breakdown of the family unit, homelessness, abuse, and the absence of any sense of community in inner city areas are all contributing to increasing prevalence of mental health problems amongst all ages, and particularly the young.

    This is not to ignore the fact that care in the community has provided many thousands with an opportunity to experience a quality of life far better than what they would have experienced inside restrictive institutions.

    Nor can criticism be laid at the door of medical, nursing and voluntary staff who have made a Herculean effort in the face of the greatest difficulties.

    I would reject completely the criticism of some that care in the community was nothing more than an unfortunate or catastrophic meeting of a desire for financial savings and a naïve passion for the rights of the individual.

    But the pendulum has swung too far- and too fast. Many now feel that care in the community was implemented too quickly, with inappropriate patient selection and in too many places, there was too little investment in training, finance and related areas.

    There has been, at times, too little care, scant support, and a form of community which has exposed the vulnerable- both patients and the public- to danger.

    Individuals were sometimes placed in a complex urban environment that they just couldn’t cope with. They lacked understanding of their condition, and their institutionalised background made them unable to deal with the complexities of modern living. And when they needed help, their cries went unanswered.

    We need a new balance to be struck which ensures the most appropriate treatment and environment for patients. A balance where those that need treatment in a hospital setting receive it and only those able to cope in the community are placed there.

    And we must accept as part of this balance that care in the community has been discredited in the public mind by a series of crimes committed by the mentally-ill who had fallen between the gaps or come off their medication.

    The litany of cases represent some of the most horrifying and frightening crimes of the past few decades – Christopher Clunis stabbing Jonathan Zito on the platform of Finsbury Park, Horritt Campbell attacking nursery nurse Lisa Potts, Michael Stone murdering Lin and Megan Russell on a Kentish country lane, the attack on the late George Harrison in his own home, the Liberal Democrat councillor Andrew Pennington attacked by a man with a sword at a Cheltenham advice surgery.

    A case from my own constituency: Sarah Beynon from North Weston, just outside Portishead, was sent to Broadmoor in August 1995 after killing her father while on leave from a clinic. An enquiry found that staff at the Southmead Hospital did not ensure she took her medication. Risks were taken unnecessarily, and she was not safely contained physically. There was a lack of communication between social workers at the Fromeside Clinic regional secure unit. At Fromeside, she was the only female in a ward of fifteen patients. The monitoring of her condition was often left to nursing staff without specific training.

    But these tragic cases are not just in the past. A 37 year old paranoid schizophrenic woman was ordered last April to be indefinitely detained after an indiscriminate outbreak of violence in which seven people were attacked in Leeds city centre. Formerly an in-patient treatment, she had been asking her doctors to change her medication at the time of the attack. No-one was around to pick up the signs that something was going wrong.

    As Michael Howlett of the Zito Trust told the Yorkshire Evening Post (11 April 2002): ‘People don’t just attack people in the street out of the blue. There’s always a build-up over weeks or months. These incidents are usually as a result of services breaking down and the danger signs not being spotted’.

    However, it is a misapprehension that because it is preferable not to institutionalise people that the community is invariably the place to locate all mental health patients.

    Let me just quote from the Sainsbury Centre’s briefing on in-patient acute care published the other week: ‘We have yet to develop realistic plans to deliver acute inpatient care which is therapeutic and supports recovery. Unless we develop and implement such plans, nationally and locally, we will see an increasing cycle of decline in acute mental health care with increasing user dissatisfaction, incidents and inquiries and the loss of high quality staff – all despite the best efforts of many committed staff. The situation is little short of a crisis and has to be addressed now. In some instances the quality of care is so poor as to amount to a basic denial of human rights.’

    A DANGER TO WHOM?

    Events involving just a few stigmatise the many – and lead others to overlook the danger some mentally ill people pose to themselves.

    The case of Ben Silcock is a good example. Mentally disturbed, it was he who was severely mauled after climbing into the lion enclosure at London zoo.

    Incidences of suicide, particularly in prisons, far outnumber the cases where the mentally ill patient harms someone else. Sadly, around 1,000 schizophrenics commit suicide each year. This contrasts with the 40 murders each year committed by people who have been in contact with mental health services, and who are not necessarily schizophrenics.

    It will always be the duty of government to protect the public from harm, if necessary by detention or compulsory treatment. But politicians must take care to adopt a balanced approach which does not stigmatise and thereby worsen the plight of those who pose no risk to anyone, except possibly themselves.

    WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM ABROAD?

    Gordon Brown says we have nothing to learn from abroad when it comes to health. That is equally ignorant and arrogant, especially in the area of mental health.

    I was enormously impressed in Denmark during a visit to a psychiatric hospital at the profoundly calm atmosphere and the sense of patients being treated with dignity and respect.

    And some of you may have heard of the Hotel Magnus Stenbock in Helsingborg, Sweden. It is a good example of what might be termed a ‘halfway house’ for those moving between an institutionalised setting and the community. It has 21 single rooms. It offers a balance between private and social space. The hotel is not just about its structure and about the offering of crisis accommodation, but it is also about developing a sense of community, a sense of acceptance and offering a place of safety. It is run by the RSMH, an organisation of mental healthcare users, which runs a million-pound organisation that sustains and nurtures self-help models of care throughout Sweden.

    Perhaps the most striking comment I saw about the hotel was that of a shopkeeper who runs a store nearby the hotel. One might have thought the local population would have objected to the hotel being near them, but on the contrary, he said ‘The proximity of the hotel has not had any adverse effects on business, sometimes the general public are a little wary of users, but they see the staff in the shop are not afraid and are treating the hotel residents the same as all the other customers. It makes them more comfortable. We believe everyone has the right to be treated as a human being and at some point in everyone’s life we all encounter problems, some more severe than others’.

    This is symptomatic of the approach of Sweden and other countries. They regard mental illness as no different from any other illness. They are prepared to innovate. Variety is what matters. We need to offer services which reflect the diverse needs of those with mental health problems, rather than offering a limited range of services which the individual has to fit their mental health problem round. And the RSMH shows how the state does not need to be the only provider.

    MENTAL ILLNESS IN THE YOUNG

    It is amongst the young and old that there is the greatest propensity for others to dismiss the symptoms of mental health. The rate of mental health problems amongst children and the young is alarmingly high – twelve per cent suffer from anxiety disorders and ten per cent have disruptive disorders.

    The signs of mental ill-health are too often dismissed as growing pains yet mental health problems in the young can quickly lead to juvenile crime, alcohol or drug misuse, self-harm and so on.

    These problems affect children in care in particular. For example an Audit Commission report stated that two thirds of young people looked after by Oxfordshire County Council had a diagnosable psychiatric disorder, compared with only 15% living at home.

    It is also surely a cause for concern that a third of young men between sixteen and eighteen sentenced by a court are diagnosed with a primary mental disorder.

    Mental health problems not only make children unhappy but also retard their emotional development and social skills, and blight their education and life chances. The social problems that can consume young people such as school truancy, teenage pregnancies, bullying and school drop-out rates are as much part of the mental health agenda as the developmental and behavioural disorders more frequently cited.

    We have a duty to these children to ensure they receive the appropriate assistance rather than being condemned to a youth spent at the margins of an unwelcoming education system and a fearful civil society.

    The causes of mental health problems amongst the young are diffuse. Genetic influences can make children more likely to suffer from serious mental health problems, but very often it is societal influences that can influence the development of anxiety and conduct disorders. The increasing breakdown of the family unit, homelessness, abuse, and the absence of any sense of community in inner city areas can all contribute.

    Such problems can manifest themselves in behaviour which is often classified as wilful ill-discipline. Preventative work which involves educating schools and helping them to understand the wider implications of bad behaviour is a sensible step, as is involving the families. One difficulty, though, is that any suggestion of mental health problems is immediately seen as attaching a stigma to the child, and this impacts on the extent to which families are prepared to co-operate. They fear their child will be bullied (perhaps exacerbating the problem) and that the school’s attitude to a child who is potentially disruptive may also change. They wrongly feel that they protect their child by avoiding the issue.

    THE ELDERLY- TOO OFTEN FORGOTTEN

    Mental ill-health in the young is the wellspring of what I have described earlier as the ‘unspoken epidemic’. That epidemic is just as widespread amongst the elderly, and just as easily dismissed and ignored as with young people.

    A quarter of those over 85 develop dementia – perhaps the form of mental illness most associated with the elderly. However, between ten and sixteen per cent of those over 65 develop clinical depression. This sort of mental illness is too often ignored, as younger relatives assume the individual is just ‘slowing down’ and ‘getting on’.

    Older people deserve access to mental health services as much as anyone else. It is not enough just to assume that because elderly people have access to care homes, home helps, meals-on-wheels and the like anyway, an extra dimension of care on account of a mental illness they may have, is unacceptable. People are individuals, and they must be treated as such.

