Tag: Speeches

  • John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    John Hayes – 2010 Transforming Lives Speech

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at the British Library in London on 7 September 2010.

    Good afternoon everyone. It’s a great pleasure for me to join you all today in welcoming the launch of Transforming Lives. I also want to take this opportunity to congratulate NIACE and indeed everyone involved in the Transformation Fund projects from which the report has sprung.

    Of course, this project began last year under the previous government. But as many of you can confirm, I’ve been an advocate of informal adult and community learning for long enough to know that any initiative that improves our understanding of adult learners and their needs must be welcomed, irrespective of whose idea it was.

    What matters most is what the project has achieved and what lessons we can learn from it as we look towards the future.

    For me, you don’t need to look further than the front cover of the report to find the key to what follows.

    That’s because, as I hope all of us here today know, learning is capable not just of changing lives, but of completely transforming them.

    I’m not just talking about the fact that learning brings the qualifications needed to get a higher- rather than lower-paid job. It seems to me horribly reductive to express, as I know some do, the benefits of learning only in terms of lifetime earnings differentials. And it seems to me just plain wrong to measure everything that a person acquires during the learning journey only by its effect on the thickness of their pay-packet.

    It makes me sad when, for example, I read about the new graduates who’ve been unable to find the sorts of jobs they’d hoped for this summer and last. And I can assure them that my colleagues and I are working hard to ensure that they can get a foot on their chosen career-ladder sooner rather than later. But at the same time I hope that those young people also recognise how their years of study and the experiences these have brought have transformed them as individuals.

    Since John Henry Newman at least, I think there has been general recognition that a real university education must be about far more than just acquiring a passport to a white collar and a tie, that its value lies also in how much it does to enrich the content of students’ characters.

    That same effect ought also to be evident in patently vocational forms of training. Now some people refuse to recognise that vocational training can have anything other than employment-related benefits. But I’ve certainly seen for myself as I’ve gone round the country over the summer how, for example, apprentices develop not only practical skills, but also a sense of their own achievement, of pride in what they have accomplished, and of self-worth.

    That’s not just good for themselves and their employers. In the long run, it benefits all of us and the society in which we live.

    So the transformational power of learning is shown both in how learning spreads opportunity and in how it spreads civilisation. But it’s also shown in the element of personal choice, personal responsibility and personal empowerment that learning entails. And that’s especially true of the less formal types of learning.

    That is something of which the Transforming Lives report reminds us very forcefully.

    There are three other important messages that I’d like to draw out from it.

    The first is that in this area, a little money can achieve a lot, particularly if we are prepared to innovate and to trust people at the front line to organise learning in ways that suit their needs rather than conforming to some centralised model.

    It’s hardly a secret that money is going to be in short supply, even in priority areas like education as the Government works to bring the public spending deficit under control. And we all know that cuts will have to be made, although details of where they will fall won’t be finalised until George Osborne and Danny Alexander publish the outcome of the Spending Review next month.

    This isn’t a government that believes, like Aeschylus, that “he who learns must suffer”. But it would be idle to assume that some spending decisions won’t have an impact on education, including on informal learning.

    And it follows that, unless we are prepared in future to contemplate a choice between the Scylla of learning for the few and the Charybdis of learning on the cheap – which I for one am not – we should look urgently for more creative ways to engage both learners and providers.

    That implies, for one thing, making much better use of the local resources we have, engaging a wider range of partners in facilitating learning at community level, and making it easier for grass-roots initiatives to flourish. A good example of the sort of initiative I’m talking about was launched only a couple of weeks ago. The Cafe Culture campaign aims to encourage employers to offer informal learning opportunities at work to their staff. So far, it has involved some 64 companies covering almost two million workers.

    The second important message from Transforming Lives that I want to highlight is that there remains enormous demand for informal learning. And I take comfort from that, because a nation that wants to learn is a nation that is going forward rather than backwards.

    It’s a nation that’s already, by virtue of its people own free will, taking its future into its own hands. Sometimes the State can play a useful role in that, but most often the impetus comes from individuals.

    There’s literally no limit to the range of forms this can take. From the pub landlord who provides space for the local book club to the employer who makes a room available for the lunchtime learning circle. From the housebound person whose isolation is reduced when they discover email or Facebook to the person with depression who finds relief through art or photography.

    These sorts of activities and many others like them make our society a happier and healthier place, and this country a better one in which to live.

    The third and final point from the report that I want to highlight follows from the first two. And it’s that the strength of informal adult and community learning stems precisely from its diversity.

    Like nature itself, in Pascal’s definition, informal learning is “an infinite sphere, the centre of which is everywhere and the circumference nowhere”. Like the internet, with its profusion of interconnected yet free-standing networks, informal learning might have been designed to survive even the biggest catastrophe.

    And that’s perhaps a good point on which to close, because my own long experience of informal adult and community learning has taught me above all else that it has an enviable ability not just to survive, but to adapt and grow. As if to spite those governments that have tried to kill it with neglect as well as those that have tried to kill it with regulation, it not only lives on, but thrives.

    Transforming Lives reminds us of all this and of the essential role that adult and community learning must play in creating a better, more inclusive, more content, more confident and, indeed, bigger society.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech at Hackney College

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at Hackney College on 22 July 2010.

    Thank you and good morning everyone.

    Ever since I’ve been in politics, I’ve spoken out for adult learning. In that time, I’ve seen plenty of strategies and plenty of lip-service paid to it. But what I’ve never seen is a system established in this country that delivers all the economic and social benefits that further education promises.

    The net result is that, today, the need to establish a system that makes possible a truly lifelong approach to learning, nurturing sustainable economic growth and social renewal, is perhaps more urgent than it has ever been before.

    I challenge anyone to walk around some of the estates of south-east London, where I grew up, and say that our society isn’t broken.

    Our common heritage is not unfairness and intolerance, nor the brutality that these evils breed. Neither is it passive acceptance of things not being right.

    The qualities that made the people of this country admired the world over – qualities like a willingness to stand up for what is right and a sense of fair play – have not become extinct. And yet parts of our society are indeed brutal and indeed intolerant.

    All too often, those who make the effort to improve their own, their families’ and their communities’ lives go unnoticed and unrewarded.

    Too many people feel they have lost power over their own lives.

    Too many neighbourhoods are communities in name only because there is no incentive for solidarity and joint action.

    I don’t pretend that democratising learning can cure all these ills. As David Cameron said just last Monday, we can only start to put things right by means of a wholesale devolution of power from central government to local communities.

    But unless we embrace the principle of lifelong learning, unless we become once again a people that cherishes knowledge and takes pride in skill, then we cannot begin the process of mending Britain.

    That is because education is the greatest civilising force that has ever existed or ever will.

    Knowledge really is power. It says to people, raise your heads and look to the future because your future is yours to build. And it says that what you become is in your hands.

    So I can’t help but feel honoured that it falls to me to, in Churchill’s words, “to lift again the tattered flag I found lying on a stricken field” and attempt to raise lifelong learning to the position that it deserves to occupy in our national life.

    For, as another great Conservative Benjamin Disraeli said ‘Upon the education of the people… the future of this country depends.’

    The consultation documents that we are launching today seek to place learning at the heart of our society.

    But if the full force for good that a culture of lifelong learning could exert on our society was not released when money seemed plentiful, how are we to release it now?

    Since the election, I’ve noticed two contrasting attitudes to the future of further education and indeed the future of public services in general.

