Tag: Speeches

  • Alex Chalk – 2022 Speech at the Make UK Defence Summit

    Alex Chalk – 2022 Speech at the Make UK Defence Summit

    The speech made by Alex Chalk, the Defence Procurement Minister, in Birmingham on 23 November 2022.

    It’s a pleasure to be here in Birmingham today for this Make UK Defence summit.

    Before continuing I should formally introduce myself – I’ve been the Minister for Defence Procurement for around a month now.

    As was just touched upon, unlike my ministerial colleagues in the department, I have a legal rather than a military background.

    Which means I bring two things, I hope, to Defence.

    First, an understanding of – and deep respect for – the rule of law. When we see the atrocities being committed in Ukraine, as unlawful as they are heinous, we are reminded how important it is to protect the rules-based international order, but also to do so with hard edged military assistance if required.

    Second, I bring an open mind and a willingness to listen and learn from you. I’m not coming in with any preconceptions, other than this, I believe very passionately in small business and I believe it is in your interest and the nations interest that you get a fair shot when it comes to defence procurement.

    That is particularly so in an era that is described by some as “a Golden Age of innovation”. That is digital innovation but other innovation, new ways of management, how to manage data.

    And let me say this too as an overarching way of principle. I come to this job very conscious of the advantages that come with speed of procurement and the risk that come with delay.

    Perfect is the enemy of the good and 80% capability today is very often preferable to 100% capability tomorrow if tomorrow never comes.

    There are so many examples of firms of all sizes giving us a crucial defensive advantage in this part of the world alone.

    There’s the team at Birmingham Airport who are converting Boeing 737s into E-7 airborne early warning aircraft.

    There’s the work being undertaken in Telford to manufacture Boxer armoured vehicles.

    And all the exciting small businesses in this region who we will be championing next weekend on Small Business Saturday.

    Take for example the Coventry-based SME Hygiene Pro Clean who – with help from our Defence and Security Accelerator which provides access to over £250 million in excess funding – won a contract with the Welsh Ambulance Trust to roll out their rapid cleaning system to speed up the decontamination of ambulances during the COVID-19 Pandemic.

    So, it’s no surprise our current defence spend in the West Midlands is about £120 for every person living here.

    But the important work of the SME work stretches beyond the boundaries of Birmingham and the Black Country.

    As we battled the pandemic, we saw the entire Defence supply chain step up to produce ventilators, build Nightingale hospitals and move millions of pieces of equipment around the country.

    More recently, it’s been fantastic to see firms pulling together nationwide to get vital defensive weaponry into the hands of Ukrainians as quickly as possible.

    And that takes me onto the third thing I want to do this morning and that is to set out my priorities for this role.

    But before I do that, it’s worth reminding ourselves of the context in which Defence is currently operating.

    First, the threats we face as a nation are proliferating and intensifying.

    Whether it’s state-on-state aggression like we are seeing in Ukraine.

    Or so-called sub-threshold dangers, including disinformation campaigns, cyber warfare and the sabotage of undersea cables.

    Meanwhile, the global pandemic, the energy crisis and ongoing impact of climate change have not just increased the demands on our forces, but imposed additional demands on our resources.

    Which means – as the Chancellor made clear in his financial statement last week – we need to deliver the maximum value for money, we need to deliver the maximum punch for our pound so to speak.

    As a result, your role as suppliers to our armed forces is more important than ever.

    Not just in keeping our forces equipped with everything they need, not just providing that innovation, technology, and cutting-edge capability which keeps us ahead of our adversaries, but through your achievements strengthening the entire sector so that no matter what happens, when the call comes, our nation is ready to respond.

    Let me also say by way of context, that where there are challenges there are also great opportunities for firms like yours to expand into new markets.

    Nations across the world are reawakening to the value of Defence.

    France, Australia, the United States and Germany, of course, are among the countries to have increased their Defence spending in the last year.

    That means we are now looking at a Defence export market potentially worth many billions of pounds more over the next decade.

    So, how are we going to grip this moment and seize this opportunity?

    Well, the good news is that we aren’t starting from scratch – this is the third bit of context.

    Most of you will be well acquainted with the Defence and Security Industrial Strategy – better known as DSIS.

    Launched under one of my predecessors Jeremy Quin, DSIS marked a step-change in our approach to industry.

    It means we now think about defence industry as a national strategic capability in its own right.

    It means we are considering the much broader impacts of our commercial decisions, such as how we can boost regional economies, how we can develop new skills bases, and how we can develop national industrial capability.

    But publishing any strategy is of course only the beginning, it is delivery that really counts.

    We’ve been working alongside industry to deliver on over 50 commitments during the last year and a half.

    Driving innovation, improving efficiency, and strengthening the entire sector.

    Now, we need to build on that success and create Defence supply chains which are truly fit for this new, more competitive and unstable era.

    So, turning to those priorities, they are only threefold:

    First, we want to see a more resilient supply chain.

    In this new era of global competition, we must make ourselves agile and resilient by design.

    That’s why last week we launched our new Supply Chain Strategy, the first in over a decade. You will be hearing from Major General Simon Hutchings who will cover in more detail our approach to that strategy.

    But in a nutshell, this is a clear mandate to do things differently to maximise the resources at our disposal.

    That means moving away from an exclusive focus on cost-cutting and efficiency savings.

    And instead considering reliability, through-life service and environmental sustainability as part of the package too.