    PRISON-THE HIDDEN SCANDAL

    Enoch Powell may have lit a ‘funeral pyre’ beneath mental asylums when his 1959 Mental Health Act began the process of shutting them. But today, some seventy per cent of the prison population has a mental health or drug problem. Where once we hid our mentally ill in asylums, we now, unwittingly, locate many in our prisons.

    The incidence of mental disorders amongst the prison population far exceeds that in the population as a whole.

    It is a troubling thought that anyone who is mentally ill and has a brush with the law could find themselves subject to inadequate treatment in Dickensian surrounding at the beginning of the 21st century.

    Facilities often amount to little more than sick-bays with limited primary care cover. The assessment of a prisoner on his arrival at prison typically takes five to seven minutes. A retired GP or a locum who may have no specialist knowledge of mental health often conducts it. The level of training of staff does not always match the complexity of the conditions prisoners present with.

    Prisoners are thus less likely to have their mental health needs recognised, less likely to receive psychiatric help or treatment, and are at an increased risk of suicide. The number of suicides in 1999 – 91 – is almost double the figure of 51 from 1990.

    As a report from John Reed, the medical inspector of the inspectorate of prisons, states: ‘A period in prison should present an opportunity to detect, diagnose and treat mental illness in a population hard to engage with NHS services. This could bring benefits not only to patients but to the wider community by ensuring continuity of care and reducing the risk of reoffending on release’ (BMJ, 15 April 2000). That this opportunity is not grasped is an indictment of the current system.

    And John Reed has also said: ‘Many [prisoners] are quietly mad behind their cell door and are not getting any treatment. Care for mentally disordered offenders in prison is a disgrace’ (Nursing Times, 25 May 2000).

    The Prison Service must, therefore, as a matter of urgency, consider how to address the mental health needs of the people in their charge. Research is required, in particular, to determine how the prison environment impacts upon mental health. This may include issues such as overcrowding, confinement in cells, and the range of activities available to prisoners.

    A second problem is that prisoners with mental health problems remain within the prison service, and are not diverted to the NHS, as the Reed Report amongst others, recommended. It is inappropriate for prisoners with severe mental illness to be in prison. Sir David Ramsbotham has said ‘In my view mentally ill prisoners requiring 24-hour nursing care should be in the NHS, not prison’ (Nursing Times, 25 May 2000).

    But for diversion to work, an alternative must exist. More beds would be needed in special and medium-security hospitals. In addition, upon completion of sentence, there are insufficient beds in ordinary psychiatric units to discharge prisoners into. This lack of beds clogs the whole system up.

    Of course increasing capacity in the NHS whether for acute hospital beds or secure hospital places will require resources that will have to be contained within the envelope of health spending. Additional research is required to make an accurate assessment of exactly what is required and we shall now undertake this. But it is a question of values and priorities.

    Whether patients are within the criminal justice system or not, it is in everybody’s interest to make sure that their mental illness is properly treated, and in the right setting, before they are released from custody with a treatable condition.

    The Conservatives have already stated that we will spend what is required to provide better healthcare, but that imposes a duty to make the best use of the resources we already have before deciding what more might be needed.

    An NHS which, by its own estimate, wastes some £9 billion a year needs to ask some awkward questions about its use of resources.

    In addition, Derek Wanless dealt with the costs of mental illness and the potential savings of a better system in his recent report.

    He pointed out that MIND estimate the total costs of mental illness at £37 billion a year. Of this, £11.8 billion is lost employment. In 1995 over 91 million working days were lost as a result of mental illness.

    Home Office estimates put the overall cost of crime at £58 billion per year with a significant proportion being carried out by people with a mental illness.

    When asked about the cost benefits of better mental health care, Wanless said “It is difficult to estimate the exact value of potential savings, but it does not seem unreasonable to assume that there might be a 5 per cent reduction in the costs of mental illness and a 2 per cent reduction in the costs of crime…..giving a net saving across government as a whole of some £3.1 billion a year.” (Securing our Future Health: Taking a long term view, Interim report, Derek Wanless, April 2002, pp.115 and 116)

    A NEW AGENDA

    Health policies cannot hope to eradicate the problems of an entire society. That Utopian vision was crushed very soon after 1948. What health policies can do is seek to support those who do suffer in what can be, at times, an atomised and alienating society.

    That is why the Conservative Party is making mental health a central part of its health policy agenda. It is an issue that must become a matter of public concern, and not just a private misfortune. A self-enlightened society is one that realises, as they have done in Sweden and Denmark, that it is to the benefit of everyone that mental illness is treated – and if possible prevented – adequately.

    And perhaps we need to bring back another concept – ‘sanctuary’. We started off with Bedlam, then we had madhouses, Lord Shaftesbury gave us asylums, and then we looked to the community. Now we have to speak of what all these differing environments ought to provide – a sense of sanctuary.

    I recently visited a counselling service in Aylesbury where the described their office as “a place to feel safe.”

    And last week I had the very great privilege of visiting the Hillside Clubhouse in Holloway. The Clubhouse network was something I had not heard of before. I was struck from the moment I walked in the door that the people who used the clubhouse – and who had mental health problems – looked on the Clubhouse as somewhere they could go to feel safe. It offered them companionship, constructive activity and the chance to go and get a paid job in the community. It supported them without compelling them. Everyone found their own level, and progressed at their own pace.

    It was not somewhere they were forced to go, but equally it was somewhere that would keep in touch if they stopped coming along. In short, it offered genuine care in a real community. It was a sanctuary in an ever more complex and difficult society.

    With New Labour’s obsession with celebrity, glamour and the good life, many feel that the vulnerable in our society now have no champions left. Concern about the social welfare of those in society who have no-one to speak up for them is an essential part of any programme for a truly national party such as ours. There can be few more vulnerable groups than those with mental illness.

    We are not taking this stance because it is fashionable.

    We are not doing it because we have identified some interest group or section of the population who we can make politically beholden to us as a consequence.

    We are not doing it because we see some short-term gain to be had by pretending to interest ourselves in ‘soft’ social issues for a few months.

    We are doing it because we believe it is the right thing to do.

    That is what politics ought to be about.

  • Iain Duncan Smith – 2002 Speech on the Mentally Ill

    Iain Duncan Smith – 2002 Speech on the Mentally Ill

    The speech made by Iain Duncan Smith, the then Leader of the Opposition, at the Savoy in London on 25 June 2002.

    Much has happened since I spoke to you nearly a year ago at last year’s annual lunch.

    The Two Cities have been at the forefront of the national outpouring of affection and respect for the Queen during her Golden Jubilee celebrations.

    In May’s Elections Westminster City Council once again showed how successful Conservatives can be when we deliver high quality, good value local services. Simon Milton and his team have certainly played their part in our local government revival in London.

    And in the House of Commons your new MP, Mark Field, has marked himself out as a leading member of that new generation of Conservative MPs that I will make it my business to lead into Government.

    Twelve months that would have sounded fanciful. We had just suffered our second devastating defeat in four years.

    Yet today, our Party is more disciplined and more united than it has been for a decade.

    And Labour, seemingly impregnable back then, have been caught in their own web of intrigue and spin which has seen them lose the trust of the British people.

    This is all a very long away from the new dawn in British politics that Tony Blair promised on taking office in 1997 or from the promises he made at the last Election.

    How has a Prime Minister who said he would follow the People’s Priorities come to view those he claims to represent with such contempt?

    Integrity and politics

    The relationship between government and the governed is the cornerstone of democratic politics. It is usually vigorous and sometimes harsh, but when it reaches the point where the Government considers the people it leads as its enemy the very idea of democracy becomes debased.

    Whether it is smearing Rose Addis as racist or investigating Pam Warren and the survivors of the Paddington Rail crash for their political affiliations, one thing is clear. This Government believes that anyone who is prepared to speak out and contradict its message that things are in fact getting better, must have a political motive for doing so.

    Just last month, a newly-appointed Labour minister – the former Head of the Prime Minister’s Policy Unit summed up Labour’s governing philosophy. He said ‘Third Way triangulation is much better suited to insurgency than incumbency’.

    This is a polite way of saying that defining yourself by the people and things you are against instead of what you are for may win elections but isn’t much use when it comes to running the country.

    It is because Labour have failed to learn that lesson after more than five years in power, that they go after the likes of Rose Addis and Pam Warren with the venom that they do.

    Tony Blair said he would be ‘tough on crime, tough on the causes of crime’, but overall crime has started to rise again and violent crime and street crime are rocketing.

    The best David Blunkett can claim of nearly sixty headline-grabbing initiatives on law and order over the past year is that they are not Jack Straw’s.

    Tony Blair said ‘education, education, education’ would be their priority, but one in ten students in some inner city areas leave school without a single GCSE and indiscipline has become the standard in too many classrooms.