    On one side are those who merely wring their hands and wait for the axe to fall.

    But other people, and I count myself among them, see in the need to make savings not impending disaster, but a once in a generation opportunity for really radical reform.

    The important thing is not that further education should become ever richer, but that it should become ever better. Spending more isn’t essential if you are prepared to spend more wisely.

    Those of us who think in this way see the waste, the over-regulation and the failure, all too often, to give institutions like this one what they need to really deliver for the people who depend on them.

    And we see in the impending cuts a driving force inexorable enough to overcome the inertia that stands in the way of real change or a storm of sufficient strength to finally sweep away, to borrow Shakespeare’s great formula, “the dust of creeds outworn”.

    I believe that we can deliver more and save money. But we will only achieve cost effectiveness by challenging the orthodox assumptions about what skills are for, how they are funded and what role Government should play.

    This opportunity to look critically at how closely what we are doing matches what individual learners and their employers need us to be doing must be grasped. And it should prompt in those of us who care deeply about adult learning a sense of excitement, not a sense of trepidation.

    It is in that spirit that our consultation proposals have been prepared. The system we want to build must harness both the economic and the social potential of lifelong learning. And I see the Comprehensive Spending Review not as a threat, but as an opportunity to do precisely that.

    The direction we want to take is clear. The issue is how best to get there. And that is where we need to hear your thoughts on how things could be made to work better, to draw on your knowledge of how things work in real life, and to learn more about the real obstacles you have to overcome on a daily basis.

    You can read the detail of our proposals for yourselves. But, in view of what I’ve said so far, it shouldn’t come as a surprise that they focus on two main themes.

    The first and most important is to secure a real transfer of power – and also of responsibility – from the centre to individuals and their employers.

    That needs to start with ensuring that they get accurate and impartial information about the learning available and of what benefit it is likely to be to them. In adult learning, the Government’s responsibility should be to facilitate informed choice.

    Of course, there can be no free choice without diversity. So we must do whatever is possible in the present funding environment to see that demand is met. For example, Apprenticeships are enormously popular with learners and employers alike.

    That is one reason why we have already acted to expand the number of Apprenticeships available by reallocating money that was previously being wasted through Train to Gain. And it explains why we must now look for innovative ways to incentivise employers to support training in the workplace. There is also growing demand for adult and community learning. This is not only valuable in its own right, but also as an activity that can stimulate people to learn for vocational reasons as well as for enjoyment.

    We therefore propose to help strengthen the relationships between colleges, local authorities, charities, voluntary organisations and social enterprises to support the delivery of adult education and community learning.

    The need to make the system less forbidding for customers obviously doesn’t end there. For example, there remains a need for much greater transparency around vocational qualifications and their credibility or otherwise with employers. What greater disincentive to continued learning is there than working hard for a qualification only to discover that it delivers absolutely nothing in terms of career progression?

    So we need to do more to ensure that no learning represents a dead-end. That’s particularly true of those who are currently out of work, dependent on benefits or otherwise disadvantaged. Our aim is to make it easier for them to get the training they need to enter and progress in work and learning.

    And new pathways need to be developed between formal and informal learning and, indeed, between the different levels and modes of formal learning. To take just one example, there is still a lack of clear routes between Level 3 Apprenticeships and study opportunities at higher education level.

    The second theme of the consultations follows from the first.

    If we want to ensure proper choice for learners and employers between high-quality options while achieving best value for money, we must free colleges and training organisations from unnecessary bureaucracy and make them more accountable to their customers.

    We made a good start on that with the relaxation of the burdens of inspection and reporting, together with the new freedom for most colleges to move money between adult learner and employer responsive budgets that I announced last month.

    Earlier this month, I received the recommendations of Chris Banks’ review of co-funding. The main aim of the review was to establish how to overcome the barriers to securing investment from employers and individuals alongside government while simplifying the further education and skills system.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on how to implement this approach.

    This is clearly an extremely important issue for everyone involved in adult learning and so we are taking advantage of this consultation also to invite views on the fees review’s recommendations.

    But we must go further, faster. That is why we are seeking your views on what further simplifications would make it easier for you to deliver what your customers need.

    I hope that everyone here and in the wider further education community will share with me their thoughts and ideas on these and other questions. I want today to be remembered the day when we take the first steps towards releasing the genie of adult learning, in all its power, from the lamp of excessive state control. And in years to come, I hope that people will look back on this day as one of the milestones in the further education movement.

    If and when they do, I hope they’ll be able to say that, though times were tough and money short, our shared belief in and commitment to adult learning never wavered. Indeed, that where others saw cause only for woe, we instead found opportunity and grasped it.

    Today, by acknowledging the value of learning we can begin the task of re-evaluating our priorities, rediscovering craft, redefining community learning, rejuvenating apprenticeships, rebalancing the economy and building a big society.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to the Association of Learning Providers Summer Conference

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, on 14 July 2010.

    Good morning everyone.

    It often strikes me how well the people who work in all parts of adult education satisfy Aristotle’s criteria for true friends – “The young they keep out of mischief; to the old they are a comfort and aid in their weakness, and those in the prime of life they incite to noble deeds”.

    That’s true of private as well as public providers, and true of all those who offer training in the workplace as well as in the classroom. It’s certainly true of ALP’s membership.

    I know that your members also include some further education colleges and voluntary organisations, but I think of ALP as the voice of learning in the workplace.

    I’ve enjoyed a very positive relationship with you in Opposition, and you serve as a constant reminder to us all that a person’s learning should not – and in fact, must not – stop with their first paypacket.

    Indeed, a commitment to the principle of lifelong learning is the natural consequence if you believe, as I do, that everyone deserves a fair chance to get on in life and that learning can help give it to them.

    It’s hard to ignore if you hear, as I have heard since long before I became a Minister, learners and trainers, employers and trade unionists alike, all telling you that skills delivered in the workplace are essential for economic growth and personal progression.

    And it’s inescapable if you see, as this Government saw on the day it came to office, people out of work and increasingly out of hope because they had low skills or just the wrong skills, businesses struggling because of an inadequate supply of skilled labour, and jobs going abroad as a result.

    We need to enliven the British people to get on and progress in their jobs. I see the business of Government very much as a consultative process, and you are our eyes and ears out in the workplace. You are the experts who know how it should be done and how it can be done.

    A lifelong learning system

    Today, I want to talk to you about some of the ways in which the coalition government will try to build a truly lifelong learning system which may be of particular interest to ALP and its members. And I want to set these in the context of the financial challenges that we currently face.

    The easiest way for politicians to show that they care about a particular area of policy is to throw money at it – some think the larger the payout, the deeper the commitment. And, in recent years, some aspects of publicly-funded adult learning have certainly seen their coffers swell as a result of that approach.

    If this Government means to show, as we do, that we in our turn have a genuine commitment to further education, then just splashing out is no longer an option. Like the Archbishop of Canterbury in Henry V, we have to realise that “miracles are ceased/ And therefore we must needs admit the means/ How things are perfected”.

    To judge by the number of invitations I receive, there is a fashion at the moment for conferences and seminars with titles like “How to do more with less” in the context of ensuring cost-effectiveness. And we all know it’s true that, while public spending is under pressure more severe than it has known for a generation, the demands on public services continue to grow rather than shrink.

    I can’t pretend that we are not going to have to take some hard decisions about where our priorities lie, stopping some activities so that others may not just continue, but grow, and may indeed carry on growing.

