Tag: Speeches

  • Mike Russell – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    Mike Russell – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    The speech made by Mike Russell, the President of the SNP, on 9 October 2022.

    Fellow delegates, every time in recent years that I have stood here and looked out at Conference- and it is great to be doing so once again – I remember the first ever SNP Conference I attended.

    It was in Rothesay in 1983, which means – amazingly – that it is almost 40 years ago. I don’t remember much about what was discussed.

    But I do remember that the hall – that great wide hall in the wonderful Rothesay Pavilion that sits alas now only half restored and completely out of use – could be swallowed up in here several times over.

    At that time, of course, there was no Scottish Parliament. And in the Westminster the General Election just three months before we had taken only 2 seats. Labour won 41 the Tories 21 , and even the Liberals got 8. We got 2 on 11 % of the vote .

    Moreover support for Independence – when it was even measured in the polls, which was rarely if ever – was actually less than that.

    Fellow delegates if ever I get a little disheartened by the constant negativity of our opponents .

    If ever I get a bit frustrated by some people who claim to be travelling our road, but seem determined only to put obstacles on it.

    I think of that conference in Rothesay and I reflect on how far we have come since then.

    Once in a while that is the right thing to do.

    Forty years on, in the fact of an ever increasing unionist onslaught, driven by fear not of us, but of the people of Scotland , we need sometimes to take stock.

    Not to pat ourselves in the back but to give us the energy and the determination to finish the job that those who came before us were determined to see done.

    To be a spur and an inspiration to us, helping us to finish the job. Because although this party has achieved much, it still has much to achieve. And if we don’t knuckle down that challenge, then nobody will.

    Fellow delegates unlike in 1983, the tools for that job are to hand. Today. Here. Ready to be used.

    Angus has already talked about the papers that the Scottish Government – an SNP Scottish Government – is producing that give us the arguments we need about the key issues.

    Admittedly our opponents are doing that too – proving to us and the wider world how morally, politically , intellectually and constitutional bankrupt they now are and how there is nothing “great” left in “great Britain”.

    Our choice is stark and clear – decline with the UK, or prosper as a normal, small, independent country within the EU.

    We know when the choice will made too. If the Supreme Court rules in our favour, it will be on the 19th of October next year.

    And it the Supreme Court fails the people of Scotland then we will rise to that challenge too and put our case in the next general election, whenever that is.

    The choice that has to be made if Scotland is to escape from the downward spiral of Tory and Labour government exploiting but ignoring Scotland.

    And we know what will motivate the people of Scotland when they come to choose.

    In August an Ipsos Mori poll identified the key issues for us. The argument that says that “People in Scotland want to take the country in a very different political direction to England” – our argument on the doorsteps day in and day out – was voted by almost 60% of people as being ‘very’ or ‘fairly’ convincing.

    58% of our fellow voters thought that “Scotland should be independent because Westminster governments cannot be trusted to act in Scotland’s interests” Our argument every day of the year, and every year I have been in this party.

    And 53% agreed that “Scotland should be independent because the UK left the European Union even though Scotland voted to Remain”

    An argument I make time and again, fuelled by the experience of fighting against Brexit in Whitehall for five long years.

    And the poll even told us where we still had work to do – for example to convince our fellow Scots that our economy will be stronger outside the UK than within it and that jobs would be secure – though even in August opinions was almost tied on the economy and that was before Kwasi Kwarteng tanked the pound.

    But best of all fellow delegates we have an unbeatable advantage.The advantage you can see if you just look around you now.

    We have the people – a mass movement, not just of the SNP though we are almost 100,000 members stronger than we were eve in 2014.

    There is across Scotland a strong YES movement which seeks, in the words of the first American Vice President John Adams to “begin government anew from the foundations and build it as we choose”

    A movement of ordinary men and women, drawn from this country and across the globe who want a better country to live in, a fairer, more equitable, kinder and more generous society and who know that choosing independence is the only way to get it.

    I will say a bit more this afternoon about how we should work with that movement, in mutual respect and with the highest standards of campaigning.

    But let me say a word or two what we should do – we, the SNP, the vehicle for Scottish Independence

    Each one of has a duty to inform ourselves – using the material that is coming from Government , the information that I circulate from HQ, and , yes, the material that others produce like Believe in Scotland.

    We need to read, mark and digest that material and then we need to inform others – in the conversations we have amongst family and friends, in the workplace, or in the pub.

    Don’t ask when the campaign is starting.

    We are the campaign. And across Scotland we are well underway. We don’t need to ask for permission to campaign, that was given years ago, when you joined the party. Every member of this party is always permitted to campaign for our nation’s freedom.

    In fact it is what we are here for.

    Back in 1983 the people of Scotland showed little curiosity about independence.

    Now our fellow citizens are keen to be informed and keen to be persuaded.

    That is our job.

    Person by person.

    Street by street,

    Village by village,

    Town by town,

    This party exists to change our country.

    To deliver independence

    And it actively doing that in every part of Scotland

    Of course we can always learn and improve. So as we inform ourselves, and inform others, lets also work to ensure our branches and constituencies are organised and ready, equipped with the best techniques and using them week in and week out.

    There are always new places to go. There are always new people waiting to hear.

    Lets make sure we reach every single one of them with the message.

    Fellow delegates, nobody who was in that hall in Rothesay almost forty years ago could have foreseen where we are today.

    Nobody could have even glimpsed the difficulties we have made our way through, and are still making our way through.

    After a pandemic, we are now in a world threatened by war. We have a government we did not elect which is the most right wing administration in our life times and in the developed world.

    And the most incompetent.

    It has to be better than this. It can be better than this. It must be better than this.

    And Scotland knows that now. It is just waiting for you, and for all of us, to lead the way to that better place.

    Despite everything our presence here today is a sign of hope

    It shows that we are determined to finish the job that has been underway for the past 50 years or more.

    And it shows how close we are to that goal.

    We have what it takes.

    We can secure the independence for Scotland which, back in Rothesay, at time seemed only an impossible dream.

    We can make it a reality. We must make it a reality.

    In fact we are the only people who can make it a reality.

    So lets get out there and do it.

  • John Swinney – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    John Swinney – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    The speech made by John Swinney, the Deputy First Minister, on 9 October 2022.

    What a great pleasure it is to be back together, in person, at an SNP conference.

    Seeing old friends, making new ones, debating the issues of the day and making the policies that will help shape tomorrow.

    Creating the space for this Party – together – to take the next decisive steps to deliver Scotland’s Independence.

    While technology allowed us to continue to meet during the pandemic, a virtual conference cannot compare to the hustle and bustle of being together again.

    And, while it is a little further for me to travel, I can tell you that – thankfully – it is a lot warmer here on stage than it is addressing you by video filmed in my back garden in the depths of winter!

    In all my years in this party, I have given many a speech to SNP Conference.

    But today marks a first for me.

    This is the first time that I have addressed Conference while providing maternity cover for a ministerial colleague.

    In the summer, Kate Forbes, our fantastic Finance and Economy Secretary, and her husband Ali, welcomed Naomi into the world, making Kate the first serving Cabinet Secretary in the Scottish Government to take maternity leave.

    Naomi’s safe arrival is wonderful news and from this Conference we all send our love and good wishes to Kate, Ali and their family for much happiness in the years ahead.

    And we meet at this Conference, after much electoral water has gone under the bridge.