    And the best Estelle Morris can say is that the days of the one-size-fits-all comprehensive are over after David Blunkett abolished Grant Maintained schools.

    Tony Blair said Britain had ‘24 hours to save the NHS’, but five years later a quarter of a million people are having to pay for operations out of their own pockets because they cannot afford to wait any longer.

    And the best Alan Milburn can say about health is that there is now room for partnership with the private sector after boasting that the NHS would remain a state monopoly little more than a year ago.

    And where is the Chancellor in all this? He said National Insurance was ‘a tax on ordinary families’ and dismissed claims during the Election that he would increase it as ‘smears’. Ten months later he increased National Insurance by £8 billion while the state of our public services have declined still further.

    And the best Gordon Brown can do is to adopt a sphinx-like silence. But New Labour is his project too.

    Political discontent and cynicism have been accelerated by five years of a Prime Minister and a Chancellor who neither mean what they say nor say what they mean.

    Five years of seeking to be all things to all people.

    Five years when Labour’s only tangible achievement is to be neither the Party they once were nor the Government they replaced.

    They have poisoned the well for all politicians.

    So we cannot sit back and wait for the public disillusionment with Labour to grow. We have to show that the Conservative Party is changing, that we can deliver action not words.

    We do not have to stop being Conservative to win the next Election, but we do have to start showing how our principles will deliver solutions to the problems people face.

    Some people say it is not the job of the Conservative Party to talk about the vulnerable. I say it is part of our very purpose. It is what brought me into politics. That is why I will never be apologetic about putting the vulnerable at the centre of our strategy.

    Today Liam Fox is talking about giving mental illness a much higher priority within the Health Service. One in four people in this country suffer from mental illness of one form or another. It is our nation’s hidden epidemic and yet it is one our society’s last remaining taboos.

    There is nothing fashionable about championing the mentally ill, but they are the victims of an old consensus that has let them down.

    Too many people with mental illness now languish in prison and the Government plans to detain indefinitely people with personality disorders who have done no harm to others. The mentally ill have a right to be heard and we will give them a voice.

    Because it is vulnerable people – the elderly, the sick and the disadvantaged – who suffer most when public policy and public services fail.

    We have allowed issues like these to be colonised by Labour for far too long. The paucity of their methods and the poverty of their results can no longer go unchallenged.

    But it isn’t good enough for us just to talk the talk, we are going to have to walk the walk. People have to trust our motives, but they have to believe we will deliver.

    It is going to fall to us to tackle the problems of crime, failing schools, family breakdown and poor healthcare. Now, as in the past, we will work to give people back control over of their own lives, to direct power away from government to the places and the people who can use it more effectively. That is why I have set up a Unit to head the most wide-ranging review of our policies and our priorities for a generation.

    Better schools and hospitals, more responsive local government, means giving teachers, doctors, nurses and councillors the power to do their jobs and making them accountable for what they do.

    That is what happens in every other walk of life, it is also what happens in every other country whose standards of public services exceed our own.

    If we do these things people will see the difference. It is about putting people before systems, results before theory, and substance before spin. That is the right way to do things, but it is not Labour’s way.

    Taxation

    Instead of opening their minds to new ideas all they have done is open our wallets.

    The higher taxes announced in the Budget are intended to give us European levels of health spending.

    But European spending won’t give us European standards without reform. I was struck by recent figures which showed that the productivity improvements in the NHS before 1997 have been reversed over the last five years.

    And Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have shut the door on any serious debate reforming the NHS. Instead, they are simply going to give us higher taxes. That is an expensive recipe for disaster.

    In all, taxes will increase by around £8 billion pounds next year, and over half that sum will come from business, the very people who generate the country’s wealth in the first place.

    But this is not the first time Gordon Brown has raised taxes.

    Pensioners were his first target. In 1997, the Chancellor’s withdrawal of the ACT Dividend Tax Credit landed pension funds and pensioners with a £5 billion a year stealth tax from which they are still reeling.

    In 1998, the utility companies had to pay the second half of the £5.2bn windfall tax.

    In 1999, the very smallest businesses, personal service companies, first became aware that their vital contribution to the economy was to be attacked with the IR35 tax.

    In 2000, hauliers, taxi drivers and every single business reliant on road transport felt the anger of ordinary motorists at the highest taxes on petrol in Europe, culminating in the fuel crisis.

    In 2001, right in the middle of a painful manufacturing recession, Labour introduced the Climate Change Levy, a tax on energy which hit manufacturing the hardest.

    Finally, in Budget 2002, Gordon Brown announced half a billion pounds of higher National Insurance Contributions for the self-employed and £4bn more for all other businesses, not to mention £3.5bn extra that will now have to be paid by employees.

    Regulation and competitiveness

    But it’s not just the higher taxes that Labour have levied on business every single year.

    There’s the red tape, the Government’s favourite mechanism for getting business and the public services to do what it wants.

    Just this morning we hear that GPs are wasting two and half million appointments every year filling in repeat prescriptions and filling out sick notes to satisfy the thirst for bureaucracy.

    Businesses will recognise the pattern, as they cope with regulation upon regulation, from new payroll burdens that have turned businesses into unpaid benefits offices, to administrative juggernauts like the Working Time Directive.

    In monetary terms, the Institute of Directors calculates that these burdens have cost business a further £6bn every year, but no-one could ever really know the true cost of time which comes from having to fill in forms instead of creating wealth.

    And yet, despite all these taxes and all this red tape, Peter Mandelson, the architect of New Labour says, “we’re all Thatcherites now”.

    Well I’m a tolerant man and I believe in broad church politics, but I draw the line at heresy.

    Mr Mandelson says we all have to accept that globalisation “punishes hard any country that tries to run its economy by ignoring the realities of the market or prudent public finances”.

    Quite. So why is Labour ignoring one of the most fundamental realities of the free market: that to be competitive, to win orders and create wealth, you have to keep burdens on business to a minimum.

    We have become the fourth richest country in the world because Conservative Governments spent eighteen years freeing labour and capital markets, deregulating key sectors of industry, and slashing red tape and taxes.

    Every new regulation and every increase in business taxation introduced by Labour since then has undermined our long-term ability to compete in the global marketplace.

    Monetary stability and the Euro

    Another feature of the economic legacy that Conservatives passed to this Government was that we won the war against inflation. By 1997, inflation had already been running near to the 2.5% target for four years.

    The independence of the Bank of England has helped to reinforce this anti-inflationary environment and credit should be given to Gordon Brown for that measure at least.

    The real question now is this: do we want to give up those arrangements in favour of interest rates set by the European Central Bank?

    Joining the euro would mean no longer setting interest rates on the basis of what is best for Britain but submitting to a single rate that would benefit the whole of the Eurozone – an impossible task.

    The Prime Minister continues to drop hints about a referendum on the single currency next year.

    At a time when everyone is concerned about the state of their schools and hospitals, when we feel threatened by the rise in violent crime, he should focus on these issues and stop playing games over the Euro.

    Lately there are signs that the Prime Minister is getting cold feet, not because of the five economic tests but because of the only test that really matters to him, the opinion of the public.

    He grasps that a referendum on the single currency would also be a referendum on the breakdown of public trust in his Government.

    He is caught between the rock of the Pound’s popularity and the hard place of his own desire to scrap the Pound. His lack of conviction about everything else is getting in the way of the only conviction he truly holds. Such are the wages of spin.

    If the Prime Minister wants Britain to adopt the Euro, he should have the courage to say so, name a date and let the people of this country decide. If a referendum comes the Conservative Party with me at its head will campaign vigorously to keep the Pound.

    We will join with trade unions and businesses, and supporters of all parties and none who believe that replacing the Pound means away giving control over British interest rates, taxes, and public spending. It ultimately means British people giving away control over our politicians too.

    So not only will we campaign vigorously for a ‘no’ vote. We will not be alone. The Pound is more popular than any political party, because it doesn’t belong to any one political party. And we will fight to keep it that way.

    When Tony Blair entered Downing Street five years ago he had more going for him than any other incoming Prime Minister.

    A landslide election victory.

    The foundations of economic stability and success laid by his Conservative predecessors.

    The goodwill of the overwhelming majority of the British people.

    Never has a Government had so much, but achieved so little.

    With no fixed idea of who they are, they have chosen to define themselves by how they look. And the truth is after five years of lies and spin they are beginning to look pretty shoddy.

    They are no more capable of effective leadership to tackle the issues that undermine our society today than they were of grasping the economic reforms that were necessary in the 1980s.

    Whether it is raising standards in our schools and returning civility to our classrooms; restoring the rule of law to our streets; or dealing with the insecurities of infirmity and old age, it falls the Conservative Party to lead the way once more.

    That means fresh thinking and new ideas on education and health, on crime and policing, on finding new ways for people to share in economic growth.

    It means taking every opportunity to show ourselves as we really are: decent, tolerant and generous people who want the country we live in to be a better place for everyone.