    As we seek to develop a new strategy for skills, as we will be doing over the next few months, we’ll be trying to do something similar, sorting the show from the substance and seeking to distinguish activities that look good but achieve little from those that have real impact on the lives of real people.

    Over a period of years in Opposition and in government, I’ve stressed the importance of the social and cultural, as well as economic impact that continuing to educate adults brings to individuals and whole communities. And my determination to see learning for its own sake flourish as never before in this country remains undiminished.

    But especially when we speak of training in the workplace, economic considerations are clearly hard to ignore.

    For example, as the Government works to promote renewed growth, it’s obviously more important than ever that the full influence of further education is felt on the transformation of local economies. You must all know from your own experiences that this influence is potentially incredibly great.

    That is why the Government recently invited proposals for local enterprise partnerships that will work in close cooperation with colleges and training organisations.

    You have extensive knowledge of employer skills demand, and are therefore well placed to help the partnerships to develop their economic priorities. The measures that my colleagues and I are already putting in place to cut the bureaucratic burdens on training providers and free them to use their own initiative will help in that, and we will add to those measures freedom to innovate by cutting bureaucratic burdens on training providers.

    And since, as Macaulay said, “the object of oratory alone is not truth, but persuasion”, there are a number of things that I would like to try to persuade you to do in that context.

    For example, I would like you to develop effective networks that will enable you to offer your local enterprise partnership a coordinated view of the economic priorities for the area, and to agree how you can help them to respond to those priorities.

    The foundation-stone of your economic contribution is the teaching of practical skills. Not just random skills, but the skills needed to get local jobs with good prospects. And not just teaching skills, but teaching them well, so that every working day gives people the right to take pride in their own achievements.

    Apprenticeships

    And this Government believes that the best way to teach the practical skills that employers need to the required quality is through Apprenticeships. We need to look at the length, content and quality of Apprenticeships as we seek to inspire learners.

    ALP members provide more Apprenticeship training than anyone else and it follows that you are central to the success or failure of our efforts.

    Of course, it’s easy for those of us with a more sentimental cast of mind to be seduced by, as it were, the imprint of the potter’s thumb. We forget at our peril that while, at least at some level, all art is craft, not all craft is art. Indeed, what right have they who spend their lives sitting in offices to idealise physical labour and manual dexterity.

    Apprenticeships are often thought of as old, but they are also about new and future ideas. And I still firmly believe that there is no less nobility in mastering a skill than there is, say, in learning to understand why space is curved.

    Skills and those who master them deserve to be celebrated no less than the French subjunctive and those who learn to use it properly.

    The coalition Government has already shown in its actions that it views Apprenticeships as the central pillar of its approach to vocational skills. You’ll know that we are redirecting £150 million of funding this year to create 50,000 new high-quality Apprenticeship places. And we see ALP members as vital to the delivery of these extra places.

    In particular, we want to expand Apprenticeships at Level 3 and there are good reasons to do so. Evidence shows that people who gain an Apprenticeship at Level 3 are likely to receive, on average, nearly a fifth higher again than those qualified up to Level 2.

    The key challenge continues to be to get employers on board in offering Apprenticeship places.

    I know that you see some obstacles in the way of that, and that one of the most important is the impending removal of Key Skills from Apprenticeships and their replacement with Functional Skills. I have always been clear that this is a consultative process and we must take your views seriously.

    I have listened to your views on this and I find some of them very persuasive. It is important that we get this right, and I want to take the time over the summer to consider the issues you’ve raised. So I am pleased to be able to announce this morning that, as a result, the use of Key Skills in Apprenticeship Frameworks will be extended until March next year. This will allow providers the choice of offering either Functional Skills or Key Skills in the interim.

    I should stress that this is a temporary measure to allow more flexibility for providers and more time for us to work together to get the implementation right. I know that many providers will be finalising their preparations for delivery of Functional Skills from April 2011. They should still identify and access the support they need to develop their capacity to deliver Functional Skills, with which the Learning and Skills Improvement Service can help.

    The message is clear: it must be a priority for us to work together to build capacity and to decide what is best for the future.

    I would also strongly encourage those of you who are ready to deliver Functional Skills from September 2010 to go ahead and do so, as this will give apprentices the opportunity to develop these highly-valued skills.

    Of course, the need for reform goes much wider than Apprenticeships. There is much important work to do on other types of workplace training. For example, while Train to Gain needs to be dismantled, workplace learning must continue to be nurtured – for example, to ensure that businesses have the skilled workforces they need to grow and employees have the opportunity to progress.

    We must also help to integrate further education more closely into its local environment – social as well as economic. We can make it more efficient and less bureaucratic. We can offer adults more, better and more relevant learning opportunities.

    We can do much more. And we will.

    Empowering people

    Skills are a priority for my department and for my Government. But ultimately whether to learn and what learning to choose will remain a matter of individual choice. And all of these things I’ve been talking about this morning will fail to deliver fully on their promise unless we make sure people have the information they need to make the right choices for them.

    Because by informing people, we simultaneously empower them. And that’s something from which everyone – providers and employers as well as learners – benefits.

    That’s the thinking behind the Next Step service, which will be launched in August. It will aim to give everyone access to the best information, advice and resources to make more effective choices about skills, careers, work and life.

    Individual providers also have an important role to play in empowering learners. They can do their bit as well to ensure that learners and employers to still get good quality, comparable information about exactly what’s on offer.

    We don’t need huge bureaucracies to make this happen. Indeed, most providers already gather this type of information for their own purposes, and many publish it already. We must build on that.

    I’m particularly happy that Graham Hoyle, through his position as Chair of the National Improvement Partnership Board, is taking forward the UKCES proposal to introduce a course and provider labelling system.

    Having a labelling system will ensure that every provider publishes reliable information about their institution and the opportunities they provide.

    Comparatively few providers have anything to fear from this approach, since more than four out of five already deliver satisfactory or better results.

    For the Government’s part, we will maintain and continue to build a light-touch approach. But I have asked the Skills Funding Agency to ensure they take swift action where they identify any unsatisfactory provision.

    Either prompt improvement will follow, or public funding will be removed and reinvested in providers who can deliver to the standards learners and employers expect and deserve.

    Nevertheless, and even though today is Bastille Day, I don’t want to end my remarks, as it were, in the shadow of the guillotine.

    So instead, as we mark the anniversary of one revolution, I’ll end by reminding you all that we stand on the threshold of another.

    The areas on which I’ve concentrated this morning will clearly figure prominently in the new skills strategy to which I’ve already referred, but so will others that will be of particular interest to ALP members.

    For example, we need to think about the right form of public support for non-Apprenticeship workplace training after Train to Gain. I would welcome more thoughts on this subject, and on how to encourage progression and interchange between the different styles of formal and informal learning.

    It will make it much easier to get the right answers to some difficult questions if bodies like ALP are prepared to share their opinions, experience and expertise. And that is something for which I’ll be asking sooner rather than later.

    And now if you have any questions I’ll do my best to answer them.

    Thank you.

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech to City and Islington College

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech to City and Islington College

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Education Minister, at City and Islington College on 17 June 2010.

    Thank you and good morning everyone.

    Arthur Hugh Clough wrote that: “if hopes were dupes, fears may be liars”. And it seems to me that the words of this unjustly neglected poet are a particularly apt place to begin my remarks on what has been an unjustly neglected sector.