    Just after our last in person Conference in 2019, we won 48 seats in the Westminster election, gaining seats from Labour and the Tories to dominate the electoral map of Scotland.

    In 2021, we won 64 seats in the Scottish Parliament elections, winning the highest number of votes of any Party under devolution.

    In 2022, we won the Council elections and increased our share of the vote.

    After 15 years in power, the Scottish National Party remains the largest Party in Scotland, the winning Party in Scotland, the Governing Party in Scotland – we are the Party of ALL of Scotland.

    Conference, it is also great to be back here in Aberdeen – a city at the forefront of our strength in energy and at the heart of our nation’s transition to Net Zero.

    Scotland’s economy has many strengths, but when it comes to energy, we are truly a global power house.

    With our plentiful resources of renewable energy, with our expertise in oil and gas, and the potential to be a world leader in emerging technologies like hydrogen and Carbon Capture, Scotland is well placed to provide much of Europe with access to clean energy.

    The transition to a Net Zero future is a tremendous opportunity for Scotland, but it is also a considerable challenge.

    No more so than here in Aberdeen.

    This city faces an economic challenge on the scale faced by towns and cities across Scotland in the de-industrialisation of the 1980s. Many of those communities still bear the scars of poorly planned structural changes to our economy.

    But there is one crucial difference to the challenge the North East faces today and that faced by communities in the 1980s.

    Although there is an uncaring Tory Government at Westminster just like there was in the 1980s, today however, there is an SNP Government, on Scotland’s side, who will do everything in our power to support the North East.

    Aberdeen’s economy, like Scotland’s, must transition from its reliance on oil and gas.

    But it has to be a just transition.

    One that takes our people, communities and businesses with us.

    That’s why we are supporting that transition with an investment in this region of £500 million over the next decade.

    Securing jobs and investment and ensuring Aberdeen’s place as a centre of green energy expertise.

    Conference, since oil was discovered off Scotland’s shores in the 1970s, the Treasury has raked in more than £300 billion in tax revenues.

    Next year is set to see the highest oil revenues on record.

    So it stands to reason, that the UK should also be joining us in supporting Aberdeen.

    Not least, that in their time of need, the UK Government turned to the North Sea for a windfall tax.

    But at every step along the way they have refused to match our just transition funding, just like they have refused so far to back Scotland’s Carbon Capture cluster.

    Conference, the UK Government are only interested in Scotland when there is money to be made, not when there are jobs to be saved.

    Scotland is a nation rich in energy resources.

    We have a plentiful supply of clean, green, affordable renewable energy.

    The equivalent of almost 100% of our electricity demand is from renewable sources.

    Not only is Scotland self-sufficient in natural gas – we are a huge exporter.

    Scotland is secure in energy. So we need no lectures from Liz Truss about security of energy supply. It is the UK that has failed to achieve energy security, with the National Grid warning of possible power cuts this winter. And let me make this clear, Scotland is not going to put up with a new round of nuclear power stations to make up for the failure of energy policy in the United Kingdom.

    Despite our huge strength in energy, 150,000 more people in Scotland will be forced into extreme fuel poverty as a result of the UK Government’s increase to the energy price cap in September.

    We are an energy rich nation, but 35% of our citizens live in fuel poverty.

    Why is that?

    Because while Scotland has the Energy, Westminster has the power.

    And how Westminster chooses to use its reserved power has consistently, and deliberately, disadvantaged Scotland.

    Our energy producers face the highest transmission charges in Europe.

    Standing charges for consumers are 50% higher in Scotland than they are in London.

    Our renewable future has been held back by erratic and irresponsible UK policies.

    And, our energy bills are amongst the highest in Europe.

    Conference, let’s be clear, the reason why global energy prices have risen so sharply is because of Vladimir Putin’s illegal invasion of Ukraine.

    But the reason why the energy crisis has been felt so badly in Scotland, worse than in many other neighbouring countries, is because of bad decision after bad decision by the UK Government.

    Conference, when Liz Truss became Prime Minister, a little over a month ago, she inherited from Boris Johnson the worst cost crisis in decades. At a moment of huge difficulty for people struggling with the cost of living, what did the Tories decide to do?

    The Tories decided this was the moment to lift the cap on bankers’ bonuses and give tax cuts that benefit the rich. How foolish could they be?

    A quarter of the cash gains go to the top 5%.

    If the UK Government sticks to its plan for a real terms cut to benefits, the poorest 20% in society will see their incomes fall next year.

    Meanwhile the richest 5% will see their incomes boosted by more than £9000.

    During a cost of living crisis, they are taking from the poor and giving to the rich.

    They did so with no independent reports on the costings and no idea how they would pay for the tax giveaways.

    And what happened.

    The Pound fell to its lowest level against the dollar in its history.

    Mortgage providers withdrew hundreds of products from the market overnight – increasing the cost of home ownership and threatening a collapse in house prices.

    The Bank of England took emergency action to avoid a collapse of British Pension funds.

    Within weeks the new Tory Prime Minister decided to transform a punishing cost crisis in to a full blown economic and financial crisis.

    In an act of fiscal recklessness, the Tories have threatened the financial security of millions of our people, jeopardised the homes of many through higher mortgages and shredded in one fell swoop the fiscal credibility of the United Kingdom. That is just the latest disaster the Tories have delivered.

    And what will this recklessness bring for us – it will bring a new age of austerity.

    A new age of austerity that will cripple public services and create misery for those on fixed incomes.

    I came to my first SNP Conference when Margaret Thatcher was savaging our public services and our industrial base in the 1980s.

    I was Finance Secretary a decade ago, when David Cameron and George Osborne, unleashed the last round of UK austerity.

    The damage of that programme is still being felt in communities across Scotland

    It put our public finances under tremendous strain.

    While the challenges of protecting Scotland’s people and public services were great then, they pale into insignificance with the scale of the challenge we face today.

    As a result of inflation, the Scottish budget is now worth £1.7 billion less than when we set it in December.

    We have already had to announce £500 million of savings to ensure we comply with our legal duty to balance the books, and fund fair pay deals for public sector workers

    And that is before we take into account the £18 billion of spending cuts the Tories are planning to pay for their tax cuts.

    This will impact every corner of Scotland.

    Our public services, already under the strain of recovering from the pandemic, risk being starved of cash, all so that those with the broadest shoulders can pay less tax.

    There is no denying that the task is great. And, our room for manoeuvre is limited.

    But conference, I am clear the job of an SNP finance secretary isn’t to cut public services.

    It is to fund public services. And despite the harsh fiscal constraints of devolution, supporting our public services is what we intend to do.

    Conference, perhaps the most predictable, if depressing, comments in the aftermath of the mini-budget were the chorus of calls from the Scottish Conservatives urging me to match the UK Government’s reckless tax cuts.

    The Tories at Westminster had set fire to the UK economy, and their counterparts in Scotland were urging me to pour petrol on the flames.

    And of course at the same time as demanding we cut tax, the Tories constantly demand we spend more money. If you didn’t know already, let me tell you this. The Tories really are a bunch of reckless hypocrites.

    By their actions in the mini-Budget the Tories threw away any claim they could have to be a party of fiscal responsibility. In contrast, this Party has balanced the books in each and every one of our years in Government. We should make no apology for believing in – and delivering – fiscal responsibility and we should take no lessons on the subject from the Tories.

    Because fiscal responsibility pays for our NHS.

    Fiscal responsibility pays for our children’s education.