    Above all it means showing that the difference between the Third Way and the right way is the difference between promises and delivery.

    We all know this in our hearts. Our job is to earn the right to prove it.

  • Damian Green – 2003 Speech to Conservative Party Spring Conference

    Damian Green – 2003 Speech to Conservative Party Spring Conference

    The speech made by Damian Green, the then Shadow Secretary of State for Education, at the Conservative Party’s spring conference on 16 March 2003.

    A year ago Iain Duncan Smith told this conference that the Conservatives would take the fight to Labour on public services.

    If you need a reminder of why our drive for better schools is more important than ever, let me take you through the 12 months since we were last here.

    A year in the life of Labour’s Education Department. A year in which pressure from us, from parents, and from teachers forced Estelle Morris to resign. She went, saying she was useless. Six months later, many of her Cabinet colleagues still can’t quite understand why that’s a reason for resigning.

    As it’s Sunday, I am feeling charitable, so let’s start with the Government’s own assessment of its performance.

    Labour set themselves nine targets. They have had two hits, two near misses, and five failures. The Government describes this as ‘significant progress’. I wish my chemistry teacher had been that generous.

    But of course the real truth lies behind the missed targets.

    With the one in four children leaving primary school unable to read, write and count properly.

    With the 50,000 children playing truant everyday. Many of these children are probably already on the conveyor belt to crime.

    With teachers like the one in Surrey who not only suffered abuse and even death threats, but was then forced to take back the very pupils who had threatened him.

    With the 30,000 young people who left school this year without a single qualification, unskilled and unprepared for life in the working world.

    With the hundreds of thousands of A-level students who had their futures thrown into doubt by Government incompetence.

    And with the schools up and down this country that are cutting their budgets and laying off staff. Six years into to New Labour, and the council tax goes up, while the schools are cutting back.

    Look at that record and don’t tell me that New Labour is a One Nation Party. They are as deceitful and vindictive as Old Labour—just better dressed.

    And to cap this year of failure look at our universities. Students were told before the election there would be no top-up fees.

    There are now top-up fees. Students were told admissions will be on merit and potential. But that doesn’t apply if you go to the wrong type of school, or if your parents went to university or if they earn too much.

    Let me take this chance to assure you that a Conservative Government will scrap quotas, scrap the Access Regulator, remove secrecy in admissions policies and get rid of anything else that makes university admissions unfair. The best places should go to the best students—whatever their background—that’s the Conservative way.

    And since we are in the constituency of the Liberal Democrats Education Spokesman they deserve a word too. That word is dishonest. This is party that is against selection, unless you have a popular local grammar school. That says it has abolished tuition fees in Scotland, when you just pay them after the course, instead of during it. The only real LibDem contribution to education is creative maths. As in the LibDem canvasser who comes to the door, you ask him “What does two plus two make,” and he replies “What do you want it to make.” You know you can’t rely on the Liberal Democrats to attack Labour.

    But let me assure this conference: you will never hear me apologising for highlighting Labour’s failures time and time again.

    We have an alternative – a Conservative alternative – that will bring better schools and universities for our children.

    People often ask what is our message. I’ll tell you.

    Power to schools, power to parents.

    Because we believe that heads and teachers know how to run their schools best. And we believe that parents know which schools are best for their children.

    We already have some of the policies that will turn these principles into reality.

    We will create State Scholarships. These will give parents the right to decide which school deserves the money the state spends on their child’s education—not the politicians or the bureaucrats. And if there is no acceptable school nearby, we will encourage new schools to set up, funded by the state but run independently. That will give real choice to millions of parents for the first time—and that’s the Conservative way to drive up standards.

    And in all our schools, we will give heads and governors the power to decide how they run their schools, and where they spend the money.

    We will abolish the independent appeals panels that second-guess teachers’ decisions on disruptive pupils. And we will allow heads to use legally backed behaviour contracts, signed by the parents, to instil discipline in their schools. We won’t undermine the authority of the head and the teacher—we will back them against the disruptive child, and the disruptive parent.

    We will also cut back the National Curriculum, which has become too rigid. We will reduce the number of exams, because the purpose of school is to learn and to grow intellectually, not just to pass the next test.

    There will be much more to come. Our fresh thinking won’t stop there.

    A future Conservative Government will introduce a fairer funding formula for schools. It will make sure that, wherever they are from, children are supported on the basis of their need and not punished because of where they live.

    Of course children with problems deserve help. But a poor family in Surrey deserves help just as much as a poor family in South Shields. The current funding system for schools is arbitrary and unfair—we will get rid of it.

    In the coming months we will unveil our policy on vocational education, which for too long has been the second-class citizen in education.

    Iain Duncan Smith and I visited Holland recently where we saw children of 12 and 13 learning to rewire a room, and fit up a bathrooms all in the course of their normal lessons. They don’t see it as second best. Why should they? Let’s organise school time so that everyone can find something they are good at and want to concentrate on.

    And we will be turning our attention to the most vulnerable in our society – children with special educational needs.

    I believe the Government’s relentless policy of inclusion at all costs is harming the care and education of too many children. The closure of special schools threatens to rob us of vital centres of expertise forever. Those children, and the dedicated staff who work in those schools, deserve better.

    And we will have more to say on our university policy. It will be based on the principles that students deserve a fair admission system, universities need to be strong independent institutions, and opportunity needs to be offered to everyone. Just like our schools, our great universities will need rescuing from the damage this Government is doing, and we will be proud to come to the rescue.

    So the power we will give to schools and parents will mean a fair deal for everyone.

    The Labour way in education is to interfere, bully, discriminate, fiddle figures, tax, spend, and fail.

    The Conservative way will be to back heads, trust teachers, empower parents, take decisions locally, and above all promote choice as a route to excellence.

    We will not leave children behind in sink schools. We will not cheat deserving students out of their university places.

    We will reward hard work, good discipline, and those who aspire to the best.

    So tell them on the doorstep between now and May 1st. If you want a good school get a Conservative Council. If you want an education system we can all be proud of—get a Conservative Government.

  • Michael Ancram – 2003 Speech on Zimbabwe

    Michael Ancram – 2003 Speech on Zimbabwe

    The speech made by Michael Ancram in the House of Commons on 1 April 2003.

    I congratulate HF on securing this important debate and on the way he has introduced it. It is a crucial debate because of what is happening now in Zimbabwe and why.

    It is however wrong that once again it is a member of the opposition who raises the question of Zimbabwe within this House. It should have been debated on the floor of the House. We have used an opposition day once to do so. Not so the Government.

    For them Zimbabwe is a problem to be swept under the carpet. Two years ago the PM boasted that he had a moral duty to act. Instead he has walked timidly by on the other side.

    The Government are still walking by. They connived in the technical arrangement which allowed the French to invite Mugabe to visit Paris in February. They have done nothing since to bring genuine pressure on Mugabe. They have never explained what the Prime Minister meant by his 2001 declared ‘moral duty to act’. Presumably the thespian interpretation of the word!

    I went to Zimbabwe last July. I experienced the sense of betrayal by the British. No surprise that Amnesty International says “there seems to be no limit to how far the [Zimbabwean] government will go to suppress opposition and to maintain its power”. No surprise that the very courageous MDC MP Roy Bennett, no stranger himself to beatings and imprisonment, states “we feel forgotten by the rest of the world. Mugabe is getting away with murder, torture and rape, and no-one is taking a blind bit of notice”. It is unbelievable that our Government is still doing nothing.

    The horrors in Zimbabwe are getting worse. Over the last two weeks there has been a massive increase in state sponsored violence and intimidation. No coincidence that this upsurge comes at the same time that the world’s media are concentrating on Iraq and the two by-elections which thank goodness the MDC held. The smoke of even a distant war has provided a cover behind which Mugabe’s brutality has grown and flourished. The by-elections yesterday, although fantastic victories for the MDC, were marred by government vote-rigging and vicious intimidation.

    While won by the MDC, Mutable gave notice by his brutal attempts to steal these contests that he is determined by any means to achieve the five parliamentary gains he needs constitutionally to entrench his vile dictatorship. No wonder he describes himself as the African Hitler.

    Levels of government-sponsored violence have spiralled since the Iraq war began. On top of the ethnic cleansing of hundreds of thousands of black farm workers, and the state provoked and politically directed mass starvation, there are now the false prosecutions, the murders, the official use of sexual assault and rape as a weapon of intimidation, and the ever increasingly vicious beatings.

    The violent government reaction to the Stay-away two weeks ago has signaled the end of even the last vestiges of human rights in Zimbabwe. People are angry, they are hungry and they are at the end of their tether.

    If the international community does not act, I fear we will see the law-abiding , decent, peace loving people of Zimbabwe, black and whites alike, taking the law into their own hands. All the ingredients for an enormous humanitarian disaster are present. It would be a conflagration from which we would not be able to walk away.