    I know that many of the hopes that the last government raised for further education ultimately proved illusory.

    And perhaps the most important thing I want to say today is that the fears which you may have for the future will prove equally misplaced.

    But before I try to justify that bold statement, I must first thank you all, and especially Frank and his staff, for accommodating my request for an early start this morning.

    For being here for me.

    I have to go to Parliament shortly for a debate on the importance of skills in building and maintaining a strong economy and, of course, that’s closely linked to what I have to say now…

    Even before Lord Leitch published his compelling analysis of the problem, it’s been no secret to most of us that skills are economically vital. And that doesn’t apply just to the manufacturing and industrial sectors, but right across our economy, to the service and retail sectors, and the public sector too.

    Employers can’t stay in business without people with the right skills for the job. While people can’t hope for a good job without the skills employers are looking for. Without the right skills, inward investment will dwindle because we can’t compete for jobs on the grounds of cost with countries where low wages are the rule. And of course we wouldn’t want to. We are thankfully beyond dark, satanic mills.

    But we can still compete effectively in ways which would have been unfamiliar to Mr Gradgrind. Through the business environment that the government creates. And, crucially, through the skills of our workers; skills which are still vital in the high-tech world in which we live than when William Morris majestically celebrated the joy of craft.

    Few people, and very few politicians, would disagree with any of that. Indeed, I know that you’ve heard members of the previous government say similar things, albeit with less style.

    But the similarity of aims should not obscure absolute difference of view about mean. You see my own analysis differs fundamentally from theirs, and the good news for you and particularly for me it that both the Prime Minister and Vince Cable agree with me, not my predecessors.

    I believe, like Ruskin, that “industry without art is brutality”.

    Too often in the recent past, the strength of the economic case for skills has been portrayed as the only case for skills, creating an implicit and in my opinion wrongheaded divide between learning that is useful and learning that is useless. We emphasise the economic and overlook the social and cultural benefits of learning at our peril.

    The previous government’s concentration on the utilitarian aspects of learning excluded too much valuable activity and too many people. I see learning as a single whole, not a series of separate silos. Learning a skill to do a job should lead into learning for pleasure or self-fulfilment, and vice versa. But more the acquisition of practical skills is virtuous for its own sake as it instils purposeful pride. We enjoy what we learn to do well.

    Likewise, the line between further and higher education should be a permeable membrane, not an iron curtain.

    As soon as people start to treat the various styles and levels of learning as discrete entities, they also begin to erect the sorts of arbitrary barriers that stop learners moving from one to another, barriers that are the antithesis of the ideal of lifelong learning. And, of course, the people worst affected by these barriers are the most disadvantaged in our society, those furthest from learning and with fewest chances for progression.

    These are all reasons why, in my view, no learning should be treated as if it were without point and every new element added to our collective stock of knowledge and skill should be applauded. Everything any of us learns adds a new brick to the edifice of civilised life. Those with the will and commitment to learn, however they do it and whatever they choose to study, should be admired and encouraged. None should be disparaged as one of Browning’s “picker-up of learning’s crumbs”.

    The services this college offers to its community – services the excellence of which has repeatedly been recognised – are a case in point.

    I recently took a look at your summer courses and was pleased to see intensive ceramic-throwing in there alongside more obviously vocational options like beginners’ computing and level 3 perming effects.

    I think the author of The Stones of Venice would have approved.

    But it’s the economic rather than the social or cultural case for skills that has been used by some not just to downgrade learning for its own sake, but as an excuse for the centralised command and control arrangements that have been foisted on adult educators over the past decade and more.

    Now we must finally acknowledge that this approach, even in the terms of its own narrow criteria, has failed.

    As the UK Commission of Employment and Skills reported in the Ambition 2020 report published last year, on recent trends, we are likely to slip from 18th to 21st in OECD rankings for intermediate level skills by 2020.

    On recent performance ‘we will not be in the top eight countries of the world at any skill level’ in ten years time.

    The highly centralised and bureaucratic system that developed over the course of the last Government meant that funds that could have been used on teaching and training, to dirve up skill levels, have, instead been devoted to formulating detailed plans and complying with targets.

    Bean counting, hoop jumping, form filling – these were the skills my predecessors most admired.

    Instead of enabling colleges and other providers to respond to needs of businesses and learners in their areas, Ministers, isolated in their Whitehall Offices, thought that they had a better idea of what these needs were.

    Excessive bureaucracy sapped precious energy from our education system.

    And, even worse, it led to systemic failure in the form of a F.E. capital crisis from which the sector is still reeling.

    The LSC encouraged bids that would have cost 10 times more than the available funds.

    144 capital projects were frozen.

    79 of these projects had already received agreement in principle, and many colleges incurred considerable costs .as the result of what the Foster Review into the crisis described as ‘mismanagement’.

    The top-heavy target driven bureaucratic system failed, as it was bound to. As Andrew Foster concluded, the LSC was too slow to respond: ‘there were straws in the wind, early storm warnings, but the problem was not crystallised fast enough.

    There has to be a better way. An increasingly dynamic economy necessitates a dynamic skills system. If we are to build a highly skilled, high tech economy Colleges and independent providers need to be able to respond quickly to the needs of learners and employers.

    That is why this government must and will offer further education a new beginning. – From satanic mills to bows of burning gold in one speech.

    Before being appointed as Minister I was fortunate enough to have enjoyed a long Apprenticeship as Shadow Minister for Lifelong Learning, Further Education and Skills. Over the past five years I have held countless meetings with College Principles, their representative bodies and others from the sector.

    I visited innumerable colleges across the country.

    Everything I said in Opposition, and everything I say now in Government has been informed by the relationship I have built with FE.

    I’ve listened to what you have had to say.

    Which is why we came into government with the promise to set colleges free.

    Now is the time to start delivering on this promise.

    That’s why I’ve to come here, to a college, to announce publicly that we’re starting today. This is not the end of a process, but only the beginning.

    Vince Cable has written this morning to the Chief Executive of the Skills Funding Agency setting out our ambitions for the Agency’s in 2010-11.

    In parallel, I have also written today to colleges and other training organisations. My letter announces a number of ways in which the burdens on them will be lightened:

    First, I am removing the requirement to complete Summary Statements of Activity, with a resulting reduction in performance monitoring of employer responsiveness.

    Second, the Government has already announced the removal of Ofsted inspections for schools with outstanding performance – I will work with Ministerial Colleagues to introduce the same way approach to the FE sector removing inspections for Colleges with outstanding performance’.

    Third, I will also remove the regulatory requirement for college Principals to undertake the Principals’ Qualifying Programme. That is not because I do not want appropriately qualified principals, but because I know that there are a range of development opportunities and qualifications which can enhance principals’ capabilities to run colleges.

    Individuals and their institutions should be free to decide what package of development is appropriate to suit individual circumstances.

    We will, of course, work with the Learning and Skills Improvement Service to ensure that there are high quality development opportunities available to prepare for and carry out leadership roles in the sector. This will allow governors to reassure themselves about the skills and capabilities of those seeking to take up leadership positions or to develop further in those roles.

    And fourthly and most importantly, I will enable all colleges except those which are performing poorly to move money between adult learner and employer budgets, because you know best how to help you learners’ fulfil their potential and meet employer needs.

    I hope that these are all changes which you welcome. But they are not an end in themselves. They are only a beginning, a first indication of this government’s determination to deliver on the promises it has made to providers and learners alike. To draw a line under the mistakes of the past and deliver a better future.