    It pays for the game changing Scottish Child Payment – lifting children out of poverty and available only in Scotland.

    From free personal care to prescriptions.

    1140 hours of free childcare to free university provision.

    From free bus travel to the small business bonus.

    We won’t follow the Tories down the rabbit hole of tax cuts for the rich. We will do what’s right for Scotland’s people, our economy and our public services.

    It has been abundantly clear for some time that Scotland and the United Kingdom are increasingly moving in completely different directions.

    Tory Governments elected at Westminster, but rejected outright here in Scotland.

    Brexit supported by Labour and the Conservatives and imposed on Scotland against our democratic will.

    Abject hostility to sensible migration policies at Westminster, when Scotland needs to be open for people to choose to come and live here.

    Your SNP Government will do all that we can to help Scotland prosper in the face of the obstacles created by Westminster.

    We will work to make Scotland the best place to start and grow a business or a social enterprise, a magnet for inward investment, an international example of how to decarbonise our economy, a nation where people and businesses can continually upgrade their skills, a leader in research and development, a great place to live and work with high living standards.

    We will do that by encouraging a new generation of entrepreneurs to create business ideas, by pursuing new market opportunities at home and overseas, by encouraging regional economic initiatives in every part of Scotland, by constantly developing the skills of our workforce, and by creating a fairer and more equal society where everyone can play a part in the Scottish economy.

    While the Tories engage in a race to the bottom, we will engage in a race for a high wage, high value economy and society – an inclusive growth agenda to improve the lives of each and every one of our citizens.

    Since we came to power in 2007, we have used the powers of devolution to the maximum we possibly could.

    We gave the strongest support to renewable energy and we are now able to generate nearly all of our net electricity needs from renewables.

    We invested in our schools so that today over 90% of school pupils are educated in good or satisfactory schools compared to just over 60% when we came to office.

    We introduced the Scottish Child Payment and increased it swiftly to help those facing the greatest need today.

    We have delivered much to improve the lives of the people who live in Scotland.

    But there are clearly limits to what we can do as a new age of austerity is about to be inflicted upon us :

    If Scotland wants to be able to tackle the enduring scourge of poverty;

    If Scotland wants to play her part in the world as an equal member of the European Union;

    If Scotland wants to be a country that creates the best life chances for every one of our citizens;

    Then devolution is not enough – We cannot be at the mercy of Westminster decisions any longer – Scotland has to choose to be an Independent country.

    And that is our task – the historic mission of our Party – to make Scotland an independent country.

    If I think back to conversations I had with people who did not support us during the 2014 Referendum, many felt they had financial security within the United Kingdom. After the events of the last few weeks how can that any longer be the case?

    How can any politician look a pensioner, or a mortgage holder or a person living in poverty straight in the eye, after the wreckage of the last few weeks, and say there is financial security any longer in the United Kingdom.

    Our task is to engage with those people – with those we could not win over in 2014. To explain our beliefs and our values. To share with them our hopes for our country. And to help them believe that Scotland can join the nations of the world and play our rightful part.

    It is a task of respectful persuasion and of reassurance. It is a task of significance in the lives of all of us who choose to live here in Scotland. It is a task that can chart a new course for Scotland. It is a task that we must – and we will win – for Scotland.

  • Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Speech to SNP Conference

    The speech made by Nicola Sturgeon, the First Minister, on 10 October 2022.

    It is so good to be speaking at Conference in person again, rather than virtually.

    Getting to hug friends and colleagues is so much better.

    Our political family – Scotland’s biggest party by far – is together again.

    And that feels great.

    The only downside of not being on zoom is having to trade my slippers for these heels.

    But I suppose I can’t have everything.

    Of course, it is always good to be here in Aberdeen.

    Especially now that the SNP is once again leading this great city.

    Aberdeen and the North East is at the heart of our just transition to a net zero future.

    Since our late Queen – whose extraordinary life of service we have honoured in recent weeks – switched on the Forties pipeline in 1975, oil and gas has powered the Scottish economy.

    Her late Majesty, back then, inaugurated the oil and gas age.

    As we move now – in so many ways – into a new era, we have a duty to repay all those who work in that industry.

    A duty to support them into new jobs in green energy.

    An opportunity to usher in the new age of Scottish renewables.

    Conference,

    Aberdeen is the oil and gas capital of Europe.

    Let us resolve today to make it the net zero capital of the world.

    That ambition led us to establish the £500 million Just Transition Fund for this region.

    Today I can announce the first 22 projects have just been awarded funding of more than £50 million.

    These projects will support the production of green hydrogen;

    The development of wave and tidal technology.

    And even pioneer the use of waste from whisky to recycle EV batteries;

    They will focus on the skills our existing workforce need to take advantage of the renewables revolution.

    Incredible Scottish ingenuity here in the North-East, supported by the Scottish Government, developing technologies to tackle the global climate emergency.

    It is exciting, inspiring stuff.

    And it is a shining example of what a Scottish Government can do when the powers lie in our hands.

    Conference,

    When we last gathered together – just weeks from the start of a global pandemic – we could not have imagined what lay ahead.

    Thankfully, Covid no longer dominates the news, or our thoughts, quite as much as it did.

    But the virus still poses a risk – especially as we approach winter.

    So, before I go any further today, a plea:

    If you are eligible, get your booster jag.

    Vaccination is just as important now as it was last winter.

    If you don’t do it for yourself – though you should – do it for those more vulnerable than you.

    And, please, do it for the National Health Service.

    We owe the NHS – and all who work in it – a massive debt of gratitude.

    Conference,

    All of us hoped that when the worst of the pandemic was over, better times would lie ahead.

    Thanks to the brilliance of vaccine scientists, and the sheer strength of the human spirit, I am certain those better days will come.

    But in the midst of a cost of living crisis, it won’t surprise you to hear me talk today about the challenges we face:

    And about the massive responsibility of me, and my government, to help you through it.

    As we navigate these stormy waters, Scotland needs a steady and compassionate hand on the tiller.

    Conference,

    That is what our Scottish Government provides.

    But today I will also make the case for optimism.

    For not just accepting the world as it is.

    But turning our minds and our hearts instead to building a stronger Scotland and playing our part in building a better, fairer world.

    The optimism that a better world is possible is inspired, for me, by the bravery of those who endure the toughest of times.

    And at home by the knowledge that this beautiful, magnificent country of ours is bursting with talent, creativity and ingenuity…

    We also have a sense of solidarity and common purpose that our political debate can sometimes obscure.

    Conference,

    Scotland has got what it takes to be a successful independent country.

    It has it in abundance.

    Never let anyone tell us otherwise.

    At this moment, across the world that better future can be hard to see – eclipsed, as it is, by significant and profound challenges.

    A war of unprovoked aggression on our continent.

    An energy price crisis and soaring inflation.

    Democratic norms eroded and human rights attacked in too many countries.

    In the face of that, we have a duty to champion progressive values and universal rights.

    Friends,

    That is a duty our party will always discharge.

    But in the UK we have a Westminster Government intent on taking us down a different path.

    The current Home Secretary, speaking at the Conservative Party conference, said this about asylum seekers –

    And even as I quote her, I struggle to comprehend that she actually said these words. But here they are:

    “I would love to be having a front page of The Telegraph with a plane taking off to Rwanda, that’s my dream, it’s my obsession.”

    Conference,

    My dream is very different.

    I am sure it is shared in this hall and by the vast majority across Scotland.