    Zimbabwe is at the front line of the food crisis. The World Food Programme estimates that 7.2 million people are vulnerable. Food production has dropped to about one-third of previous years’ levels. Thirty-four percent of the adult population are now infected with HIV/AIDS.

    And then there is the oppression. The main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangerai and his MDC have reached the limit of what they can do to force the government to change. Since the recent strikes at least 1000 people have been arrested, assaulted and hounded from their homes.

    And what is our Government’s response? The Noble Baroness Amos said last week, “the United Kingdom Government are working with our EU partners on a statement condemning the action which has been taken”. Working on statements of condemnation! Mugabe’s thugs are working not on a statement. They are ‘working-over’ the opposition. The time for words is long past. We need to see action.

    The US has just signed a new and broad sanctions order. Will we now toughen up EU sanctions? Presumably the Government got some promises in return for their supine surrender to France over Mugabe’s recent visit to Paris? We need harsh sanctions which include the families of the regime and its financial backers and which freeze the assets of all these people as well as banning travel.

    Over and above that the problem of Zimbabwe needs urgently to be internationalized. We need UN action as well. The Minister the noble Baroness Amos asserted last week that Zimbabwe does not pose a challenge to international peace and security, remains a domestic issue and that the UN cannot intervene.

    I totally disagree.

    Given its geographical position, the impact of Zimbabwe’s escalating crisis will extend way beyond its borders:

    The crisis will destabilise Zimbabwe’s immediate neighbours, particularly South Africa, Botswana, Malawi and Mozambique by driving thousands of refugees into these countries.

    University of Zimbabwe political scientist Masipula Sithole says: ‘Given its pivotal position, Zimbabwe has the potential to destabilize SADC both economically and politically on a much wider scale.’ If that is not the definition of an international problem I don’t know what is.

    I would like to see a UN Security Council Resolution with good precedent condemning what is happening in Zimbabwe and calling for international monitoring of humanitarian aid and its distribution. That would be a start, and if the Resolution is firm enough it could also deal with refugees and ethnic cleansing as well.

    Will the Government table such a Resolution?

    The SADC, and especially the region’s economic powerhouse South Africa, should take more resolute action. Morgan Tsvangerai last week stated that the MAC is willing to enter into talks to discuss how to solve Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis.

    The signs are not hopeful. Following last week’s strike, President Mugabe called the MDC a terrorist organization and vowed that it would be crushed.

    Nevertheless this is a moment for renewed vigour. Even President Mbeki of South Africa, which holds the key to pressurizing Mugabe and Zimbabwe, is now condemning the violent crackdown in Zimbabwe. The openings are there.

    Our Prime Minister last year talked about “a coalition to give Africa hope.” Where is that new coalition?

    The Government must act. To stand idly by and watch genocide, ethnic cleansing, mass rape, starvation, torture and to do nothing is, if it ever was, no longer an option. Go to the UN, get a Resolution; go to the SADC, strike a new alliance; go back to the EU, toughen the sanctions; and give back hope to the people of Zimbabwe.

    We acted in Kosovo because of unacceptable flouting of human rights, because of ethnic cleansing, because of rape camps and torture chambers and hideous levels of violence. What in those terms in Zimbabwe is the difference? The Foreign Secretary may be paralysed by the post-colonial guilt to which he referred in his interview with the New Statesman before Christmas. It does not mean that the rest of us need be.

    The oppressed and persecuted people of Zimbabwe, most of them black, see nothing post-colonial in asking us to intervene, rather a moral obligation. They cannot understand why the British Government does not.

    The Government can act. Even at this desperately late hour it must. The time for walking by on the other side is over.

  • Iain Duncan Smith – 2003 Speech in Response to the Budget

    Iain Duncan Smith – 2003 Speech in Response to the Budget

    The speech made by Iain Duncan Smith, the then Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 9 April 2003.

    On behalf of the whole House, I congratulate the Chancellor on his happy announcement last weekend. I can assure him . children are a great blessing.

    Mr Deputy Speaker, over the past six years we have come to learn that the Chancellor’s Budget speeches are characterised as much by what they conceal as what they disclose.

    He prefers to let the damaging detail, the fine print, leak out over the days and weeks that follow.

    Today, nonetheless, despite all the Chancellor’s bombast and bravado, we learnt a lot.

    We learnt that the Chancellor has got his forecasts wrong. Again.

    We learnt that borrowing is up. Again.

    We learnt that taxes are up. And will stay up – from this week, a typical family is another £568 a year worse off.

    And we learnt that the Chancellor has no intention of being candid with this House or with the British people.

    Just look at today’s Red Book.

    1. On page 235 we see the savings ratio this year is forecast to be even lower than it was last year.

    2. On page 241 – we see that manufacturing output fell last year by 4 per cent, and that the Chancellor’s forecast for this year has been slashed.

    3. And on page 238 – we see that business investment, forecast last April to grow this year by up to 6 per cent, is now forecast to fall.

    We didn’t hear any of those details from the Chancellor today.

    The Chancellor who promised us prudence has now given us higher borrowing and higher taxes at the same time.

    His Budget message to the British people is. Higher taxes – that’s pain today.

    Higher borrowing – that’s more pain tomorrow.

    This is the Chancellor who has put up taxes…on pay and on jobs..on homes and on homeowners..on mortgages and on marriages..on petrol and on pensions.

    The Government is taking an extra five and a half thousand pounds per household per year.. an extra £44 a week in tax for every man, woman and child.

    The Chancellor’s excuse was that this money would make our public services world class.

    Instead. .we have a million people on hospital waiting lists. .a crime is committed every five seconds..and thousands of children are leaving school without a single GCSE.

    More tax, more spend, more waste – that is the sum of the Chancellor’s approach.

    This was the Government that promised: “We have no plans to increase tax at all.”

    And: “Our proposals do not involve raising taxes.”

    And even: “We want people to pay lower taxes.”

    And now, 53 tax rises later.This week, when people receive their pay packets, they will find that their take home pay has fallen for the first time in twenty years.

    Now they know what this Chancellor really stands for.

    Promises, promises, promises.

    Every year he makes them and every year he breaks them.

    And just as he has broken his promises to individuals, so has he broken his promises to business.

    In 1998, the Chancellor promised “major changes” to help business.

    In ’99, he promised tax cuts for business.

    In 2000, he promised incentives for business.

    In 2001, he promised more good news for business.

    Today we see what his promises are worth.

    An £8 billion tax on jobs.

    That’s the cost of his National Insurance hike.

    It’s hitting business. And it’s hitting them hard!

    So hard, say the British Chambers of Commerce, that one in five firms may cut jobs as a result.

    In fact, this Chancellor has been so hard on business that, since 1997, he has taken an extra £47 billion from them in tax.

    No wonder he didn’t tell the House today about the real cost of his policies.

    He didn’t say insolvencies are at their worst level for a decade.

    Or that analysts say that another 70,000 firms will go bust over the next three years.

    And he didn’t say that manufacturing has lost 300 jobs every single day since Labour came to power.

    And he didn’t say that manufacturing output and investment are both now lower than when he delivered his first Budget.

    And just as he has broken his promises to business, so he has broken his promises to hard-working families.

    Since 1997 council tax has gone up by 60 per cent, adding more than £400 to a typical bill.

    Just look at the Red Book – council tax up by £8 billion since Labour came to power.

    Stamp duty increases have added over £5000 to the cost of the average detached home in the South East.

    The abolition of mortgage tax relief has cost homeowners over £200 a year.

    The abolition of the Married Couples’ Allowance has cost families £300 a year.

    Higher petrol taxes have cost the average motorist another £300 a year.

    In short, the Government’s tax take has now risen by 50 per cent since he became Chancellor.

    Mr Deputy Speaker, of all those who have been hit by the Chancellor, there is one group who will be hurt more than most.

    The savers of today are the pensioners of tomorrow.

    And he has blighted their old age, their retirement . . . what should have been their golden years.

    In 1997, he promised, “to encourage personal savings”.

    In 2001, he promised, “to reward savers, pensioners and hard working families”.

    Promises, promises, promises.

    But under him, saving has halved.

    When Labour took office in 1997 the savings ratio was 10 per cent.

    Today it is 4.75 per cent. It’s there in the Red Book.

    So he’s destroyed savings.

    And his so-called “reform” to the pensions system has hit future pensioners with a £5 billion a year tax. .it has created a pensions crisis..and, perhaps most damaging of all.someone retiring today will do so on half the income they would have received in 1997 – – Half.

    And he hasn’t just let down future pensioners.

    Because this was the man who promised to end the means test for pensioners.

    But under him, the proportion of pensioner households subject to a means test is up by 50 per cent.

    I want to turn now, Mr Deputy Speaker, to the financial impact of war in Iraq.

    We support the Government in their waging of this war and we naturally support its full and proper funding.