    With this Government FE is no longer the poor relation. Cinderella is going to the ball.

    With freedom comes a fresh challenge, as the costs of compliance is reduced I will be looking for colleges to find efficiencies. This may be, for example though the use of shared services and new approach to procurement. And colleges freed from constraints will also find new, better and more efficient ways of responding to local needs.

    It won’t have escaped you that there are other things that the government has promised, too. And that chief among them is to tackle the public sector deficit and secure our economic recovery. You may therefore suspect that, as I have come here today with some goodies for colleges in one hand, I’ve probably got a big stick in the other.

    So now you’ve at last got a Minister who is going to treat the FE sector as grown ups lets talk frankly. Members of the government from the Prime Minister down have striven to be completely frank with people about the scale of the savings that will need to be made to bring the public finances back under control and the pain that will inevitably result.

    I certainly can’t pretend that further education will be excluded from those challenges. But I can give you some indications about how it will be managed.

    So for the rest of my time this morning, I want to turn my attention to an area where we announced that there would be changes: the £1 billion Train to Gain programme. I know that there has been a lot of comments about this in the sector and among employers and it’s important that I should make our intentions clear.

    George Osborne’s budget announcement a couple of weeks ago saw £200 million from the Train to Gain budget, refocused where we know it is needed most . £50 million of that money is being recycled into new capital grants for colleges, while the remaining £150 million will pay for 50,000 extra apprenticeship places this year.

    The main point I want to make is that the money saved was not taken from further education and skills. A quarter of it is going to help alleviate a serious problem for many colleges; a left over from the capital crisis I spoke of earlier, while the rest will continue to support training in the workplace.

    In that context, those of you who have followed the debate around further education policy over the last few years will know how much store this government sets on apprenticeships. There are many good reasons for that. First and foremost, the apprenticeships model is not only work-based, but work-focused. It passes on the practical skills needed to do a particular job in a way that is widely appreciated and understood.

    The evidence also shows that apprenticeships add more to a person’s earning-power than any other form of practical training. Someone may begin an apprenticeship unable to do anything that might fit them for a skilled job. But they emerge as – and I’m not afraid of the word – a craftsman. I am as proud of medieval stonemasons, who build so many of our cathedrals – and an apprenticeship can still rightly involve learning how to use a mallet and chisel – as I am of the software designers, film technicians, aeronautical engineers that emerge from today’s apprenticeships.

    Demand for apprenticeship places is growing and one of our priorities is to encourage more employers to participate. Apprenticeships are both a route to key competences for employees and a vital way to help employers build highly skilled, efficient businesses.

    We must also seek new ways of guiding people from lower-level engagement into apprenticeships, and from apprenticeships into higher education or other forms of further study.

    Academic study should not, and both David Willetts and I are determined it won’t be, seen as the only thing that carries value. Practical skills are often undervalued, but that’s usually by people who don’t and couldn’t ever have them.

    As a youngster growing up in south east London, I realised that I was only clever enough to be an academic. I was not clever enough to use my hands to make and do things. And the older I get, the more I revere the practical skills of my forbears, their craftsmanship and the pride they were able to take in it.

    But as effective as apprenticeships are, they are not the be-all and end-all of workplace training. That is why we have never proposed, as some people mischievously claim, simply to end funding for other work based training and put all of the money saved into apprenticeships instead. And let me say once and for all that there’s nothing whatsoever wrong with helping people to train whilst in work.

    But there’s everything wrong with waste at any time and above all at times like these. Train to Gain was always too blunt an instrument to be efficient, craft the skills we need and its impact was never proportionate to the enormous amounts of money it cost.

    Indeed, the National Audit Office found that that the scheme did not provide good value for money.

    Apprenticeships have value, for people and for employers. People understand what they are and the benefits they bring. But for some, that won’t always be right. And we’re determined that we won’t repeat the mistakes of the last government by driving towards one arbitrary goal without actually considering what else employees and employers need.

    So one of the big questions I’m going to be seeking to answer over the next few months is what are the right things for the government to do to support employers and people for whom apprenticeships aren’t the right answer, as we create a comprehensive, efficient and effective workplace training offer.

    One of the key issues is eliminating deadweight – where taxpayers’ money is simply substituted for money that employers would spend regardless. Because every pound that my Department spends to zero effect is a pound that won’t be spent on other public services or in helping to bring down the deficit, or simply left in the pockets of the people who worked hard to earn.

    There are clearly also questions around the specific needs of particular economic sectors, and also whether special provision should be made for small and medium-sized enterprises who often find it more difficult than larger organisations to absorb the time and cost pressures that staff training can involve.

    Finally, there is the problem of bureaucracy on which I have already touched. Whatever new arrangements to support workplace training are established – including the provisions of information, advice and guidance to employers and learners – must avoid the pitfalls of excessive paperwork that have put so many people off training and frustrated employers.

    Those are some of the key issues that we will need to address soon. Others will occur to those of you with direct experience of training in the workplace. And that’s another important point.

    I am determined not to sit in Whitehall and remotely form a picture of how things are in colleges or workplaces. As I have done during our time in opposition I will consult, listen, learn and act.

    I want to take time to talk to people like you about how things are, and what we should do to make them better.

    Lets agree on the clear that action is needed, to build on what is working in the further education and skills sector and set right what is not.

    Change is coming and, as Dr Johnson so rightly said in the preface to his dictionary, “change is not made without inconvenience, even from worse to better”.

    It behoves all of us here, whatever the inconvenience and however difficult the transition, that the changes that are coming lead to a better deal for the learners whose hopes, in our various ways, we hold in our hands.

    I began my speech by quoting a poem by Arthur Hugh Clough. The last line of that poem is quite well known – “But westward, look, the land is bright”. This was once famously quoted by the last leader of a British coalition government before David Cameron. Even at one of the darkest moments of the war, Churchill was inviting Britain to look to the future with confidence. And even amid our current troubles, I invite you to do the same today. Because I firmly believe that the future for colleges is bright. I am determined to work unceasingly to make it so.

    Today, we take the first step towards a better, freer, more empowered further education system.

    Today we start to unchain the immense human capital in FE.

    Today, with the changes I have announced, we have made a new beginning. But tomorrow we must strive together to bring the process of rebuilding to fruition. Let us make sure that looking back we will be able to say that rebuilding started here, today, with us.

    And I hope that we will feel able to say, that Cinderella lived happily ever after.

    Thank you.

     

  • John Hayes – 2010 Speech on the Government’s Skills Strategy

    John Hayes – 2010 Speech on the Government’s Skills Strategy

    The speech made by John Hayes, the then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills and Lifelong Learning, at the QEII Conference Centre in London on 10 June 2010.

    Thank you Elinor and good afternoon everyone.

    What I have to say this morning sits comfortably between the points that Francis Maude has already made on public service reform and what David Freud will say later about welfare.

    Further and higher education are public services, quite as essential in their own way to maintaining our way of life as the NHS or the police force.

    Like other parts of the public sector, the previous government borrowed and spent billions on post-compulsory education. But much of this was wasted. Spending has risen far quicker than performance. And all too often, extra money has been spent not on improving the quality of teaching and learning, but on driving the system from the centre.

    This is not the fault of the sector or those who implemented public policy, it’s the fault of the politicians who pushed these policies through parliament.