    My dream is that we live in a world where those fleeing violence and oppression are shown compassion and treated like human beings…

    Not shown the door and bundled on to planes like unwanted cargo.

    Conference,

    Our case for hope and optimism rests – above all – on our common humanity.

    Compassion. Solidarity. Love.

    These values sustained us in the darkest days of the pandemic.

    They must drive us forward now.

    Those fighting across the globe for democracy, equality and human dignity must hear that they are not alone.

    So let the message go out from us to everyone across the world standing up against tyranny and oppression.

    We stand with you.

    To women in Iran fighting for basic human rights. We stand with you.

    To girls in Afghanistan demanding the right to go to school. We stand with you.

    To men and women risking their lives in opposition to Putin in Russia, or his sidekick in Belarus.

    We stand with you.

    And to the people of Ukraine – fighting for your very existence.

    We stand with you.

    Today we live on a continent where a so-called strong man – though one who has never looked weaker or more insecure – has launched a brutal invasion of his neighbour.

    That should be unimaginable in 21st century Europe.

    But for the people of Ukraine it is all too real.

    Every day there are atrocities and killings.

    Today, the capital, Kyiv, and cities across the country are under renewed bombardment.

    Despicable war crimes have been committed.

    And Conference,

    Let us be clear – these are war crimes for which Vladimir Putin must be held to account.

    The contrast between Putin and the people of Ukraine could not be starker.

    From President Zelensky to the sacrifice of ordinary citizens – personified here on Saturday by our guest Lesia Vasylenko – we have seen incredible bravery and extraordinary determination.

    Ukraine – you are an inspiration to the world.

    And we will always stand with you.

    Conference,

    We are not on the front line of this war.

    But Ukraine’s victory in the battle between democracy and tyranny is vital for all of us.

    The Scottish Government will continue to do everything we can to help.

    We are helping enforce sanctions and isolate Russia.

    We have provided funds for vital military equipment.

    And we have opened Scotland’s doors to those displaced.

    Initially, we committed to welcoming 3,000 people seeking refuge from the war.

    I am pleased to say that we are now providing safety for more than 20,000.

    To each and every one: our hearts go out to you.

    We know you yearn to go home but for as long as you need a place of sanctuary, be in no doubt –

    You have a home here in Scotland.

    Conference,

    There are moments in history – as now, with Ukraine – when all of us must be prepared to make sacrifices to help defend fundamental freedoms.

    But when global turbulence strikes, national governments have a duty to act in ways that mitigate, rather than exacerbate, the impacts on their own populations.

    When it comes to the cost of living crisis – and so much else besides – this UK government is utterly failing in that duty.

    Each and every day, its actions are making matters worse.

    We last gathered together as a party in October 2019.

    Back then, the Tories had just elected a new leader.

    Westminster was in meltdown.

    A new Prime Minister was driving through a disastrous policy agenda, despite warnings of its dire economic impact.

    And here we are, all over again.

    Another spin on the Tory misery-go-round.

    This time the carousel is speeding up.

    It took the Tories 3 years to realise Boris Johnson was a disaster.

    With Liz Truss, it took them just three weeks.

    She caused mayhem in the markets with her decision to borrow billions of pounds to fund tax cuts for the richest.

    Borrowing to be repaid by eye watering austerity cuts and a raid on the incomes of the poorest.

    It is unconscionable.

    The Prime Minister’s justification is that she is going for growth.

    Conference,

    Let me tell you what kind of growth that will be.

    Growth in the gap between rich and poor.

    Growth in the rates of poverty.

    Growth in the pressure on our NHS and other public services.

    And, without any doubt –

    Growth in the deep disgust the public feel for all of it.

    Conference,

    The truth is massive hand-outs for the wealthiest at the expense of everyone else do nothing for the economy.

    All they do is turbo-charge inequality.

    No SNP Government will ever inflict on Scotland such an immoral, self-defeating disaster of a policy.

    Instead we will continue to use our powers and resources to help those most in need.

    Not as an act of charity – but in our collective interest.

    Conference,

    Here is what I stand for. What we stand for.

    Not hoping, against all evidence to the contrary, that wealth will suddenly and magically start trickling down.

    But instead lifting people up so they can contribute their full potential.

    That is the SNP’s founding principle for a stronger economy.

    I am proud of the work the Scottish Government is doing to tackle child poverty.

    The Scottish Child Payment is unique in the United Kingdom.

    It is paid to eligible families with children up to age six.

    It started at 10 pounds per week.

    At Conference last year, I announced we would double it to twenty.

    Five weeks from today we will increase it again, to 25 pounds a week.

    Vital financial help for more than 100,000 children, delivered in time for Christmas.

    On the same day we increase the Payment, we will also extend it to families with children up to age 16.

    Conference,

    I know I’m biased, but I think that’s the sign of a government with the right priorities.

    But we need to do more because we know this winter is going to be really tough.

    Rather than looking forward to Christmas, too many families will be dreading it.

    Dreading it because they don’t know if they can afford to heat their homes or even pay for food.

    As part of our help to the poorest families over the last year, we have made quarterly “bridging payments” of £130.

    These have gone to children and young people in receipt of free school meals, but who don’t qualify for the Child Payment.

    Today I can announce that the final instalment – ahead of the extension of the Child Payment and due in the next few weeks – will not be £130.

    We will double it to £260.

    That will help put food on the Christmas table for families of 145,000 children and young people.

    I don’t pretend it will make all of their worries go away – no government with our limited powers can ever do that.

    But I hope this investment of almost £20 million will bring a bit of Christmas cheer to those who need it most.

    Conference,

    We have used the powers of our Parliament to deliver the unique child payment

    Last Thursday, we took further action to help combat the cost of living crisis.

    The Scottish Government’s emergency Bill to protect tenants was passed by Parliament.

    The result: a rent freeze in operation in Scotland over the winter until at least the end of
    March next year.

    But as we have acted to help those in need, what about the UK Government?

    It is difficult to overstate the calamity of their actions.

    Back in 2014, the Westminster establishment told us it was the UK’s standing in the world;

    its economic strength; and its stability that made independence impossible.

    Now they say it’s the UK’s isolation, its weakness and instability – the very conditions they created – that means change can’t happen.

    As far as Westminster is concerned, it’s heads they win, tails we lose.

    And what that is delivering for Scotland is –

    Brexit.

    More austerity.

    Homeowners facing real hardship.

    And hundreds of thousands in poverty.

    Conference,

    That is not strength and stability.

    It is chaos and catastrophe.

    Conference,

    All of that is on the Tories.

    But we should remember that their ability to do it is has too often been aided and abetted by Labour.

    In 2014, Labour joined forces with the Tories.

    They said then that Westminster Tory government was better for Scotland than self- government.

    And incredibly they’re doing it all over again.

    It wasn’t easy to understand back then.

    But given everything that has happened since, it is utterly inexplicable now.

    Take Brexit.

    Imposed on Scotland against our will – and doing real, lasting damage to our interests, our economy and our young people.

    Labour is now just as committed to Brexit – a hard Brexit – as the Tories.

    At least the Tories believe in it.

    Labour doesn’t.

    Yet, rather than make the principled argument – which they could now win in England – they cower away from it.

    They abandon all principle for fear of upsetting the apple cart.

    Bluntly – they are willing to chuck Scotland under Boris Johnson’s Brexit bus to get the keys to Downing Street.

    Letting down Scotland.