    But the Chancellor should be warned. He cannot get away with using this war to get him off the hook for his long-term mismanagement of the economy.

    And he can’t get away with blaming Europe for his problems.

    He simply cannot blame his flawed and missed forecasts solely on world events.

    Last April, the Chancellor delivered his forecasts for the coming year to the House.

    And he got them wrong.

    He got his forecasts for growth wrong.

    His excuse, in other words.

    He got his forecasts for tax revenues – wrong.

    And he got his forecasts for borrowing – wrong.

    In November, the Chancellor admitted that his central growth forecast for 2002 – two and a quarter per cent – was wrong.

    He conceded that tax revenues had failed to meet his projections.

    He announced that borrowing would have to rise – by £20 billion in just two years.

    And then he blamed everything on the fact that world trade and world GDP growth had not been as fast as he had forecast..was not that the Chancellor had failed Britain….but that the World had failed the Chancellor.

    Now, that’s a serious charge, Mr Deputy Speaker.

    So I went back to last year’s Red Book.

    And when you look at it, you see that.

    At the time he delivered his Pre-Budget Report in November.

    The only forecasts that were right were his forecasts for world trade and his forecasts for world growth.

    So, he blamed the world for getting it wrong, but actually that was the only forecast he got right.

    Today, the Chancellor had to admit he has got his growth forecast wrong yet again.

    So his growth forecasts were wrong and his assumptions for tax revenues were wrong as well.

    The result is that his projections for borrowing are wrong.

    Now, the Chancellor sprinted through his borrowing figures, so let me recap.

    Last April, the Chancellor predicted that he would have to borrow £13 billion this financial year.

    Today, he admitted he would actually have to borrow £27 billion.

    And that only takes us to the end of this financial year.

    Look at the longer term picture.

    Just two Budgets ago, the Chancellor told the House that he would need to borrow £35 billion between 2002 and 2006.

    Today, he admitted that the true figure for total borrowing over that period is actually £98 billion.

    So in just two years, his medium term borrowing requirements have risen by £63 billion.

    That’s an extra £2600 per household.

    But borrowing is not something the Chancellor can do indefinitely.

    More and more borrowing will mean higher and higher taxes.

    Throughout, independent forecasters have long been warning him that he was far too optimistic.

    They questioned his revised predictions.

    Some called them, “overly optimistic” and “rose-tinted”.

    And we know what the independent experts think now.

    78 per cent of them think that, by 2006, the Chancellor will have to raise taxes by between five and eight billion pounds.

    And these are the experts on the Treasury’s own panel.

    But you won’t hear this from the Chancellor.

    Mr Deputy Speaker, the Chancellor’s broken promises and missed forecasts might be more palatable if we were seeing real reform of our public services.

    But the facts speak for themselves.

    Take health: A million people on NHS waiting lists. Hospital admissions down, not up. And, last year, three hundred thousand people forced to pay for their own operations – a figure that has trebled since 1997.

    Or education. 50,000 children play truant every day one in four leaves primary school unable to read, write and count properly and more than 30,000 children leave school each year without a single GCSE.

    Mr Deputy Speaker, this Government has tested to destruction the theory that more and more money alone can transform our public services.

    They have talked about reform, but they have delivered none.

    Today, he could have delivered.

    Six years of spin and spending can’t hide the fact that our public services are just not good enough.

    They don’t simply need more money, they need a new approach.

    An approach based on giving power back to people, so they feel in control of their lives – whether they are nurses and teachers or patients and parents.

    Mr Deputy Speaker, the Chancellor has just delivered his seventh Budget.

    Six years.

    Seven speeches.

    Promises, promises, promises.

    He promised . . .

    Prudent Budgets . . Fair Budgets. . . Budgets for enterprise. . . Budgets for the public services.

    And he hasn’t delivered any of it.

    He has got it wrong because he puts systems and initiatives, targets and schemes, before real people and real results.

    He has got it wrong because he thinks he knows better than the people of this country how they should be living their lives.

    He has got it wrong because he is driven not by the facts – which are staring him in the face – but by an ideology that has gripped his mind and will not let it go.

    His sole mission is to prove that the old ways still work.

    Never mind the evidence, never mind the consequences.

    So it’s just more failing policies and more downgraded forecasts from a discredited Chancellor.

    Last week, before it was too late, he could have scrapped his tax on jobs and pay.

    He could have stopped punishing people who work hard and save hard. Security and independence, for the young and the old, for hard-working families and individuals, for those who create jobs and those who need them, for those who pay for our public services and for those who rely on them.

    He could have delivered a fair deal for all of them.

    But he didn’t.

    He never will.

    And it’s the British people, Mr Deputy Speaker, who will pay the price.

    More taxes, more spending and public services that simply aren’t good enough.

    The message of this Budget is clear.

    For the British people – it’s pain today. And as borrowing spirals while the Chancellor blocks real reform, today’s Budget means more pain tomorrow.

  • Iain Duncan Smith – 2003 Speech at Toynbee Hall

    Iain Duncan Smith – 2003 Speech at Toynbee Hall

    The speech made by Iain Duncan Smith, the then Leader of the Opposition, on 29 April 2003.

    Thank you very much, Luke, for again inviting me to speak at Toynbee Hall.

    I pay sincere tribute to the dedication to London’s East End of all your staff and all of Toynbee’s many volunteers.

    Toynbee Hall’s national reputation for social policy is deeply rooted in your commitment to innovative community service.

    The Barnetts, Atlee, Beveridge and other Toynbee greats would – I am sure – be very proud of Toynbee Hall’s work today.

    And I know I speak for all of us here when I say a special thank you to your inspirational President, Jack Profumo.

    It was nearly six months ago – when on my visit to you – I named five new giants stalking Britain.

    Five key social challenges facing our people:

    Rising crime;

    Failing schools;

    Substandard healthcare;

    Child poverty; and

    Insecurity in old age.

    Those five giants already affect or threaten every community in Britain.

    Defeating them isn’t just a moral obligation.

    Turning the tide on crime and public service failure is in everyone’s interest.

    Not just because none of us are immune from the damaging effects of social decline.

    But also because unless we come together as a nation – in order to advance the interests of everyone – we forfeit the right to call ourselves civilised.

    People from minority communities, our poorest citizens and the very young and very old remain Britain’s most vulnerable – they are hurt most by the giants.

    In the past some Conservatives gave the false impression that poverty had been overcome.

    During my leadership I’ve made it clear that that’s not my belief.

    Last year, David Willetts gave a speech entitled ‘The Reality of Poverty’.

    In it he surveyed the complex material and relational dimensions of twenty-first century poverty.

    He noted that fighting poverty wouldn’t be cheap but it couldn’t be just about money.

    Communities stay poor because of crime, community breakdown and the disempowerment that can be passed from one generation to the next.

    He and other shadow cabinet ministers held a number of investigative One Nation Hearings in hard-pressed areas.

    And I told last spring’s party forum that restoring hope in places like Glasgow’s Easterhouse estate was a personal commitment.

    In recent months the Conservative Party has begun the process of unveiling policies that underpin our determination to restore that hope.

    Take education.

    Far too many inner city schools are failing.

    And when they fail – one of a young person’s best hopes of a better future is lost, perhaps forever.

    Damian Green has proposed a system of state scholarships to provide children from inner city areas with an escape route from failure.

    State scholarships will give parents a chance to send their child to a good school.

    One more suited to their child’s needs and their own values.

    This system of scholarships will, I hope, encourage higher standards in existing schools.

    But it will also encourage – and pay for – the establishment of new schools that serve children’s diverse needs.

    If education is a springboard out of poverty; then crime can entrap children in it.

    Oliver Letwin’s innovative policies will cut the conveyor belt to crime for tens of thousands of young people.

    A greater emphasis on early intervention – including parent support services – will stop the conveyor belt at its earlier stages.

    And the Conservative commitment to fund 20,000 new drug rehabilitation places will give other young people a chance to find freedom from addiction.

    I’ve sat with parents of drug users who – already devastated by their child’s drug habit – are close to being broken by the failure of the current system to provide rehab.

    That has to change.

    Another change we must make is to the level of policing on Britain’s streets.

    The 40,000 extra neighbourhood police officers Conservatives are committed to provide are not just a sign of our commitment to beat crime.

    They’re a symbol of our commitment to restore community and reclaim it from the gangs that imprison people in their homes.

    Through commitments like these on education and crime – and other policies focusing on better healthcare and housing – Conservatives will reverse the decline in Britain’s public services.

    Our policies are built on the rock of successful models throughout Europe and in Australia and America.

    We build, too, on what local Conservative councils are already achieving.

    Last year it was Conservative councils that received the most star awards for the quality of their social service provision for vulnerable people.

    Conservative councils run schools with the lowest levels of truancy and the best exam results.