    We’re also going to prioritise in ensuring supply chains are flexible enough to cope with sudden disruption.

    And we want to work closer than ever with you, our industrial partners, to build genuinely collaborative relationships.

    Including by having better visibility of firms – the SME and mid-tier companies – in that critical supply chain.

    And doing so by sharing more information because that allows us to make better decisions.

    And that brings me onto my second objective; greater collaboration with SMEs.

    Now, perhaps more than ever we need SMEs to play their proper part in this national mission and I am personally committed to that goal.

    So where have we got to?

    Last year 23% of our procurement budget went to SMEs – that’s a procurement budget of over £20 billion a year – that’s up from 13% in 2016/17.

    But we want to go further and we are targeting 25% for next year. That’s a bold but important ambition.

    Now I recognise, even after a few short weeks in this post, that smaller suppliers face unique challenges like ‘barriers to entry’ as economists sometimes refer to them.

    And that is why we are determined to make the barriers to working with us as low and as navigable as possible.

    At the heart of that determination is our SME Action Plan, published in January.

    Setting out how we’re maximising SMEs’ opportunities to do business with us.

    Take for example our £16 million Defence Technology Exploitation Programme – it’s offering grants up to £500,000 to help SMEs develop new technologies and processes.

    Meanwhile our new Procurement Reform Bill is helping SMEs by slashing the number of complex regulations which govern public procurement.

    But we have also created a new single supplier registration system, which means bidding companies will only have to submit their core credentials once, making it cheaper and easier for you to work with us too.

    Another key part of the Action Plan is our new SME Working Group within the Defence Suppliers Forum – which works closely with Make UK.

    It brings together SMEs from across the country, to sit alongside primes and MOD representatives. It is already beginning to bear fruit.

    During its first year, it’s addressed the use of Framework contracts on Defence and how to measure our impact on the SME community.

    So, to my third priority; boosting exports.

    That’s because partnerships are not just crucial on our own shores.

    If we are going to capitalise on the massive potential export market that I eluded to earlier, we need to strengthen industrial ties with our global partners.

    That’s because that in turn enables greater information sharing, greater interoperability with our allies as I saw myself in the Mojave Desert a couple of weeks ago with our Australian and American allies, and it also enables greater strategic planning.

    So, I want to drive better use of our strong and unique network of military officers, industry secondees and over 5,000 trade specialists.

    Based across the UK and within 120 countries, they can help promote innovation, opportunity and partnership around the world.

    We are also creating a more efficient system for managing any government-to-government relations in support of your exports.

    Meanwhile the UK DSE Export Faculty is working with the wider Department for International Trade Export Academy to provide SMEs with advice and support.

    So that’s an overview of what we’re doing and where we want to go.

    There’s a lot of different strategies and policies in there but the three most important words are ambition, resilience, and collaboration.

    And that collaboration really matters because if we are to really succeed, if we are to grasp these opportunities of this era to make you thrive and to make us safe, we are going to need your support too.

    So let us know what support you need to innovate and expand. Constructive engagement is welcome.

    Let us grasp those opportunities on offer to turn your cutting-edge ideas into cutting-edge capabilities.

    Let us seize the moment presented by excellent events like this, to meet new people and new business partners to strike up new business relationships.

    Your success is our country’s success and government will be willing you on.

    Thank you.

  • Alister Jack – 2022 Statement on Supreme Court Ruling

    Alister Jack – 2022 Statement on Supreme Court Ruling

    The statement made by Alister Jack, the Secretary of State for Scotland, on 23 November 2022.

    We note and respect the unanimous ruling from the Supreme Court today.

    People in Scotland want both their governments to be concentrating all attention and resources on the issues that matter most to them. That’s why we are focussed on issues like restoring economic stability, getting people the help they need with their energy bills, and supporting our NHS.

    Today alone, 11.6 million UK pensioners – around one million in Scotland – are starting to receive up to £600 to help with their energy bills this winter.

    As the Prime Minister has made clear, we will continue to work constructively with the Scottish Government in tackling all the challenges we share and face.

  • Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Initial Statement on Supreme Court Ruling

    Nicola Sturgeon – 2022 Initial Statement on Supreme Court Ruling

    The statement issued by Nicola Sturgeon, the Scottish First Minister, on Twitter on 23 November 2022.

    1/ While disappointed by it I respect ruling of @UKSupremeCourt – it doesn’t make law, only interprets it.

    A law that doesn’t allow Scotland to choose our own future without Westminster consent exposes as myth any notion of the UK as a voluntary partnership & makes case for Indy

    2/ Scottish democracy will not be denied.

    Today’s ruling blocks one route to Scotland’s voice being heard on independence – but in a democracy our voice cannot and will not be silenced.

    I’ll make a full statement later this morning – tune in around 11.30am

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to the Bloomberg New Economy Forum

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech to the Bloomberg New Economy Forum

    The speech made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 17 November 2022.

    Ladies and Gentlemen!

    Thank you for your attention to Ukraine!

    Our communication today actually finalizes the work of your Forum, it is symbolic.

    Symbolic, because the global situation directly depends on when and how the Russian aggression will end.

    Look at how many threats and crises for everyone in the world have been provoked by this aggression. I will give three examples now, but there are more – much more.

    Another Russian terrorist attack has just taken place, in the morning – dozens of missiles, civilian objects are the main target. Russia is fighting against electricity and heat for people, blowing up power plants and other energy facilities.