    That goes not only for universities and colleges, but also for the education quangos that sprouted like mushrooms over the last decade.

    On Monday, the Prime Minister said that the consequences for the public sector of the financial crisis that this government inherited will be “painful”. I don’t want to make light of the fact that further and higher will inevitably bear their share of that pain. But even if the credit crunch had not happened and our economy today was booming, there would still be compelling reasons for this government to seek greater efficiency in further and higher education, informed by a sober analysis of what has worked and of what hasn’t.

    As I’ve no doubt David Freud will tell you shortly, welfare, too, is in urgent need of reform. And there are parallels between the difficulties that beset the benefits system and those we are striving to address in further and higher education.

    Some people call the benefits system a safety-net. And that’s also how post-compulsory education has often been treated in recent years.

    Now, safety-nets have their place in extremis. But, personally, I think that most people would find a springboard far more useful.

    [As Winston Churchill remarked] “We are for the ladder, let all try their best to climb” and a net, “below which none shall fall”.

    The last government made much of more people going into our universities rather than straight into a job or vocational training. But what about all those who were encouraged to aspire to the benefits that higher education brings, only to have their hopes dashed because there was no university place available for them?

    We’ve also heard plenty in recent years about the numbers of adults whose training in the workplace was funded by the government. But we heard rather less about the fact that two-thirds of them got absolutely no benefit in terms of higher pay or career progression as a result.

    What price lifelong learning for people who’ve been let down like that, especially those whose previous experiences of learning had been far from positive?

    Educating adults – educating anyone – therefore has to be about giving the reality of opportunity, not just the illusion. Educating adults has to be a driver of social, economic and personal improvement, not a means of keeping the unemployment statistics artificially low.

    All that implies that, notwithstanding the current state of the public finances, the government has a large agenda for change to deliver in further and higher education.

    I hope that you’ll forgive me if I spend the rest of my time this afternoon talking mainly about the way our plans to reform further education and skills are developing. That’s not just because further education and skills are my area of Ministerial responsibility, but also because I’m reluctant to repeat so soon after the event the points that my colleague David Willetts made in Oxford only this morning about our plans for higher education. His speech is already on our department’s website if you’d like to read it.

    So far as further education and skills are concerned, our plans are built around three basic principles.

    First, we must replace the bureaucratic, target-driven, top-down regime to which colleges, employers and learners alike have become used with a genuine devolution of power within the system. I see the Government’s primary role as being to create a framework which helps individual people and their employers to get at the learning they want or need. An indispensable part of achieving that goal is removing the barriers that get in the way of learning providers’ efforts to respond to what their customers are asking for.

    For example, there are better ways of measuring the outcomes that trainers achieve than simply counting the number of qualifications gained. The emphasis must be put on progression, whether that’s to higher skills or to other forms of lifelong learning, including informal learning. Bureaucracy which creates artificial distinctions between further and higher education, between different types of institutions or programmes, or between formal and informal learning stifles the creativity that is the essence of a responsive skills system.

    Second, we must eliminate waste and inefficiency wherever they are found by taking a robust attitude to value for money. That means, for example, refocusing the Train to Gain programme. The National Audit Office found that about £250 million a year from this programme was being spent on things that employers would otherwise have funded themselves. That can’t be allowed to continue.

    But I want to make clear that what must continue is training in the workplace and public support for employers who want to offer it. That, too, is an assessment based on value for money. Vocational qualifications delivered in the workplace provide better wage returns on average than qualifications delivered in colleges, while apprenticeships offer the highest returns of all.

    That’s a subject on which I’ll be saying much more when I speak at City and Islington College next week.

    For the moment, I’d just like to remind you that the £200 million cut in the Train to Gain budget that George Osborne announced on 24 May was not money lost to further education. Neither was it a vote of no-confidence in workplace training. Quite the opposite, in fact, because the money deducted from Train to Gain is being reinvested to create 50,000 new apprenticeship places and to offer £50 million in new capital grants to colleges left in the lurch by last year’s funding fiasco.

    Third, I believe that education should be about people, not just numbers. It must hold out the promise of good things for those who seek “to know wisdom and instruction; to perceive the words of understanding; To receive the instruction of wisdom, justice, and judgment, and equity”. Not my words, of course, but Solomon’s, from the Book of Proverbs.

    And indeed, we must never forget that the individual learner must be placed at the heart of the whole learning process.

    People should be helped to identify learning opportunities, whether at work or in college, that will lead them towards a better job or a more fulfilling life.

    People should not just be left floundering without education, employment or training. No one deserves to be broken on the wheel that revolves from a dead-end job to unemployment and back again.

    Some of you will have read the speech that Vince Cable gave at the Cass Business School last week. In it, he described the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills as a “department for growth”. The contribution of post-compulsory education to that mission is essential. I don’t just mean its contribution to economic growth, driven by the higher productivity that better work-related skills bring. I also mean its capacity to spark the personal growth and the growth of a more developed sense of community that all learning brings.

    The need to find efficiencies is no reason to counsel despair in further education or elsewhere. As Cardinal Newman put it, “Let us act on what we have, since we have not what we wish.”

    And as I hope I’ve shown in the last few minutes, the government’s plans for further education and skills are far more ambitious and progressive than a diet of cuts and more cuts. Our proposals are not just to inform learners, engage employers and get off the backs of providers, but to give them the power to ensure that the system works in their best interests will be the most radical reform that skills has seen in at least a generation.

    Whatever the economic weather, adult learning matters. There is much we can do, much we must do, to ensure that the beneficial power of adult learning reaches everyone, building stronger communities, stronger business and a bigger society.

    Thank you.

  • Vicky Ford – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ethiopia

    Vicky Ford – 2022 Statement on the Situation in Ethiopia

    The statement made by Vicky Ford, the Minister for Africa, on 1 September 2022.

    The return to conflict between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Ethiopian Government is catastrophic for the people of Ethiopia. This development risks tens of thousands of deaths – both directly through fighting, and indirectly through a further deepening of the already dire humanitarian situation. 22 months since fighting first began, it is clear that there is no military solution.

    The cessation of hostilities agreed in March 2022 created an opportunity to resolve this conflict politically and enable Ethiopia to return to sustained development and economic growth. The resumption of fighting makes the path to peace much more difficult. Tigrayan forces should immediately cease fighting in Amhara region and return to Tigray. Eritrean forces should leave Tigray. We remain confident that progress towards peace can be made if talks begin.

    The conflict in northern Ethiopia has contributed to one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, leaving 13 million people in Tigray, Amhara and Afar requiring humanitarian assistance. Conflict, and the TPLF’s seizure of fuel from the World Food Programme, makes the work of humanitarian agencies more difficult. The UK urges all parties to the conflict to guarantee unfettered humanitarian access by immediately ceasing hostilities. The UK calls on the Ethiopian Government to urgently restore services to Tigray and the TPLF to enable the seized fuel to be used for aid distribution and critical services.

    Previous phases of the conflict were marked by terrible violations and abuses of human rights, including sexual violence. The UK will strongly support all efforts to ensure accountability for violations and abuses, including by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia. There have already been reports of airstrikes on Tigray by the Ethiopian Government resulting in civilian casualties, and of ethnically targeted arrests. It is the responsibility of all parties to the conflict to prioritise the protection of civilians, respect human rights and uphold International Humanitarian Law.