    Local Conservatives are more committed to provision of street lighting and CCTV.

    By this time on Friday I hope more Conservative councillors will have been elected to deliver such practical compassion.

    Labour’s record on public service reform has failed the whole nation but the poor have suffered most.

    The revitalisation of Britain’s public services is vital and urgent but – on its own – it won’t be enough to reduce child poverty and other forms of social injustice.

    Progress will need to be underpinned by a strong, job-creating economy.

    Success will also depend upon a stronger, cohesive society.

    A society of which we can all feel proud.

    And by society I do not mean the state.

    The free institutions of society – like families, charities, local schools and other people-sized institutions – provide diverse, innovative and face-to-face care that state bureaucracies cannot match.

    It’s these associations within society that give me the greatest hope that even the worst effects of the Five Giants can be overcome.

    Since I named the Five Giants I’ve travelled to almost every part of Britain.

    The Five Giants are at least as menacing as I feared.

    Too much of what I have seen has made me conclude that society is being hollowed out from within.

    In Glasgow, Jim Doherty and Janis Dobbie of the Gallowgate Family Support Group, showed me around Parkhead Cross.

    It’s a neighbourhood in the grip of drug abuse and the havoc it wreaks.

    At night criminal gangs rule the streets.

    Two of Jim’s own sons have become addicts.

    He can’t understand the failure of government to provide proper rehab for his children and the children of the other families who flock to the Gallowgate Support Group.

    He told me “We have already lost our children’s generation to drugs.

    The battle we’re fighting now is to save our grandchildren.”

    Jim’s words – Jim’s challenge – affected me deeply.

    If Britain doesn’t act to save his grandchildren my generation of politicians will have failed.

    And we will certainly fail if we don’t do something about the state monoculture.

    The state is already too pervasive on many of the poorest communities -crowding out any and all alternatives to its own bureaucratic agencies and its metropolitan worldview.

    Beneath an artificial plantation of conifers nothing grows.

    All light is absorbed by the dense and impenetrable canopy far above the soil.

    The five giants won’t be defeated if government acts as if the work and values of groups like Jim Doherty’s don’t matter.

    Government must become an active and enthusiastic servant of society’s many poverty-fighting and community-building groups.

    In natural woodland, trees are spaced apart – allowing light and rain to nourish a diversity of plants and wildlife.

    An enriching and highly-interdependent ecosystem develops.

    It’s still like that in parts of Britain.

    For a very long time the people-sized institutions of society have lacked political champions.

    Their vital role has been taken for granted – or worse still dismissed – by big state and free market fundamentalists.

    That must change.

    Government can and must do much more to unlock Britain’s social capital.

    Soon, I’ll be publishing a Green Paper that will investigate how the next Conservative government will do that.

    It will contain proposals that are themselves as ambitious as the aspiration to serve of our nation’s volunteers, charities and social entrepreneurs.

    It will applaud the work of faith-based groups like Manchester’s Message Trust and Cardiff’s Care for the Family that have impressed me so profoundly.

    The government is wedded to the idea that more government spending and control is the answer to today’s challenges.

    But this government is not unlocking the potential of Britain’s social capital.

    It is not helping the people who have the ideas and values to rebuild their communities.

    Luke – on behalf of Toynbee Hall – has been one of a large number of voluntary sector representatives who have kindly contributed to the formulation of the Conservative Green Paper.

    That Green Paper will be a next stage in my party’s continuing commitment to offer a fair deal for Britain’s most vulnerable communities.

    I look forward to as many of you here as possible helping us to first develop – and then deliver – that fair deal.

    It’s time for politicians to help people rebuild their communities.

    And to return hope to neighbourhoods where – today – there is none.

  • Oliver Letwin – 2003 Speech on Rebalancing the Weight of Authority

    Oliver Letwin – 2003 Speech on Rebalancing the Weight of Authority

    The speech made by Oliver Letwin on 6 May 2003.

    Back in February I gave a speech on the retreat of civilisation in Britain’s most vulnerable neighbourhoods. I told the story of the Clarence Way Estate in Camden and the efforts made by local residents to reclaim their community from local drug dealers. Though policing of the estate is clearly inadequate, funds have been found for private security patrols. These have succeeded in moving on the junkies that use the estate’s stairwells, balconies and doorsteps to jack up – in full view of the tenants and their children. But there is only so much the security guards can do. For instance they are not allowed to tow away the illegal abandoned cars that the junkies and the dealers use as a cover for their operations. No, that is a job for the organs of the state, although when I visited Clarence Way they had yet to do it. However, the law enforcement authorities are not entirely absent from the estate. That much was made clear to the security guards when they returned from a patrol to find a parking ticket on their van. Residents were outraged and asked if free parking could be made available – as it is for, say, police officers and councillors. But the council said no.

    February saw another example of officialdom at its worst, this time in the Suffolk village of Trimley St Mary – home to Mary Martin, a grandmother of ten. Ms Martin was in fact born in the United States but has lived in Britain for 54 of her 56 years. Nevertheless, when she applied for British citizenship, following the death of her mother two years ago, she was turned down by the Home Office, which did not accept her claim of long-term residency. She was then given a few days to leave the country or be deported. Fortunately, the story was brought to national attention by local MP John Gummer, forcing the Home Office to back down. But as Mr Gummer said at the time: “She should never have been put in this position. In all my time as an MP, I have never seen a case as appallingly bad.”

    Unfortunately, appalling decisions are made all the time. Moreover, the government is continually extending the scope for such decisions. For instance, the new Draft Regulations for the Registration and Monitoring of Independent Schools threaten a regulatory framework so onerous that many schools will be force to close down. Not, of course, the likes of Eton or Harrow that have the resources to cope. But small neighbourhood schools such as those serving vulnerable children from Britain’s minority communities. It would seem that the Department of Education has learned nothing from the Department of Health’s ruinous attack on our old people’s homes.

    Bureaucracy gone mad?

    But my purpose tonight is not to recount isolated examples of bureaucracy gone mad. For one thing these examples are not isolated. They are part of a systemic problem that I believe is eating away at our respect for authority. Also, while bureaucracy is certainly involved, I don’t believe that it has gone mad. Rather we have created a bureaucratic system that for entirely rational, if self-serving, reasons is programmed to operate in a manner that defies fairness and justice.

    Nor is this speech just about the accumulating burden of regulation and red tape, though undoubtedly that burden is increasing. Rather, what I want to look at is how and where that burden falls. Because it appears to me that the blows of bureaucracy rain down in a systematic pattern of unfairness and injustice.

    Easy case / hard case

    That pattern can be seen in all three of the examples I have given.

    To start with, the Draft Regulations which threaten small independent schools. The stated rationale for the new provisions is to protect the safety of pupils in new schools – though, of course, the government has given no evidence that safety is compromised under the existing rules. Nevertheless even the smallest community schools will be subject to an intensive inspection regime covering such matters as sound insulation, acoustics, lighting, heating and ventilation. The compliance costs will shutdown existing schools and ensure that new ones are never started. The irony is that such regulations only ensure that procedures are followed, they do not guarantee outcomes. For instance, only this year, the Audit Commission warned that schools built under the Private Finance Initiative are significantly worse in terms of space, heating and lighting than new publicly-funded schools. But of course it is easier to pick on neighbourhood schools then to sort out the top-level mismanagement of the PFI programme.

    And, no doubt, the Home Office found it easier to pick on Mary Martin, an unsuspecting Suffolk grandmother, than to deport the failed asylum seekers that disappear into the netherworld of black market employment and unregistered accommodation. In the same way, for security reasons, they make it harder for British citizens to get a passport at short notice, while allowing thousands of people who entered this country without a passport to stay without security clearance of any kind.

    And even in a matter as mundane as parking restrictions, it is easier to slap a ticket on a security patrol van than it is to tow away a stolen car dumped in the middle of a housing estate. The former is achieved in minutes, the latter in months.
    Picking on the easy case

    Three very different cases, but there is a link. In each case, those whom the authorities target have three things in common:

    · First, they’re not very powerful – we’re talking about ordinary individuals and families, or small businesses and community groups.

    · Second, they’re easy to get at – through their property, their livelihoods, their reputations, these are sitting ducks as far as the authorities are concerned.

    · Third, they’re law abiding and honest, if not positively public-spirited – their every instinct is to obey the rules or, if they slip up, to take their punishment meekly.

    In each of our three examples, the authorities have picked on the easy case – by which I mean the person or organisation unable or unwilling to resist, evade or ignore the demands of the system.

    Avoiding the hard case

    But just as there are easy cases, there are also hard cases – as we can see in each of our three examples:

    · The powerful political, bureaucratic and corporate interests responsible for the poor performance of so many PFI projects.

    · The illegal immigrant that disappears off the official radar.

    · Or the drug abusing petty criminal who couldn’t care less what happens to the car he just dumped, which he probably stole anyway.