    This is everyday life in Ukraine now – because of Russian terror. That is why we put so much effort into getting modern air defense and anti-missile defense systems from our partners. Plus constant hostilities on the frontline more than a thousand kilometers long.

    What does this mean from a global perspective?

    Instead of investing trillions of dollars in the development of human capital, the world will spend colossal amounts of money on rearmament – in addition to those already planned. You will see.

    Now everyone is paying close attention to how we defend ourselves in Ukraine. They look – which weapons are the best, which tactics work, which defense systems give the maximum result.

    To be honest, few countries could now defend themselves against aggression as intensively as we do. So many shells and weapons are simply non-existent. But there are still more potential aggressors in the world and frozen conflicts that can flare up again than such countries. Hence, there is an insane security deficit.

    Therefore, the more forms of terror Russia will use in this war, the more funds the world will eventually direct to weapons and to defense against a potential repetition of such attacks as we are experiencing.

    Another example… Instead of paying maximum attention to the green transformation, various governments are equally looking for ways to guarantee cheaper supplies of oil, gas, and coal in order to lower energy prices.

    It is the price of energy, not the purity of energy, that is the number 1 issue for many. And it wouldn’t be like that if it weren’t for Russian aggression – and Russia’s use of energy resources as a weapon.

    The third example… In just a few weeks, the threat of starvation for tens of millions of people arose completely artificially. Not because of a drought or an economic crisis, but because of the military blockade of our ports – a food exporting country.

    The world has not seen anything like this for decades.

    Any new disaster in one or another country due to high food prices or, God forbid, due to famine, is minus years for global development.

    Many different topics were discussed at your Forum during these days… But how many of them do not depend on what Russian aggression has brought and, unfortunately, can still bring? Minority.

    Therefore, when Ukraine offers a peace formula, it is really a peace formula not just for us, but for the world.

    When the threat is complex, the response must be complex as well. Nothing can be solved by simply ceasing fire. This is our formula. We need to restore peace – reliably and for the long term. You will not restore stability by simply mitigating the crises provoked by Russia. Every threat must be completely dismantled.

    The other day, at the summit in Indonesia, I presented exactly such proposals of ours – reliable peace and complete dismantling of Russian threats. And I thank everyone who supports the Ukrainian peace formula.

    And now I want to add one more component.

    What does peace mean? It’s very practical, actually. This is saving lives. Stabilization. Development.

    Development!

    Already now, by joining the reconstruction of Ukraine, various countries and companies are receiving incentives for growth.

    But when we restore territorial integrity and guarantee reliable peace, Ukraine will become a powerful source of new global development.

    And it’s not just about the economy. It’s about the modern economy.

    I will give you three more examples.

    Ukraine is able to replace dirty fossil fuels from Russia with clean energy.

    We have huge potential in low-carbon energy. Ukraine is capable of becoming a key partner of the European Union for the purposes of decarbonization.

    We will become one of the main suppliers of green hydrogen and green electricity in the EU.

    Climatic conditions of Ukraine, free space, solar energy, wind energy will allow the production of green electricity with a very competitive cost.

    Just three years before the Russian invasion, we built 7 gigawatts of renewable energy. The potential is many times more.

    Plus, Ukraine can produce tens of millions of tons of green and cheap ammonia. Plus, strong positions in bioenergy. Plus, powerful nuclear energy and energy infrastructure, which is integrated with the energy grid of the European Union.

    Now the Russian missile terror is targeted primarily at these our facilities. Only the day before yesterday, Russia fired almost a hundred missiles against our energy facilities in one day. Almost a hundred! Today again…

    Of course, the losses are great. But this only means that the reconstruction will be large-scale.

    I invite your countries and companies to already assess the prospects and join our reconstruction.

    By the way, we now have the decision of one of the largest Australian private investment groups, which has committed to invest the first 500 million dollars specifically in the Green Growth Initiative of Ukraine as part of the creation of the $25 billion Recovery Fund.

    I am grateful to Mr. Andrew Forrest for the decision to be the first, and also to Mr. Larry Fink of BlackRock for helping to structure this Fund.

    Another example is resource extraction.

    The modern economy needs lithium, graphite and other rare earth metals. We have the largest reserves of some of these resources in Europe.

    These are already colossal opportunities.

    Plus production and transport capabilities, plus our potential in mechanical engineering, our work culture and access to the world’s leading markets – this is the basis for exactly the economic growth that everyone so desperately needs.

    The third is the agricultural sector. The world saw that it is impossible to guarantee global food security without Ukrainian exports.

    Our export grain initiative already helps with stabilization. And a decision has just been made to extend it by 120 days. But Ukraine’s proposal is to extend the Black Sea Initiative indefinitely. This is vital for stability.

    Plus, we founded the Grain From Ukraine program to provide together with our partners as much food aid to the poorest countries as possible.

    But the return of peace to Ukraine will mean that we will be able not only to stabilize the market in response to the crisis, but to guarantee food stability and the prevention of any crises.

    And again, I gave only three examples, and there are many more.

    Peace in Ukraine is a global need. I emphasize – not a temporary lull, not an illusion of peace, which Russia tempts with to simply prepare a new stage of aggression, but real peace. I know it can be achieved.

    But for this we need to preserve global unity – and continue to support our struggle for freedom. It is necessary to preserve global integrity – and increase pressure on Russia for terror. And it is necessary to preserve global rationality – and cooperate with us for the sake of future development already now.