    The only way to resolve this conflict is to reinstate the cessation of hostilities and immediately begin political negotiations. We support the African Union’s mediation efforts to this end, and urge a redoubling of these efforts to avert further escalation.

  • Boris Johnson – 2022 Speech at the Commissioning of HMS Anson

    Boris Johnson – 2022 Speech at the Commissioning of HMS Anson

    The speech made by Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, at Barrow-in-Furness on 31 August 2022.

    Thank you very much Captain Bing.

    Deputy Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, it is fantastic to be here in Barrow, which is the crucible of British marine engineering, of course, and the historic vast maternity ward of these steel leviathans.

    And when you look at HMS Anson ladies and gentlemen you are looking at the climax of eleven years of high precision effort by 10,500, brilliant shipwrights, and sonar experts, and weapons engineers – a concentration of talent and expertise that can be mustered by only two or three other countries in the world, at the most.

    And on this special day, we give them our thanks.

    And you’re looking, by the way, at a vessel that is five times as long as the chamber of the House of Commons and I think you will agree is an international argument considerably more persuasive than some of the things that are deployed in the chamber.

    And this is also as the lady sponsor, as the wonderful lady sponsor pointed out this is the home, the place of work, play and rest for one hundred and ten brave submariners at sea, week in week out in the service of our country and to them in anticipation I think we should give our thanks.

    When you’re looking at HMS Anson, you are also looking at a vast UK industrial project that represents all that we mean or certainly all that I mean by levelling up, that’s driving jobs and growth and the acquisition of skills up and down the country, sonar built in Somerset torpedoes built in Portsmouth, propulsion system, I think I might even say from Derby, Rolls Royce in Derby.

    And you will know that those Rolls Royce reactors were, which are shortly going to be fired up, I think for the first time, they are the basis of the small modular reactor programme that this government has commissioned as part of our strategy to ensure that the people of this country get reliable supplies from the UK of the energy, affordable energy, that we need.

    And I’ve just been informed by the by the brilliant people in BAE that these engines run so quietly, that the most important feature of this machine is that for all its enormous bulk.

    And by the way, it’s I think it’s smaller than the dreadnought, but it’s still colossal.

    All its bulk, you cannot hear it coming.

    And I can tell you that I’ve just been out with the Metropolitan Police this morning on a dawn raid.

    Coincidentally, in Lewisham, I think maybe South Norwood.

    And I can tell you how important, is the element of surprise.

    And we arrested a drug dealer, ladies and gentlemen that he was suddenly surprised to see me at the foot of his bed at 530 in the morning, he seemed remarkably pleased actually.

    The element of surprise is crucial. And that is why HMS Anson is so vital for our defence, by leave of the Ministry of Defence and my great friends. The Secretary of State for Defence, I can tell you roughly what this boat does, it doesn’t actually carry the nuclear deterrent itself though it does carry as you know, plenty of other lethal stuff, but it does protect our nuclear deterrent.

    And therefore today, ladies and gentlemen, what we are looking at is the policemen of the world, gathering intelligence protecting our sea lanes cruising up behind you silently you do not even know it’s there and invisibly helping to create that forcefield around us that is warding off attack on NATO countries for 80 years or getting on for 80 years keeping safe, a billion people around the world.

    That is what this machine does.

    And that’s why I’m so pleased, by the way, but under the AUKUS agreements with Australia and with the United States, the technology we hope in the submarine will be used to help keep people safe across the whole of the Pacific region as well.

    Now, some people will continue to insist that this is a weapon of war.

    I tell you that she is a guarantor of peace.

    And in this uncertain world, we need that guarantee more than ever.

    I congratulate all those who designed her. All those who built her. And I know that in the decades to come, all those who are going to set to sea in her.

    And I know that in decades to come, when she’s out at sea, unseen beneath the surface of the water, keeping us safe, we will all remember the day that we were here in Barrow to see HMS Anson commission.

    Thank you, God bless this wonderful submarine and all those who sail in her.

  • Timothy Kirkhope – 2002 Speech at the European Convention

    Timothy Kirkhope – 2002 Speech at the European Convention

    The speech made by Timothy Kirkhope on 21 March 2002.

    This is the second convention on which I have sat, having been on the Charter of Fundamental Rights Convention. Although I was not totally happy with the results of that Convention, it did establish a new model of negotiation which excites me and many other people too. The Guardian newspaper in Britain this morning rightly said that this Convention will be seen to have more democratic legitimacy than the secretive wrangling of national leaders as witnessed most recently at the Barcelona summit.

    We must remember that Europe is not on trial here. Europe is part of the equation, part of the democratisation of Europe. After all, the peoples of Europe want to see all the institutions, not only the European ones but also the national Parliaments themselves, look carefully at their own activities. Maybe they want to reclaim some powers from Europe. At the same time, there is a general lack of confidence in politicians that we will have to address in the work we do here.

    I want to just support you, Mr. President, in what you have said about young people. I believe that the future of Europe is not just ours. I hope I’ve got a little of a future left in Europe, but young people have a much bigger future and a bigger stake in the future of Europe. It is therefore essential for us, as part of the listening process that we are now embarking on, to make sure that young people are a significant part of the consultation process and that their aspirations for the future are listened to. I shall certainly consult very carefully with young people, Mr President. You identified it yourself and I think you hit the nail on the head, as they say, in doing so.

    My only other remark is this. When consulting civil society, it is terribly important for us to draw the boundaries of civil society as widely as possible. There are some who call themselves representatives of civil society but who actually represent narrow vested interests. In order to avoid this problem, we must consult widely as part of the listening process.

    Whatever we get at the end of this process, I hope it is a great success, and I hope we regain public confidence in our institutions.

  • Peter Ainsworth – 2002 Speech on the Environment, Challenge and Opportunity

    Peter Ainsworth – 2002 Speech on the Environment, Challenge and Opportunity

    The speech made by Peter Ainsworth on 21 March 2002.

    Given that the environment is where we all live, I’ve never understood why, historically, it has come so low down the pecking order of political priorities.

    For years it was regarded as the unique preserve of cranks, new agers and people with strange beards. The caricature, usually unfair, of the tree hugging weirdo was easy to dismiss.

    But should we have so lightly dismissed the work and warnings of poets and writers who, from the outset of the Industrial Revolution that built and sustained cities like Sheffield, began to show an acute regard for the relationship between man and nature?

    The sense that something quite serious was going wrong runs like a thread through literature, from Wordsworth to TS Eliot, from Blake to Betjeman and Philip Larkin.

    They worked from instinct, but 200 years after the start of the Industrial Revolution, science has begun to catch up with instinct and we know we have a problem.

    It was in fact Margaret Thatcher who changed the whole nature of the debate about the environment. In a speech to the Royal Society in 1988, she took many by surprise in launching a series of new initiatives to protect the local and global environment, observing that “we have no freehold on this earth, only a full repairing lease”.

    Politicians who dismiss the environment should remember that parliamentary seats can be won or lost on issues like incinerators, landfill sites, housing schemes, quarrying proposals, and flood defences.

    So let’s put paid, once and for all, to the notion that the environment is not politically important.

    We live in a time when the world has never been more connected. The internet, satellite television, mobile phones, email can put us in touch with almost anyone from almost anywhere at the press of a few buttons. These connections mean that this world has become, for mankind, a smaller place. What happened in New York on September 11th had an impact on communities as far afield as Sheffield and Sydney.