    Same old Labour.

    Conference,

    For Scotland, there is a fundamental democratic issue here.

    And it has real-life consequences.

    Whether it’s Tory or Labour; Labour or Tory.

    It’s not us who gets to decide.

    Our votes don’t determine who gets to occupy number 10.

    For Scotland, the problem is not just which party is in power at Westminster.

    The problem is Westminster.

    And to fix that…

    To make sure we get the governments that the largest number of us vote for –

    Always, not just occasionally;

    For that, my friends, we need Scotland’s independence.

    Conference,

    Independence is not a panacea – for any nation – but it is about hope for a better future.

    We all want Scotland to be a country in which no child goes to bed hungry.

    A place where everyone can afford to heat their home;

    Where our vast energy resources benefit all who live here, and help save the planet.

    None of that should be radical.

    But it must be the foundation of everything we aspire to.

    Conference,

    For as long as I am First Minister, my job – our job – is not done.

    For as long as I am First Minister, I will do everything in my power to build the better Scotland we all want to see.

    I know some people ask – and it is not an illegitimate question – why propose a referendum in the midst of a cost of living crisis?

    Conference,

    The answer is in the question – the answer is the cost of living crisis.

    It is the Tory response to it.

    It is the financial chaos.

    And it is the damage of Brexit.

    All of that is laying bare, each and every day, the harm being done to people in Scotland because we are not independent.

    Over the next two days the Supreme Court will consider whether the current law allows the Scottish Parliament to legislate for an advisory referendum.

    If Westminster had any respect at all for Scottish democracy, this court hearing wouldn’t be necessary.

    But Westminster has no such respect.

    That means this issue was always destined to end up in court, sooner or later.

    Better, in my view, that it is sooner.

    If the Court decides in the way we hope it does, on 19 October next year, there will be an independence referendum.

    And if the court doesn’t decide that way?

    First, and obviously, we will respect that judgment. We believe in the rule of law.

    And as a party – and a movement – we will, of course, reflect.

    But fundamentally, it will leave us with a very simple choice.

    Put our case for independence to the people in an election…

    Or give up on Scottish democracy.

    Conference,

    I don’t know about you – actually I suspect I do…

    But I will never – ever – give up on Scottish democracy.

    For now, the question of process – the ‘how’ of securing independence – is in the hands of judges.

    It is for us to crack on with answering the question ‘why’.

    Polls last week show that support for independence is rising.

    But remember, polls are just momentary snapshots in time. They go up and down.

    Much more significant are the findings of the latest British Social Attitudes survey.

    Ten years ago, support for independence was at 23 per cent.

    Five years ago, 45 per cent.

    Now – in that gold standard measure of public opinion – support for independence stands at 52 pc.

    As we know, it is even higher amongst young people.

    So it is tempting, sometimes, to assume an inevitability about independence.

    That the arc of history is moving firmly in its direction.

    I hope and believe that will turn out to be true.

    But we would be wrong – utterly wrong – to take it for granted.

    Our job is to make the case and win the argument.

    That means not just talking to ourselves, but reaching out to others not yet persuaded.

    I remember in the 2014 campaign speaking at a public meeting in Leith.

    It was jam-packed…

    So busy, in fact, that the organisers asked those who had already decided to vote Yes to leave, so that those still undecided could hear the arguments.

    That is the approach I want us to take now.

    Though, for the avoidance of doubt, I am not asking you to get up and leave.

    But I do want us to resolve today that, from here on, we will speak less to each other, and more to those outside our ranks.

    I know that some watching at home will never be persuaded to vote Yes.

    You oppose independence as strongly – and from as much principle – as we support it.

    I respect that. That is democracy.

    And please remember – whatever happens in future, Scotland belongs to you as much as it does to us.

    Scotland belongs to all of us.

    And for those who want to be convinced but still have questions and doubts…

    It is our job to persuade, reassure and inspire.

    Conference,

    One of the ironies of the independence debate, is that so many of the institutions that people associate with Britishness;

    Institutions that have shaped our shared history;

    Like the NHS, a fair social security system, public service broadcasting.

    The threat to these institutions comes not from an independent Scotland.

    But from UK Governments that are dismantling or undermining them.

    With independence, we can do more to protect them.

    Let’s take one of those institutions – our most precious public service.

    The NHS is under enormous pressure right now.

    It delivers outstanding care, within waiting time targets, for the vast majority of those who need it.

    Today, I want us to pay tribute to each and every individual who works within it.

    But the pressures on the NHS mean that – despite their dedication – too many people are waiting too long.

    That is why we are delivering record investment.

    And it is why we are doing everything we can to give our NHS workers a fair pay rise –

    Because – conference – few in our society deserve it more.

    Fast diagnosis and reliable, quality healthcare matters whatever your condition.

    But it is especially important for those with cancer.

    The best chance of surviving cancer remains early detection and treatment.

    Over the past year, we have established three new fast-track cancer diagnostic centres – in
    Ayrshire & Arran, Dumfries & Galloway and Fife.

    They have already supported hundreds of patients.

    More than one in seven were found to have cancer.

    Around half of them were from the poorest parts of our country – so these centres are
    helping tackle health inequality too.

    Conference,

    Fast Track Cancer Diagnosis Centres work.

    That’s why I’m delighted to confirm today that 2 more centres will open next year – one in the
    Borders and one in Lanarkshire.

    And by the end of this Parliament there will be a Fast Track Cancer Diagnosis Centre in
    every heath board in Scotland.

    That is just one example of how we are supporting our NHS.

    That job is the most important our government has right now.

    Management of the NHS is our responsibility.

    It is no-one else’s.

    But the fact is our ability to fund it properly depends on decisions taken at Westminster.

    When they cut our budget, or when they crash our economy, that makes it harder for us to
    protect the health service.

    And if – as some Tories are now openly arguing – they move away from the very basis on
    which it was founded and towards an insurance based alternative, that will destroy our NHS.
    With independence that will never happen.

    We will protect its founding principles.

    With independence we could choose to embed a universal NHS in a written constitution.
    A constitutional right to health care free at the point of need.

    Conference,

    If the SNP is in government, that is exactly what we will do.

    Friends,

    I know some see independence as turning our back on the rest of the UK.

    It is not.

    It is about recasting our relationship as one of equals.

    Across these islands we share history, family connections and friendships.

    These things matter just as much to supporters of independence as to anyone else.

    In fact I’m willing to bet that the nations of these islands will work together even better with independence than we do now.

    Scotland will still be a member of the British-Irish Council.

    The difference is that – like the Republic of Ireland now – we will be there as an independent country.

    You know, there is a point here that at first glance might seem curious.

    But, in my view, it is becoming increasingly true.

    Independence is actually the best way to protect the partnership on which the United Kingdom was founded.

    A voluntary partnership of nations.

    Right now – and make no mistake about this –

    It is an aggressive unionism that is undermining that partnership.

    Westminster’s denial of Scottish democracy;

    Full frontal attacks on devolution;

    A basic lack of respect;

    If there is tension, that is what is causing it.

    It is Scottish independence – a new partnership of the isles –

    That can renew the whole idea of our nations working together for the common good.

    Conference,

    England, Scotland, Wales, the island of Ireland.

    We will always be the closest of friends. We will always be family.

    But we can achieve a better relationship – a true partnership of equals – when we win Scotland’s independence.

    Conference,

    I know that what gives many people most pause for thought on independence is the
    economy.