    Once again, thank you for your attention!

    And let there be reliable peace.

    Glory to Ukraine!

  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech at G20 Digital Transformation Panel

    Volodymyr Zelenskyy – 2022 Speech at G20 Digital Transformation Panel

    The speech made by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, on 16 November 2022.

    Thank you very much, Mr. President Widodo.

    Dear colleagues!

    Yesterday at our summit, everyone talked about how to end the Russian war. The Russian representative even made some comments…

    And after that, almost 100 Russian missiles hit Ukraine. Burnt residential buildings. Destroyed power plants again. Hundreds of cities were left without electricity, water and heat. Internet traffic has fallen by two-thirds – imagine the scale.

    Unfortunately, there are human casualties. And not only in Ukraine! Russian missiles hit the territory of neighboring Poland yesterday. There should be a quick response.

    This missile attack is Russia’s real performance at G20. So when I say G19, I’m not wrong. Because Russia is a terrorist, and we protect ourselves from it. Such is the reality.

    And I urge you to look at today’s panel of our Digital Transformation Summit from a security perspective. This will be a timely view.

    Dear leaders, you now clearly see what modern war is. Today, it is impossible to imagine life without computer networks, high-speed communication, the Internet, and even more so – without electricity. But your enemies may try to deprive you of just that.

    My good advice to you is to take Ukrainian defense experience in order to guarantee the safety of your people.

    We have created an IT army that prevails in cyberspace. The best specialists and companies of the country have united to protect the state.

    We repelled more than 1,300 cyberattacks during the 8 months of the Russian war. In the first week of the invasion, Russia destroyed a key data center of our country, and the response solution is the “clouds” into which we moved part of the information systems.

    We have built the protection of public registers. We have preserved the digital resilience of banks. Thanks to digitization, we can quickly organize social payments to those affected by hostilities.

    Millions of Ukrainians use our Diia state service every day. These are more than 100 public services without contact with officials. A digital passport, opening accounts, paying fines and taxes, receiving state aid, raising funds to support the army… All this is Ukrainian “Diia”.

    If you or your allies and partners do not already have such a system and such digital protection, we will be happy to help you build them!

    Cyber defense is about cooperation. The stability of institutions is cooperation. Reliable communication, including satellite communication, is also about cooperation.

    What we all need is to put aside disputes and develop collective efforts for global peace. The G19 can be very successful in this!

    Ukraine is willing to help. Our security experience is your security experience.

    And please remember that everything must now be considered from the point of view of security.

    Thank you Mr. President Widodo for a very meaningful summit! Thank you all for your support!

    Let there be peace!

    Glory to Ukraine!

  • Peter Bottomley – 2022 Speech on Jeremy Hunt’s Financial Statement

    Peter Bottomley – 2022 Speech on Jeremy Hunt’s Financial Statement

    The speech made by Peter Bottomley, the Conservative MP for Worthing West and the Father of the House, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Sir Peter Bottomley (Worthing West) (Con)

    The Chancellor will have noticed that Labour Members laughed when he talked about stability, growth and public services. Those who are watching our proceedings will have noticed, as will he, that when he was making his announcements about how we will ease the burden on the poorest and give opportunities to those who most need them, those Members were silenced. People around the country will give backing to his approach. We may have arguments about details, but the key point is to get stability and growth, and to defend public services.

    Jeremy Hunt

    I thank my hon. Friend the Father of the House. He is right. What I have discovered in the short time that I have been doing this job is that although one might arrive thinking that decisions about money are about numbers and spreadsheets, they are actually about values. Today, I have tried to express our values not just as a Conservative party but as a country. That means protecting the most vulnerable.

  • Alison Thewliss – 2022 Speech on Jeremy Hunt’s Financial Statement

    Alison Thewliss – 2022 Speech on Jeremy Hunt’s Financial Statement

    The speech made by Alison Thewliss, the SNP MP for Glasgow Central and Westminster spokesperson for the party on economic matters, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    The current Chancellor comes here today as the seventh Chancellor in seven years, and a mere 55 days after the last Chancellor came to this House to present his chaotic mini-Budget. His predecessor managed to crash the economy in 26 minutes; this Chancellor has spent the past 53 minutes trying to patch up those mistakes. The reality is that we will all be living with the disastrous consequences of Trussonomics for some time to come.

    The Chancellor has brought forward new targets because he is failing to meet the old ones. His difficult choices are of nothing compared with what many of our constituents face. The Tories spent the summer squabbling in a leadership contest when they should have been preparing for the difficult winter ahead. Now the UK is £30 billion worse off because of the incompetence of the Conservative party. Scotland is paying a heavy price indeed for being in this Union.

    The Tories are attempting to cut their way out of a recession. It will not work. Public sector workers deserve a proper pay rise to face the cost of living crisis that the Tories have created, and the Scottish Government do not have the same flexibility as this Chancellor to borrow or make changes in-year. Their existing budgets have already been squeezed and reprioritised and there is nothing left to cut.

    The Chancellor says Scotland will get £1.5 billion in Barnett consequentials, yet the Scottish Government’s budget is worth £1.7 billion less than when it was introduced last December. Scotland is being short-changed yet again. Will he listen carefully to what John Swinney has asked for and provide the funding Scotland deserves?