    Yet there is a big paradox, in this age of connectedness, people feel that they have never been less connected with each other where it really counts; at home or in the communities where they live and work. Indeed, the very word ‘Community’ is in danger of becoming a meaningless piece of political jargon in a country where most people live in cities and don’t even know who their neighbours are, let alone share with them a developed commitment to work together and share their ideas and experiences.

    So the age of connectedness is also an age of palpable alienation for many people. A time in which, perhaps not surprisingly, casual and violent crime is on the increase.

    What has any of this got to do with the environment?

    Well, as I have said, the environment is where we live, it is quite literally everywhere; it is the context in which we lead our lives. If we degrade the environment we degrade ourselves. Conversely, a society that invests in its environment is not only placing a proper emphasis on the quality of the lives of its citizens, but also recognising its obligations to future generations. In so doing it helps to create a more stable society and, internationally, a more secure world.

    Those of us who care about the state of society are concerned by the indifference shown by large numbers of people, especially younger people, to politicians in particular and politics in general. The fact that more 18-25 years olds voted for Will or Gareth in Pop Idol than voted for Will or Tony in the General Election tells its own story.

    One of the reasons for the profound and, ultimately, worrying disconnection between politicians and voters is that politicians have utterly failed to keep up with the changed nature of the public’s aspirations. If we begin to work on the basis that there’s more to the quality of life than the standard of living, and that the quality of our shared environment helps to determine the quality of our lives, maybe we can begin to speak a language which people will understand.

    For this to happen, Government needs to ask itself what it is there to achieve, and to understand that, without the active support of people, nothing will happen at all.
    As Iain Duncan Smith has said:

    “People’s best intentions are defeated if doing the right thing actually makes them worse off. The job of Government is to align people’s best interest with their self-interest; to make it easier for people to follow their natural inclination to care for the environment; it is about giving purpose and direction to what people are prepared to do for free”.

    In practical terms, this means for example making it easier for households first to reduce the amount of waste they generate and then to recycle more of it. The costs of doing this need to be seen against the costs of not doing it – the financial, environmental and political costs of, say, large scale waste incineration or landfill, and I don’t need to tell people in Sheffield about those.

    As you may know, the Conservatives are presently engaged in a fundamental review of policy. The development of detailed policy will come later, but this does not prevent us from articulating some basic principles from which specific ideas will evolve.

    We believe in reducing the power and the role of the state; in increasing the opportunity and choice which people can exercise in their own lives; in providing security for our citizens; and in supporting enterprise.

    How might these principles be applied to the environment?

    Firstly, we recognise that the environment is not simply a national issue; that there is a need to work with the EU and other international organisations to forge binding global commitments to meet our obligations to future generations. I am delighted by the progress made towards ratification of the Kyoto Treaty. Though there remains much to do to persuade the developing world that it is in their interest to join up, and of course the onus is now on the US to come alongside the rest of the developed world.

    Secondly, we accept that there is a role for regulation to control activities which are contributing to climate change or which threaten the local environment . But regulation should be carefully targeted, properly thought through in genuine consultation, simple and effective. There are too many complex and overlapping regulations at present; the result can be a bureaucratic nightmare which hinders compliance and gives environmental protection a bad name. Law of unexpected consequences is an every present risk. The hugely expansive shambles of fridge mountains is an object lesson in exactly how not to regulate.

    We need to establish a more mature relationship between Government and industry; one which avoids arbitrary intervention but is based instead on a recognition of mutual needs, abilities and responsibilities.

    Thirdly, we believe that there is a role for fiscal intervention in the interests of a better environment. But we must ensure that environmental taxes actually deal with environmental problems.

    A Climate Change Levy which does virtually nothing to prevent climate change but which costs manufacturing industry £ million and exports jobs to countries with lower environmental standards is obviously counter-productive.

    An Aggregates Tax which nobody, including the Treasury, understands and which simply increases imports of products made from aggregates is plainly likely to fail.

    If we are to have taxes which discourage environmentally damaging activities let’s be straight forward. For example, if we are concerned about the impact of carbon emissions on the future viability of the planet (and we should be) shouldn’t we be thinking about taxing carbon emissions and seek to persuade other countries to do the same?

    Fourthly, we need to get away from the idea that Government action, the passing of new laws and regulations, is the answer to everything.

    I went into politics because I believed in its power to make things happen, not to stop them happening.

    It is important to emphasise that I am not advocating a laissez fair approach to the environment, the stakes are far too high for that. On the contrary, I believe that we need a step change in our approach to tackling environmental problems which reflects both the urgency of the need for action and the scale of the business challenge which this presents. Instead of seeing environmental improvement as a problem, we should start to see it as an opportunity.

    That’s what companies like Shell and BP are doing. Across the world, Shell is working on the delivery of 1,000 megawatts of renewable wind energy, aiming not only to achieve major environmental benefits but also to improve security of energy supply through diversification. The company is also now investing heavily in a joint venture to develop, manufacture and market hydrogen storage units which make use of the emerging science of fuel cell technology. They claim that fuel cells, which could revolutionise the way we power vehicles, are “the power plant of the future”.

    Last week, Lord Browne of Madingley, the Chairman of BP, made a speech in Stanford, Connecticut in which he detailed how, in the last 5 years, BP has cut the level of its own CO2 emissions by 14 million tonnes. They have achieved this through efficiency and technology, and through better management of the energy they use. The result has not only been beneficial to the environment, but also beneficial to the business.

    He also drew attention to BP’s investment in renewable energy sources, where their work on photovoltaics is on track to deliver 300 megawatts of solar panels each year by 2007 – supplying five million people. The market for these products is at present very small, but it is growing at around 40% this year and, particularly given the massive scope for their use in the developing world, the potential is immense.

    I have chosen to highlight BP and Shell because they have traditionally been regarded as environmental villains. Whilst their mainstream activities still depend on the exploitation of non-renewable resources, they have seen the new market opening up for cleaner, greener technology – and they want to be part of it. They will need to be part of it if they want to retain leading positions in the energy market of the 21st Century.

    The present global market for environmental products and services is worth around $515 billion, and it is forecast to grow to nearly $700 billion by 2010. That makes it not only one of the world’s largest business sectors, but one of the fastest growing. In the UK the market is already worth £16 billion and is thought to sustain some 170,000 jobs – and they can’t all be local authority inspectors.

    I want to see more British companies playing a leading role in developing new technologies which will not only mean new high quality jobs, but also a cleaner, safer, more sustainable planet.

    In the end, it will be up to you in industry to take up this challenge. But it is Government’s job to set the framework in which you can maximise the opportunities which are out there. You will not be helped if the Government’s mind-set remains wedded to outmoded concepts of tax and regulation. Already, Germany, Austria and Denmark, for example, are moving ahead of us; and it is interesting to note that the examples I used earlier from Shell and BP involve investment in overseas markets, not in the UK. There is a real danger of Britain being left behind.

    Just as we need policies that make it easier for people to care for the environment, to align their best interest with their self interest, so we need policies which do the same for business.

    We need an approach from Government that moves beyond flailing sticks which all too often miss the target, and offers instead some carrots if we are to take advantage of 21st century technology for the benefit of the planet, and the bottom line.

    Since the dawn of the Industrial Revolution the interests of economic development and the interests of the environment have essentially been in conflict. It is a conflict we cannot allow to continue, and forging a reconciliation between these two forces is one of the great challenges to our generation of politicians, businesses and citizens. I believe not only that it can be done, but that it must be done.