    People can see all too clearly now that the UK does not offer economic strength or financial security.

    And yet still – and rightly – they want to know that independence will make Scotland’s
    economy stronger not weaker.

    That is fair – and especially now, entirely understandable.

    Of course, it is equally fair to point out that so much of the uncertainty and crisis we face is not because of independence.

    It is the opposite.

    Once again it is because we are not independent.

    Conference,

    Independence is not a miracle economic cure.

    But let this message ring out today.

    We can do better than this.

    We can do so much better than this.

    And let’s remember these three basic facts.

    First, Scotland is not benefiting right now from the so-called ‘broad shoulders’ of the UK.

    Second – and let there be no doubt about this –

    We have got everything it takes to be a successful independent country.

    Extraordinary resources, industries and talent in abundance.

    And third, independence is not an untested idea.

    Independence is normal.

    For countries of Scotland’s size or even smaller, independence is an outstanding success.

    Earlier this year, the Scottish Government published evidence illustrating that point.

    Conference,

    Listen now to these facts and then think of the untapped potential Scotland has.

    Compared to the UK, these other countries with so many similarities to Scotland are –

    Wealthier.

    More equal.

    They have higher productivity.
    Lower poverty rates.

    Lower child poverty…

    And lower pensioner poverty.

    They have higher social mobility.

    They spend more on Research and Development.

    They have higher business investment.

    In short, these countries combine economic dynamism with social solidarity.

    They are among the most successful societies the world has ever known.

    And it is their success – not a failing UK economy – that Scotland should aim to match.

    With independence, we won’t emulate that success overnight.

    But the big, burning question is this:

    If all of these countries can achieve all of that – why not Scotland?

    Conference,

    I can confirm that one week today we will publish the next in our Building a New Scotland
    series of papers.

    It will make the economic case for independence.

    It will set out how we can build a new, sustainable economy based on our massive
    renewable energy resources.

    It will show how in an energy rich, independent Scotland, we can deliver lower prices and
    stronger security of supply.

    And on energy, let me give this commitment.

    Unlike our UK counterparts, the Scottish Government will not be issuing licences for
    fracking.

    In the economic prospectus we will set out how in an independent Scotland we can secure
    fair work.

    We will repeal Westminster’s anti trade union legislation.

    We will end age discrimination for those on the minimum wage.

    We will show how businesses can benefit from independence.

    With EU membership they’ll be back inside the world’s biggest single market.

    With a fairer migration policy and freedom of movement restored, they will have access to
    workers from Europe and across the world.

    They will have new opportunities to influence government policy through a social partnership approach.

    In short, we will show how we can break with the low productivity, high inequality Brexit
    based UK economy.

    And use the full powers of independence to build an inclusive, fair, wellbeing economy that works for everyone.

    An economy that works for everyone.

    That is the prize of independence.

    Conference,

    Moving to independence and making it work will, of course, take time, hard work and good
    judgment.

    There will be many challenges along the way.

    Our economic prospectus will be clear on these too.

    If the past three weeks have taught us anything it is that a country’s fiscal and monetary
    policy must be sustainable and command confidence.

    We will not shy away from that.

    Our approach to borrowing with the new powers of independence will be responsible and for
    a purpose.

    Let me give one example of that – a central proposal in the paper we will publish next week.

    We propose to invest remaining oil revenues and use our borrowing powers, not to cut tax
    for the richest, but to set up an independence investment fund.

    The Building a New Scotland Fund will deliver up to £20 billion of investment in the first decade of independence.

    In practical terms:

    A fund like this could support a massive programme to decarbonise housing, cut fuel bills
    and reduce fuel poverty.

    It could finance the building of thousands more affordable homes.

    Invest in local renewable energy projects, helping communities own assets and wield more
    influence over their use.

    It will help the transition to Net Zero.

    Build resilient communities.

    And kick-start the sustainable economic growth so important for our newly independent
    nation.

    Combining Scotland’s abundant resources with the powers of independence to benefit this
    and future generations.

    Conference,

    That is what independence is all about.

    Friends,

    A week ago one of the most famous men in the history of the independence movement -–
    Ian Hamilton – died at the ripe old age of 97.

    As a young man in 1950, Ian – together with Kay Matheson, Gavin Vernon and Alan Stuart –
    repatriated the Stone of Destiny from Westminster Abbey.

    He called it an “absolutely splendid adventure”.

    I’m sure it was that.

    But it was so much more besides.

    In 1950 and, to be frank for years afterwards, independence must have seemed like an impossible dream.

    All of us here today still have a big job still to do to win independence.

    But we no longer face such impossible odds.

    We are the independence generation. We are the inheritors of the cause kept alive by Ian Hamilton and his generation.

    And I believe – firmly – that we will be the first, in the modern world, to live in an independent Scotland.

    Let me tell you why I say that.

    A couple of weeks ago I had a conversation with a woman that summed up a question I think a lot of people have.

    She said that she would like Scotland to be independent. She thought it would be good. But she also worried that getting there would be hard.

    So her question was this – is it essential?

    And that got me thinking.

    For many people, like Ian, like all of us in this hall, we just believe it is right –

    That Scotland could and should be an independent nation.

    But is it essential?

    Conference,

    Today, probably more than at any time in my life…

    The answer to that question is yes.

    Independence is essential.

    It is essential to escape Westminster control and mismanagement.

    Essential to get the governments we vote for.

    To properly protect our NHS.

    To build a new partnership of equals with the other nations on these islands.

    It is essential if we want to be back in the European Union.

    And it is essential if we want the people who live here to determine the future of this
    extraordinary country.

    The country that always tugs at our heartstrings.

    The country that we all care so much about.

    There are two things that we – the independence generation – must never, ever lose faith in.

    They have sustained us in good times and bad, throughout all the years and decades.

    First, is the fundamental right of the nation of Scotland to self-determination.

    And the second is what history teaches us –

    The overwhelming power of democracy to triumph.

    Friends,

    The period ahead will see some of the greatest challenges our country has faced in many years.

    But a great opportunity is also in sight. To win and build the better future we know is possible.

    A better future as an independent nation.

    Welcoming, diverse, full of love and compassion.

    In tough times, let us inspire with hope in our hearts.

    Let us lift our eyes.

    Put our shoulders to the wheel and build a better future for this and generations to come.

    Friends,

    With optimism, confidence and determination.

    We can now finish the job. And we will.

  • Kwasi Kwarteng – 2022 Statement on Appointment of James Bowler as Permanent Secretary

    Kwasi Kwarteng – 2022 Statement on Appointment of James Bowler as Permanent Secretary

    The statement made by Kwasi Kwarteng, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 10 October 2022.

    I’m delighted to welcome James [Bowler] back to the Treasury and Beth [Russell] and Cat [Little] into their new roles as Second Permanent Secretaries. James joined the Civil Service over 20 years ago and has enormous experience delivering across a range of Government departments. Beth and Cat bring experience and continuity and it’s fantastic to have them as part of the Treasury’s top team.

    James has a proven track record of delivery and strong leadership, both of which will be vital as we drive towards our mission of igniting growth and raising living standards for everyone across the UK.

  • Mykhailo Fedorov – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    Mykhailo Fedorov – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    The statement made by Mykhailo Fedorov, the Vice President of Ukraine, on 10 October 2022.