    The Chancellor is proposing fiscal tightening on a scale not seen since George Osborne—and we are still living with the real consequences of those poverty-inducing policies: the two-child limit, the rape clause, the brutal benefits sanctions. The Glasgow Centre for Population Health has been clear that the previous round of Tory austerity caused 330,000 excess deaths. More of the same from this Chancellor is a price society cannot afford.

    Restoring the triple lock and uprating benefits by inflation is not some victory to be celebrated. Barnardo’s has described it as a “minimum first step”. The rate of inflation announced by the Chancellor is not the actual rate of inflation now—nor, perhaps, will it be the rate of inflation by the time the measure comes into force. Again, the Government are not keeping step with the cost of living. Any compassionate Government with an ounce of humanity would not have to be dragged to make such a decision.

    The Chancellor talks about uprating the benefit cap—he should scrap the benefit cap. In Scotland, we have introduced the groundbreaking Scottish child payment and increased it to £25 per child per week, now up to the age of 16. There is no two-child limit in Scotland, because we value every child and want them all to have the best future. Will he commit to the same?

    The Chancellor mentioned nothing in his statement for those struggling on no recourse to public funds, and nothing either for asylum seekers trying to survive on just 40 quid a week. Will he increase that support or, better yet, allow them to work and to contribute, as so many want to do?

    Inflation is running at 11.1%, a 41-year high. For those in lower-income households, the Resolution Foundation says it runs at 12.5%, as more of their income goes on the essentials. The price of food is up 16.4% in a year, with basics such as bread, milk and pasta all increasing and squeezing household budgets. Combining that with the soaring cost of energy, households are finding it impossible to make ends meet.

    Cornwall Insight has estimated that the energy price cap next year may come in at an eye-watering £3,702. I appreciate what the Chancellor has said about energy support, but his energy support package must be wider and deeper. It must lift those who are stuck on prepayment meters and make sure they can turn the heating on. Will he listen to National Energy Action, which is calling for a targeted energy price guarantee, similar to a social tariff, set at £1,500 annually until October 2024?

    National Energy Action says that should be for all households on means-tested benefits and disability benefits, those in receipt of attendance allowance and carers allowance and those who are living on less than two thirds of the median household income, and it should be targeted to people living in areas of multiple deprivation. We all know that energy bills will not be reducing any time soon. The Chancellor must ensure that people get the help they need to stay safe and warm.

    Insulation schemes should have happened already. The UK Government cut back dramatically on schemes while the Scottish Government invested. More than 100,000 homes in Scotland have been made more energy efficient, while the UK Government have ignored the problem. Now they say, “Wait until 2025.” It is not even jam tomorrow; it is, “Huddle under a blanket for three years until we get to you.” It is absolutely ludicrous.

    Will the Chancellor consider not a rent cap, but a rent freeze to help renters, as the Scottish Government have done? For those struggling with their mortgages, will he do all he can to encourage banks to support their customers, and will he fix and expand the restrictive support for mortgage interest scheme, to make it more accessible to those who need it?

    There is little in this statement to give hope to businesses. Many that managed to survive the pandemic are now struggling to keep going. Increased labour and energy costs, supply chain difficulties and the crash in the pound have all made a difficult situation so much worse.

    I have raised many times in this place the impossibly high contracts that companies are having to sign for their energy bills right now, and the Chancellor was not at all clear how he expects them to keep going once the reprieve finishes in the spring. Companies cannot wait any longer for answers, because for too many it will be too much. We know insolvencies are already on the rise, and with companies going bust, rising unemployment will inevitably follow.

    We know that recession has a bigger impact on younger workers. When we look at the Chancellor’s statement, the minimum wage rates are still lagging behind for younger workers. They are being discriminated against on the basis of their age, and that continues to be unacceptable.

    There was also nothing in the Chancellor’s statement about carbon capture and storage in the north-east of Scotland. Why not? There was a 45% hike on electricity generators—more than on oil and gas—which will hammer Scotland’s renewables sector.

    I will give the Chancellor some opportunities to bring some cash into the UK Government’s coffers. The London School of Economics says that ending the non-dom status could bring in £3.2 billion of additional tax. Taxing dividends at the same rate as income from work would stand to raise more than £6 billion a year.

    For some time now, big companies have been engaging in significant share buybacks. Oil and gas, financial services and other companies are using share buybacks because their mega-profits are more than they know what to do with. Those profits are not being invested in new development; they are simply being creamed off. It is estimated that FTSE 100 firms are now due to return £55.5 billion to their shareholders via share buybacks this year.

    The Institute for Public Policy Research estimates that a one-off 25% windfall tax on share buybacks of FTSE-listed companies could raise £11 billion in a single year. Even if companies were discouraged from buying back shares under the scheme, it would lead to higher reinvestment in development rather than profits. Why would the Chancellor pass up such an economic opportunity?

    The Chancellor should also grow the tax base by increasing immigration and improving the lot of those who have already done us the significant honour of coming to live, work and study in our communities. We should thank them, not tell them they are not welcome. It is beyond time that the UK had a sensible, grown-up conversation about immigration. We on the SNP Benches are clear that immigration is an economic good. The OBR forecasts that higher net migration reduces pressures on Government debt over time. The Chancellor should consider that.