    So we have three kinds of hard case – the powerful, the invisible and the uncivilised. All of these make life difficult for those in authority, which is why the easy cases, who are neither powerful nor invisible nor uncivilised, present a more attractive target.

    A general phenomenon

    The easy case syndrome is an everyday fact of life. Examples are not isolated. They litter the system:

    · A month ago, millions of us received a self-assessment form from the Inland Revenue. This gives you the privilege of collaborating in the taxation of your income, patience and honesty. Meanwhile the cash-in-hand brigade enjoy the public services your taxes have paid for, without contributing anything themselves.

    · Even if your builder declares his income down to the last penny, you may still fall foul of our planning system, which regulates the placement of each and every garden shed, while whole townscapes are defaced by tower blocks.

    · And if you should find an intruder breaking into your garden shed, do not let him tread on a garden fork as it may be you and not the criminal that gets sued.

    · I have seen much the same attitude displayed by the ticket inspectors of more than one train operator, who while happy to fine the commuter who misplaced his or her ticket, are unlikely to challenge the carriage full of louts who didn’t have tickets to lose in the first place.

    · All too often, when some of life’s freeloaders see the inside of a courtroom, they will leave it laughing. Whereas, for those that respect the law, the courtroom is a near infallible means of enforcement, the mere threat of which ensures that fines for overdue parking tickets, misplaced train tickets, overdue tax returns and misplaced garden sheds are paid without protest.

    · The same threat ensures that responsible fathers who disclose both paternity and income provide easy work for the Child Support Agency, while deadbeat dads are allowed to disappear into a genetic and financial fog.

    · There is a strong European dimension to all of this. One only has to compare the British farmer, clobbered for making a small mistake in his IACS form, with the EU commissioners, who can’t even account for £3 billion in their annual budget.

    It is hard to think of single significant area of regulation where the authorities do not systematically target the easy case to the relative or absolute benefit of the hard case.

    Causes and consequences

    And the problem is getting worse. It pervades our regulatory culture. As the volume of regulation and legislation grows, so does the distortion of the system towards the clobbering of the easy case and the escape of the difficult case.

    Easy money

    We have arrived at a position where the easy case syndrome is not even always an unintended by-product of regulation – increasingly the pursuit of the easy case is becoming a positive intention of government.

    For instance, picking on the easy case is great way of raising revenue. One need think only of the spread of speed cameras and the introduction of congestion charges. The motorist, that is the legally registered fully insured motorist driving his own vehicle, is the ultimate easy case. The registration plate of the legally registered driver is a perfect identifier and the car itself a hostage subject to clamping, crushing or confiscation so as to extract a ransom from its owner. Meanwhile the joy-riders travel free of charge, free of speed restrictions and free of parking tickets. In a slight adaptation of the proverb, they have learned that to travel joyfully is better than to arrive in court.
    Cheap gestures

    The easy case also provides the state with an easy way of being seen to do something.

    How much easier to subject schools and charities to the bureaucratic disaster area that is the Criminal Records Bureau than to track down the real paedophile. Decent teachers, youth workers and volunteers dutifully submit themselves to the police check procedure in their tens of thousands, giving every impression that the authorities are on the case, when of course it will take more than a form filling exercise to stop the determined paedophile.

    Then there is the issue of animal welfare – again a proper concern, and again the subject of meretricious government initiatives that exploit the easy case. The laws protecting the welfare of British farm animals are the toughest in the world. Yet our livestock sector is sinking beneath a flood of foreign imports produced in conditions of sickening cruelty. By ignoring the hard case, the government actually increases the UK market for inhumanely produced food.

    The targets culture

    The tendency of the bureaucracy to deal with the easy case instead of the hard case has been exacerbated by New Labour’s penchant for targets and indicators. It is easier to meet a target for hospital waiting lists by prioritising patients with easily treated minor ailments than those with life threatening diseases, even though this is a policy for shortening queues by filling mortuaries. It is easier to meet targets for crime clear-up rates by concentrating on traffic offences than by concentrating on the lawlessness of gangs that terrorise council estates.

    The blame culture

    Allied to the targets culture is the blame culture, fuelled by a toxic concoction of European rights legislation and American-style litigation. The result is a predatory legal system always on the look out for an easy case – meaning any individual or organisation without the resources to fight their way through the courts, but with enough money to settle out of court. No one need have an accident these days, when they could be the victims of criminal negligence. Taxpayers, employers and volunteers pay the price in legal bills and insurance premiums – they are the easy cases.

    The hard cases are getting harder

    I have advanced five causes for the worsening of the easy case syndrome: regulation, easy money, government’s addiction to cheap gestures, the targets culture and the blame culture. But there is a sixth reason, which is that the hard cases are getting harder. If you remember, I identified three kinds of hard case – the powerful, the invisible and the uncivilised. In an increasingly globalised economy it is easier for the powerful to escape the constraints of national law; in an increasingly anonymous society, it is easier for those without a stake in the mainstream to drop out and disappear; and in an increasingly chaotic culture it is easier for those who just don’t care, to flout the norms of civilised behaviour. As a result the hard cases become harder for the state to deal with and the easy cases look much more tempting as objects of attention.

    The coming crisis

    It is inevitable that in any system of enforcement some cases will be easier than others. Moreover, it is important that the system holds the line against the easy cases. We’re all guilty of occasionally pushing the rules and if we all got away with it, there’d be chaos. I don’t know if you remember the traffic wardens’ strike back in the 1970s, but it wasn’t long before some streets were clogged with double and even triple parking.

    However, the system is out of balance. And so the question is this: how much more can the easy cases take? The weight of authority is sliding onto their backs, and that weight increases with every new law and every new tax. If this continues there will come a point at which those that respect the law respect it no longer. And at that point our society will be in serious trouble.

    Certainly we should not expect a loss of respect by the law-abiding to be offset by the gratitude of the lawless – who return nothing but contempt to so weak a system.

    Solutions

    The good news is that there are solutions. The even better news is that they are embedded in Conservative philosophy and policy.

    Conservatives stand for less regulation, red tape and bureaucracy. We do not share Labour’s love of taxation and we reserve particular contempt for Labour’s stealth taxes. We do not base our policy initiatives on the easy cases. There was nothing easy about the economic challenges we met in the eighties and nineties; and there is nothing easy about the social challenges we focus on today. We will abolish the targets culture. Recognition of risk, and the commonsense of British legal tradition, will be the foundations on which we build defences against the blame culture.

    In all these ways we will radically reduce the weight of authority on the law-abiding majority.

    The easy case side of the equation.

    But that is not enough. We also need new measures to make life harder for the hard cases.

    That is why the next Conservative Government will increase police numbers by 40,000. What’s more we will put them back on the beat, reclaiming the streets from the drug dealers, pimps and muggers that blight the lives of decent people. We will do for Britain what Rudi Giuliani did for New York – the proof that neighbourhood policing works. And it works precisely because it focuses the whole system on the hard cases – wherever, whenever and as soon as they arise.

    We will apply the same principle to the flipside of our law and order policy, which is to get young people off the conveyor belt to crime. We will deal with the hard case. We will rescue young people caught in the hard drug vortex by forcing them into intensive treatment. We will provide long-term rehabilitative sentencing for persistent young offenders to reform characters and change lives and make a profound impact on recidivism. We will draw inspiration from examples of success at home and abroad that prove that even the hard cases can be turned around.

    Triggers and trip wires

    It is said that no good deed goes unpunished. And in a society where the easy case takes the punishment, that is not far from the truth. It is certainly true that we cannot rebuild the neighbourly society through unfairness and injustice. That is why I am determined that in every aspect of Home Office policy – from drugs to asylum – we will focus the system on the hard case.

    That means setting clear boundaries for what is acceptable and what is not. It is only through such boundaries that the hard cases can be identified and isolated. This is not a prescription for boneheaded rigidity, like that suffered by Mary Martin at the hands of the Home Office. Any system of boundaries should have a degree of give, but this flexibility should be matched by a series of triggers for interventions of authority that increase in strength with the distance travelled from the civilised norm.

    This is our model for all systems of enforcement: boundaries which, when breached, prompt a proportionate response, instead of a system that stretches trip wires across the straight and narrow road, while those that walk a crooked path carry on regardless.

    Things have come to a pretty pass when it is necessary for the Shadow Home Secretary to preach the virtues of proportionate response. But things have come to that pass – and I am preaching precisely that doctrine. We need, with some speed and resolution, to rebalance the system of the state so that its weight bears down more heavily on the lawless than the just. Proportionality demands such rebalancing. I demand such proportionality.

  • Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to BEIS Permanent Secretary

    Committee on Fuel Poverty – 2022 Letter to BEIS Permanent Secretary

    The letter sent by the Committee on Fuel Poverty to the BEIS Permanent Secretary on 24 August 2022.

    in .pdf format)