    Russia continues its cruise missiles terror. Again destroyed resident houses in Zaporizhzhia. Morning attacks on Kyiv city center, people burnt in their cares on the way to work. Set of explosions in Dnipro. Russia is terrorist state, this should be recognized officially.

  • Oleksiy Kuleba – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    Oleksiy Kuleba – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    The statement made by Oleksiy Kuleba, the Governor of Kyiv, on 10 October 2022.

    The air attack continues, I ask everyone to remain calm and stay in shelters. Air defence works in the region. There is information about downed objects. I emphasise that the air alert is still ongoing. Don’t ignore it and stay in cover. Do not photograph or film landing sites or damaged infrastructure. People’s lives depend on it. Let’s hold on.

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Statement on Russian Attack on Ukrainian Civilians

    The statement made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 10 October 2022.

    They are trying to destroy us and wipe us off the face of the earth. Destroy our people who are sleeping at home in Zaporizhzhia. Kill people who go to work in Dnipro and Kyiv. The air alarm does not subside throughout Ukraine. There are missiles hitting. Unfortunately, there are dead and wounded. Please do not leave shelters. Take care of yourself and your loved ones. Let’s hold on and be strong.

  • David Shaw – 1988 Speech on Strike of Seamen

    David Shaw – 1988 Speech on Strike of Seamen

    The speech made by David Shaw, the then Conservative MP for Dover, in the House of Commons on 30 March 1988.

    As I understand it, the new clause is about whether it is safe to have an industrial dispute on board ship. The seamen to whom I have spoken believe that it is safe and I hope that when my hon. Friend the Minister replies he will say whether the Government believe that that is the case. It is noteworthy that this new clause is amending an Act that has been in existence under both Conservative and Labour Governments.

    I believe that the Floor of the House is the wrong place to raise an industrial dispute between a company and—

    Mr. Robert Hughes Will the hon. Gentleman clarify what he said at the beginning of his speech about it being safe to have an industrial dispute on board ship? As the law stood and as our new clause has made clear, an industrial dispute can take place only when the vessel is safely moored at a berth.

    Mr. Shaw I accept that, but the key issue is not whether it is safe for the men and for the officers, but for any passengers who may or may not be on board or anyone in the port area involved with that ship. I trust that my hon. Friend the Minister will comment upon that. I believe that that is the important question and I have no doubt that the public share my concern.

    I do not believe that the Floor of the House is the right place to raise an industrial dispute that has severely affected my constituency in the past three months. I believe that such a course of action could inflame the dispute and make matters worse rather than improve the situation. When the hon. Member for Aberdeen, North (Mr. Hughes) spoke about the industrial dispute, I trust that he was not seeking to make matters worse because that would be the greatest tragedy of the dispute.

    The seamen have put a strong case to me with regard to safety. I was sorry that the hon. Member for Aberdeen, North did not say much about safety. I believe that there are important issues concerning the safety of the crew, passengers and all those involved in putting ships to sea.

    Mr. Robert Hughes rose—

    Mr. Shaw I did not seek to intervene in the hon. Gentleman’s speech, and I should like to continue.

    I fervently hope that an agreement is reached in the dispute. I have no vested interest in an agreement not being reached, unlike some other hon. Members. My interest in representing my constituency is that such an agreement should be reached as soon as possible and that it will not only be of benefit to the seamen and to officers, but of benefit to the public, the passengers and the company. Surely that must be good for everyone.

    Such an agreement must be safe for the seamen and for the passengers. It must also be fair. A number of seamen have said that an agreement with the officers may be unfair in relation to their agreement. Any agreement reached must be fair to the seamen and to the officers—both agreements should stand side by side.

    During the speech of the hon. Member for Aberdeen, North I was extremely upset. He said that he wanted to be fair to the company, but I do not believe that anything he said was fair to the company. I hold no brief for the company, but I hold a brief for the constituency of Dover.

    Dr. Godman Declare your interest.

    Mr. Shaw I have only a constituency interest.

    I have a brief that requires everyone to be given a fair hearing, so that it is in the interests of the seamen to go to sea and of the company to run the ships. If either side is given an unfair advantage over the other, the other will withdraw from the negotiations, which is not satisfactory.

    The hon. Member for Aberdeen, North gave profit figures of more than £100 million. He should look at the company results of Townsend Thoresen and Sealink. The turnover of each of those companies is only slightly more than £100 million, but their profits are considerably less. In the meetings that I have had with seamen they have not suggested that profits were so high.

    The hon. Member for Aberdeen, North talked about the problems of the Channel tunnel being deferred until 1993. The Channel tunnel company has just raised £5 billion. The company and the seamen must be able to compete in 1993 against a project for which I hold no brief, which I do not like and which I have been against since 1973. Many Opposition Members voted for the Channel tunnel, which was appalling enough. Not only will it come into being in 1993 but there is a real risk that duty-free sales will be lost. We in Dover must face these facts.

    It is no good saying that we can wait until 1 January 1990, or until 1 July. In Dover, the local authority, the shipping companies and the seamen have to plan today for the future. We cannot delay.

    Without balanced argument and discussion on both sides, the company will be forced into a political debate, rather than a discussion based on common sense. People should have the opportunity to get together; all parties in Dover need to get together. The company needs to be able to survive and trade successfully and the seamen and officers should be able to work in reasonable conditions and reasonable safety. Speeches that bash any side in the dispute will get us nowhere.

  • David Shaw – 1988 Speech on the Budget

    David Shaw – 1988 Speech on the Budget

    The speech made by David Shaw, the then Conservative MP for Dover, in the House of Commons on 17 March 1988.

    I welcome the Budget because throughout the 1970s—the start of my working career—I witnessed an economy which went from stop-start to start-stop. The 1970s began with economic growth, but ended in decline. Towards the end of the 1970s, world opinion of us was at an all-time low. Far worse than that, however, was the attitude of the Labour Government towards the Health Service in 1976. The National Health Service suffered badly under Labour, but last November my right hon. Friend the Chancellor announced that £1.1 billion more would be put into it next year.

    Many things are wrong with the National Health Service. There are no satisfactory performance indicators by which to monitor its efficiency. Numbers of administration staff are still rising; on figures that I have seen, it appears that there are more administrators in the National Health Service than in the health service of the United States. I welcome the Government’s review, therefore. The Government’s approach has to do with value for money, not blank cheques.

    My right hon. Friend the Chancellor gave us all good news about the economy in his Budget speech. He said, among other things, that manufacturing exports were up by 8.5 per cent. and that unit labour costs hardly rose last year, which shows that there is more efficiency and success in the economy.

    Mr. Battle rose—

    Mr. Shaw I shall not give way. There are others wishing to speak.

    The figures that were announced today should no longer be known as the unemployment figures but as the employment and job vacancy figures. In February alone, 86,000 more jobs were created. There are now 260,000 registered vacancies, which—it is well known—are only a third of total vacancies.

    I was delighted with my right hon. Friend’s other announcements of success. He said that we had had six years of sustained economic growth, achieved through tax cuts. We have had six years of sustained increases in public expenditure and of real increases in National Health Service funding. That could only come about through managing the economy successfully. However, I suggest to the Minister that the Government have had one economic failure—they have not yet convinced the Opposition that there is no such thing as a free lunch.

    Mr. Corbyn The hon. Gentleman has them all the time.