    Finally, I come to the policy that unites all the Unionist parties in this House: Brexit. The Tories, Labour, the Lib Dems—all Brexiteers now, fully committed to this futile project of deliberate self-destruction. Dr Swati Dhingra of the Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee told the Treasury Committee yesterday:

    “It’s undeniable now that we’re seeing a much bigger slowdown in trade in the UK”

    than in the rest of the world. Wages are lower, business investment is lower, and the UK is underperforming in both imports and exports. That political choice has brought us here today, to the Chancellor’s decisions, which will affect us all but will hit the least well off the very hardest.

    The economist Michael Saunders said this week:

    “If we hadn’t had Brexit, we probably wouldn’t be talking about an austerity budget”.

    Put that on the side of a bus.

    Scotland did not vote for this. We did not choose austerity and we did not choose Brexit. The OBR says that living standards are to fall by 7% over the next two years. It ought to be of no surprise to anybody that just shy of half of Scots think the UK will not exist in its current form in the next five years. This is a UK so weak that no one would wish to join it. Scotland cannot be forced to stay in broke, broken Brexit Britain.

  • IPSA – Statement on Taxpayer Funded Christmas Parties

    IPSA – Statement on Taxpayer Funded Christmas Parties

    The statement made by IPSA on 22 November 2022.

    We are aware of concerns regarding the rules for MPs’ festive and celebratory claims. Our rules have not changed. MPs employ, on average, five members of staff in their local constituencies to deal with casework from members of the public. These cases are often distressing for the constituent and staff member alike and working in that environment day in and day out is very challenging.

    As employers, it is entirely appropriate that MPs should, if they see fit, reward their staff with a modest gathering at Christmas. We are clear that alcohol is not included, that any event must represent value for money, is subject to publication for transparency and must not be party political in nature. It must be funded within existing budgets.

    To suggest that there is anything inappropriate in this is simply incorrect. We are disappointed with the interpretation of this normal employment practice at a time when MPs are receiving large amounts of abuse, particularly on social media.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech at the CBI Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech at the CBI Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, at the CBI Conference in Birmingham on 22 November 2022.

    Thank you Brian, and thank you, conference.

    It’s a privilege to be here in Birmingham to address you at such a pivotal moment for our country.

    And here at the Vox, in the NEC, a place where so many greats of music and theatre have played.

    Bob Dylan, David Bowie, Justin Bieber – he’s coming here soon – and who could forget in 2019 the all-time favourite of the CBI – Peppa Pig. Yes, she played here too.

    But look – I’m here today to talk about Labour’s plan for Britain.

    How together, we can build a fairer, greener, more dynamic country.

    A nation where working people succeed, where aspiration is rewarded. A Britain with its confidence, its hope and its future – back.

    I come with a simple message: Labour is ready.

    Ready to give Britain the clear economic leadership it needs. Ready to work with you to drive our country forward.

    Not just a pro-business party but a party that is proud of being pro-business. That respects the contribution profit makes to jobs, growth and our tax base, that gets that working people want success as well as support, understands that backing private enterprise is the only way Britain pays its way in the world.

    Mark my words: this is a matter of conviction for me and I’ve united my party behind it.

    Anyone who came to our conference in the summer, anyone I’ve met since being leader, more than a hundred CEOs in the last six months alone, knows this already.

    This is a different Labour Party and there is no going back. We’re ready for partnership.

    And let’s be frank – because we need to be.

    Partnership is not a “nice to have”, it’s now an economic imperative.

    I don’t want to waste too much time today talking about the Government but the economic damage they’ve done to our country is immense.

    They’ve put our public finances in a perilous position, wasted the chance to transform our potential in an era of low interest rates, created an economy with weak foundations.

    This isn’t about global shocks – that’s just an excuse.

    Nobody criticises the Government for not anticipating the war in Ukraine or denies the war was the spark for the cost-of-living crisis.

    But the war didn’t ban onshore wind, the war didn’t scrap home insulation, and the war didn’t stall British nuclear energy.

    And when it comes to economic growth the verdict of the former chancellor is right – they’ve created a “vicious cycle of stagnation” and that’s why every crisis hits Britain harder than our competitors.

    The only country in the G7 still poorer than it was before the pandemic.

    Disposable income back to 2013 levels.

    The worst decade for growth in two centuries.

    That’s why we need a new partnership.

    Economic growth is the oxygen for our ambitions – the lifeblood of a strong society and a dynamic economy.

    But we have to confront the reality of our position.

    The lessons of the past twelve years can’t be ignored.

    I mean – just stop for a moment and think what working people have been through.

    How they were told “we’re all in it together” – then they paid for a mess made by banks.

    They cried out for economic change in a referendum, but saw their calls go unanswered.

    And they united to defeat a deadly virus, only to see the Government break the rules that they respected.

    And now – a winter like no other.

    The biggest hit to living standards in British history.

    Where millions, the length and breadth of our country, will go without food or heating.

    Once again asked to pay the price.

    Don’t get me wrong – I know people in this room are struggling too.

    Your borrowing rates – through the roof, energy costs – astronomical, more small businesses going under now than at any time since records began.

    And I know that every single one is a personal tragedy – an ambition, a dream, an investment in a better future – gone.

    No mistake – it’s tough and it will be tough for a while.

    But that’s why we need to answer the burning question – what will we do differently?

    How will we help restore the contract that says:

    “Work hard and Britain will give you a fair chance”.

    Because let me tell you that’s not how working people feel about our country right now – not this winter.

    So this has to be a turning point. Britain needs a new business model and that will be hard.

    Changing a business model is hard – you all know that.

    Nonetheless, it’s time for all of us – government, business, trade unions – to get behind the idea, both basic and radical, that our country can grow in a way that serves working people, that higher productivity can come from unlocking their potential, that we can work together to put their interests first.

    This has to be the common goal of our partnership.

    And it must set a new direction on growth, a new way of governing that at times will challenge our instincts.

    No more trickle-down experiments – that idea has been tested to destruction.

    But equally – if the South East races ahead, “redistribution” can’t be our one-word plan for the rest of Britain.

    You can still grow an economy that way – of course you can. But it’s not enough.

    Working people want growth from the grassroots – jobs that are well paid and secure, communities standing on their own feet, public services strong enough to help them succeed.

    So I promise you now, my Labour Government will care – must care – as much about raising productivity everywhere, as we have done in the past about redistribution.

    We’re going to throw everything at growing our collective contribution – our productive capacity – in every community.

    And that takes us inevitably to the supply-side of the economy.

    That’s why our first priority on tax has always been to scrap business rates.

    We will level the playing field for our high streets.

    And, with help from Lord Jim O’Neil, we’ll make Britain the best place in the world to start a new business.

    But we also need to look at the supply-side differently – it’s not just about tax and enterprise.

    Take the current state of our labour market.

    So much of this comes back to public services.

    Yes, there are other factors but you can’t tell me the number of older people falling out of work has nothing to do with the millions stuck on NHS waiting lists, or that the growing number of people suffering with mental health isn’t a drag on our productivity.

    No – the state of our public services is an economic crisis just as much as a social crisis.

    So we will launch the biggest training programme since the creation of the NHS – increase capacity with more doctors, more nurses, more health visitors, reform the employment service to get more people back to work, give everyone who needs it access to mental health treatment within four weeks, and build a modern childcare system that supports parents – especially women – to flourish.

    This is what the US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen calls: “modern supply-side economics”.

    And that’s the philosophy that will drive us to do the hard yards on growth.

    But we’ll also need to be pragmatic on the basic lack of people.

    We won’t ignore the need for workers to come to this country. We can’t have a situation, as we did with HGV drivers, where temporary shortages threaten to cripple entire sectors of our economy. That would be anti-growth and anti-business.

    But I want to be clear here – with my Labour Government, any movement in our points-based migration system – whether via the skilled worker route, or the shortage occupations list – will come alongside new conditions for business.

    We will expect you to bring forward a clear plan to boost skills and more training, for better pay and conditions, for investment in new technology.

    We can talk about how this is done – dialogue is at the heart of partnership but negotiation with trade unions will be part of it.

    I said at the TUC conference: my Labour Party is unashamedly pro-business and I say here today – that trade unions must be a crucial part of our partnership.

    But our common goal must be to help the British economy off its immigration dependency to start investing more in training workers who are already here.

    Migration is part of our national story – always has been, always will be and the Labour Party will never diminish the contribution it makes to our economy, to public services, to your businesses and our communities.

    But let me tell you – the days when low pay and cheap labour are part of the British way on growth must end.

    This isn’t about Brexit.

    All around the world, business is waking up to the fact we live in a new era for labour.

    And while they’re adapting, our low-wage model is holding us back.

    It’s why we’ve set out a New Deal for Working People that will deliver higher pay, stronger rights and better work – not just for social justice, but also for the new reality on growth.

    Let me give you an example – technology.

    Britain has fewer industrial robots than almost every comparable countries.

    We’re behind Germany, France, Spain, Slovenia, Slovakia, Belgium – it’s a long list.

    And in terms of competition over the long run, one that borders on a disaster.

    Now, I know most businesses get this.

    I’ve seen for myself how you invest in your people and their productivity.

    At Vaillant in Derbyshire, I met the apprentices using their skills in conjunction with the new technologies of heat pumps.

    That technology will continue to adapt and those apprentices will be at the forefront of that change. Working today, training for the opportunities of the future.

    But when we look at the economy as a whole it can seem like we’re more comfortable hiring people to work in low paid, insecure, sometimes exploitative contracts, than we are investing in the new technology that delivers for workers, productivity and our country.

    And we can’t compete like that.

    Britain’s low pay model has to go.

    It doesn’t serve working people.

    It’s not compatible with grassroots growth.

    So let me tell you what is. The three big priorities for my Labour Government, the principles our partnership must deliver to drive Britain forward.

    They are:

    One – economic stability.

    Two – higher skills.

    Three – green growth.

    Let me take them one by one, starting with economic stability.

    Because, as you know, stability is the bedrock – everything else depends on it.

    If we’ve learnt nothing else these past 12 years, it’s that chaos has a cost.

    That’s why every policy my Labour Party announces will always be fully costed.

    We’re determined to reduce debt as a share of our economy – sound money in our public finances must come first.

    And we accept what this means – accept that we won’t be able to do things – good Labour things – as quickly as we might like.

    The lesson of the last few months is stark – lose control of the economy and its businesses and working people who pick up the bill.

    And I won’t let that happen again.

    But real economic stability has to be about much more than public finances.

    It has to be about providing the right conditions to plan and invest, to think about long-term strategy, not just short-term fixes, to create confidence through certainty.

    That’s the argument for partnership – it’s why we’re so committed to a modern industrial strategy.

    It’s not about the size of the state – it’s about what the state does, how it supports businesses to innovate and grow.

    Brings in the creative brilliance of our scientists and universities.

    Applies them to creating the industries of the future and uses whatever tool the job requires.