    Mr. Shaw The Budget was about increasing personal responsibility and putting people’s incomes under their own control. It was also about home and share ownership. I am delighted that there are now 9 million shareholders in the country, a number which the Government proposals should increase. The benefits of privatisation are not only to widen ownership but to increase the profits being earned by the privatised companies to levels higher than they earned in the public sector. As a result of those profits, more taxes are paid to the Exchequer than when the companies were in the public sector. The privatised companies are also better at providing consumer services than they ever were in the public sector.

    Budgets are about income and how much the Government take away in taxation. I welcome the proposals on the taxation treatment of wives. For more than 200 years that treatment has been unfair. For much of that time the tax on marriage has been excessive. When I got married, I was charged more by the Inland Revenue on my marriage than my wife’s wedding ring cost.

    There are lower taxes for everyone in the Budget. Some will ask, “Why not more lower taxes?” About 750,000 people have been removed from tax altogether and some us might ask, “Why not a million?” The staff nurse who has had a 2.5 per cent. net pay increase as a result of tax deductions is a case in point. Some will ask why she should not be given a 3 per cent. reduction. I want more tax reductions.

    As for the famous business man that almost every Labour spokesman has mentioned, one must ask why the Opposition hate success. Why do Opposition Members hate the people who create jobs and who earn money overseas and bring it back to this country? Why do they hate successful business men who manage companies here and abroad and who bring profits and dividends to this country? The Opposition hate, and will always speak against, success. We should not lose sight of the massive contribution that the higher rate taxpayers have made to the country under the Government. When in government, the Labour party tried to squeeze them until the pips squeaked, but they raised only £800 million from the higher rate taxpayers. Under this Government, higher rate taxpayers pay £3,800 million a year which, even after the reduction of £1 billion, will still be about three times as much as Labour managed to get from them by the end of their years in office. I believe that next year the higher rate taxpayers will still be paying as much as this year because, with the tax cuts, they will be earning more, going in for fewer tax avoidance schemes, putting less money into pension plans and more into creating jobs and new businesses.

    We are going to remove many of the technical requirements that have been holding some share option schemes back, but they have not exactly held back share ownership in this country: 1,500,000 people are now in such schemes. We now have a true capital-owning democracy. I am pleased to say that some of those 1.5 million people are in my constituency. Many secretaries, typists and shop floor workers there are part of share option schemes and have done well out of them.

    I was also delighted by the abolition of yet another tax—capital duty. I have been involved for some time in my business career with helping to raise equity finance for companies and businesses, and capital duty was a considerable expense that hit those companies’ receipts right at the start of their new expansion phases. It came in just as the equity finance was being raised, and has proved extremely disadvantageous over the years.

    I wish to draw attention to the business expansion scheme, in which I worked for some time raising money for very small businesses. It has been a success, not as a means of helping the rich to avoid taxes as Opposition Members say—according to one report, more than 20 per cent. of the people who invest in the business expansion scheme pay tax at the standard rate—but in helping 2,200 small businesses, many of them having raised less than £100,000.

    However, there has been one thing wrong with the business expansion scheme. Indeed, four years ago I brought this to the attention of my right hon. Friend, who was then a Treasury Minister and is now the Secretary of State for Social Services. In a paper which is no doubt gathering dust in the Treasury, but which perhaps might have been brought out recently, I pointed out that we should cap the business expansion scheme. I am delighted that the Government are now to do so at £500,000 for any one company.

    However, I draw the attention of my hon. Friend the Economic Secretary to the Treasury to articles in today’s newspapers and to representations that have been made to me that that policy, as announced, could be unfair. There are several prospectuses out at the moment for the purpose of raising money under the business expansion scheme. The case of one small company has been brought to my attention. Although only about £600,000 is being raised to help expand the business and to create more jobs, that company may lose the whole of the money subscribed for shares because it may not he able to close the issue. That company has had to spend between £70,000 and £100,000 in legal and advisory fees, which will be lost if the issue cannot be closed. The problem of costs is caused by the Financial Services Act 1986, which is correct and proper in protecting shareholders but which has made more expensive the legal and professional advice that is required for the issue of prospectuses. I hope that my hon. Friend will be able to consider that, if the date of the issue of a prospectus is after Budget day, then that date could be the closing date for investment under the business expansion scheme being limited to £500,000 or so. I would advise him that some relief is needed on this point.

    I realise that time is getting on and conclude by saying that I welcome the Budget and the tax changes that have been made. This Budget is about increasing the number of jobs in our economy and the prosperity of individuals and businesses. I believe that the nation will be a lot better off with the many years of sustained economic growth that lie ahead of us because of this Budget.

  • David Shaw – 1988 Speech on Enterprise

    David Shaw – 1988 Speech on Enterprise

    The speech made by David Shaw, the then Conservative MP for Dover, in the House of Commons on 4 March 1988.

    Nevertheless, it is welcome that a few Opposition Members have turned up. During the debate on the coal industry the other day they were notable by their absence.

    Not only did Britain lose products and opportunities; it lost new products. It lost the opportunity to develop the video equipment industry, and many new areas of business. There were problems with both the management and the work force. In some British companies there were five or six canteens. I used to go round some of those companies and compare them with the American subsidiaries operating in Britain which had only one canteen and in which the management were on the shop floor. The management were interested in what was going on. There was a complete contrast in attitudes between British companies and American subsidiaries operating over here. Fortunately, however, much of that is changing.

    We now do not have management and work force problems to the same degree, except when they are raised by Opposition Members. We have staff and personnel problems because management is beginning to recognise, and has recognised for some time, that management and work force in Britain have the same objective — to produce more goods.

    It is important that in this interesting debate we recognise that throughout Britain there is a lack of training. The Government have done quite a lot to encourage training in business. However, we still have problems which are highlighted by Mr. Robb Wilmot, former chief executive of ICL, who pointed out that one Korean company has more management graduates in it than there are in the whole of the United Kingdom. That means that we do not have the management skills or the background of management training that we need. I know that the Government will do much to develop that.

    I should like to pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Industry and Consumer Affairs who has advocated the cause of British industry, and improvements in design and quality control. I am pleased that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has joined us. It is only appropriate that I should say that one of my friends recently attended a conference where my hon. Friend the Minister was speaking. He said to me, “Who is this man Butcher? The Government should wheel him out more often as he is a really good speaker.” In clothing design and other industries, Britain excels. At one time I acted as financial adviser to one business lady in the design sector. She constantly said to me that she had never been trained at design school to understand business, but she built up a business that employs some 50 people. We can imagine how large that business could have been if she had been trained in business skills.

    I conclude by drawing attention to the fact that the Government are encouraging the improvement of design manufacturing skills. Productivity has increased rapidly. The Government, through the enterprise initiative White Paper, will help further to develop the quality and marketing skills of British industry. We have come a long way since the problems of the 1970s. We have proved that it is not vast sums of money being put on the table in investment grants that improve British industry. We have proved that it is improved by the right economy, by reducing taxation, by encouraging our business men to succeed and by being more competitive against foreign competitors.

    All those skills that we are encouraging and all the improvements that we are trying to achieve in British industry are no good unless British industry earns profits. Opposition Members fail to understand the importance of profits. Profits are important because today’s profits, this year’s profits, provide the cash for next year’s investment, and investment in plant and machinery is extremely important for the country. Without more investment in plant and machinery, we cannot succeed and we cannot compete against overseas companies.

    I hope that the Government will continue doing what they have done to date so that there will be more improvement and investment in the people who are important in British industry and in new plant and equipment. I know that we will continue to achieve new production records as a result of the Government’s initiatives.