    Procurement, R&D investment, patient finance, a strategic plan for infrastructure and supply chains, led by an institution – a new Industrial Strategy Council – that sits outside the political cycle.

    I know this isn’t the sort of stuff that sets Westminster pulses racing – not a bit of it.

    But I tell you this – in every one of our competitors, it’s the bread and butter of responsible economic management.

    Yesterday, I went on the gov.uk website in search of the Government’s Industrial Strategy. This is what I found:

    “The aim of the Industrial Strategy was to boost productivity by backing businesses to create good jobs”.

    “Was”!

    And scratched across the top is one word: ‘ARCHIVED’

    Doesn’t that just tell you everything? This Government has archived Britain’s growth.

    That’s why situations like British Volt keep happening.

    Why the CEO of Johnson Matthey says we’re falling behind in the race for clean Hydrogen.

    Why electric car manufacturers are leaving Britain in droves.

    Our aversion to proper, long-term industrial strategy is costing us billions already but even worse – it’s costing us the foundations of a more prosperous future.

    And conference – so will the status quo on skills.

    Any serious plan for growth must accept the need to transform how our country trains people for work.

    That’s why we’re committed to changing the way government supports businesses to get the skills that you need.

    At this conference last year, I announced that Lord Blunkett would lead our Council of Skills Advisors.

    And this year, I’m pleased to announce that he’s delivered that report and we are going to deliver on skills.

    The Apprenticeship Levy is not flexible enough.

    Don’t get me wrong – apprenticeships are a gold standard qualification.

    Their record in tackling the cultural snobbery associated with vocational learning is second to none.

    But alongside them, we also need to fund the training that works for you.

    The need for technology short courses that train coders in weeks, that help younger workers get promoted, the training that supports older workers to flourish, or re-train as something new.

    And let me tell you from personal experience – there’s nothing wrong with changing career in your fifties.

    But the bottom line is this.

    You need more control over what training your levy can buy, with Labour that’s exactly what you’ll get.

    And we’ll devolve the power and money on adult skills budgets as well.

    Decisions that drive growth in communities should be made by people with skin in the game.

    I profoundly believe that the people and businesses of Birmingham, know what training the economy of Birmingham needs.

    And the same is true in Wolverhampton and Wrexham, Peterborough and Portsmouth.

    The next Labour government will spread economic power to the grassroots.

    And our central industrial mission – clean power by 2030 – will help us do it.

    Climate change is the defining social challenge of our times – there’s no question about that.

    I’m sure it scores highly on the risk register of every company in this room.

    But if you only take one thing from today, let it be this.

    I don’t see climate change as a risk, I see it as an opportunity.

    The biggest chance we’ve had in a generation to make our economy work for working people.

    That’s what our Green Prosperity Plan is all about.

    A plan to make Britain a green growth superpower – to invest in wind, solar, nuclear, hydrogen, green steel and carbon capture; new opportunities for plumbers, electricians, engineers, software designers, technicians, builders; insulation for 19 million homes; and Great British Energy – a new national champion that will take advantage of the opportunities in clean British power and turn them into good, secure, well-paid British jobs.

    You can never say it enough – Clean British power is cheaper than imported fossil fuels. Nine times cheaper.

    If we have more of it, businesses and working people get cheaper bills, the country enjoys independence from tyrants like Putin and we give every community a shot at the green jobs of the future.

    Clean hydrogen in South Yorkshire, Merseyside, the East of England, offshore wind in Scotland, Teesside, East and North Yorkshire, solar power growing rural communities in the South East, South West and – yes – here in the Midlands.

    It won’t be easy – we know that.

    On planning, on Ofgem’s remit, on getting ahead of demand issues with the grid, we not only see the battles ahead. We’ll run towards them.

    Because nothing reeks of decline more than the idea Britain no longer knows how to build things – I won’t accept that.

    And with real partnership, we’ll win.

    The same is true on finance.

    Big ambitions require public investment and we will provide it.

    But we know that the real game-changer is private investment.

    And that this is a perennial challenge for British productivity.

    That’s why we’ll also set up a National Sovereign Wealth Fund, and use it to manage risk on the critical investments we need to become a green growth superpower.

    But also – to create spill-over opportunities for businesses and supply chains right across the country in manufacturing and services.

    That is what industrial strategy and partnership must deliver – in a nutshell.

    A new way of managing our economy, a fresh start for Britain and it’s a divide with the Government.

    Last week, you saw the sum total of their offer on growth.

    Stagnation dressed up in the clothes of stability, decline paraded as tough decisions.

    ‘Tough decisions’ would be challenging their party on planning, on onshore wind, on industrial strategy, but they don’t have it in them.

    Don’t understand that to be a careful steward of the economy in a volatile world, you need to be proactive.

    Need to intervene to secure stability and growth.

    I’ll put it simply: every business in this room has a strategy for growth, a nation needs one too.

    Because the headwinds we face – climate change, artificial intelligence, caring for an ageing society, mean that a hands-off approach just isn’t fit for purpose anymore.

    And I’m not going to give up on growth that easily.

    I believe in our country, I believe in our businesses and I believe in our people.

    Britain deserves better.

    A new partnership for prosperity.

    The path to a greener, fairer, more dynamic country.

    To higher wages, higher skills, higher productivity.

    To leading the world on the greatest challenge facing our planet.

    To giving working people a sense of hope, aspiration and possibility once again.