Tag: Speeches

  • Rishi Sunak – 2022 Speech on Foreign Policy to the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    Rishi Sunak – 2022 Speech on Foreign Policy to the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, at the Guildhall in London on 28 November 2022.

    My Lord Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Whether by virtue of history or accident of geography, our country has always looked out to the world.

    I was born in Southampton…

    … a port city the Victorians called the gateway to the world…

    … where the Mayflower set sail…

    … where Spitfires were built and allied troops embarked on D-Day.

    And just as we look out to the world, so the world often looks to Britain.

    Like many others, my grandparents came to the UK, via East Africa and the Indian subcontinent… and made their lives here.

    In recent years, we’ve welcomed thousands of people…

    …from Hong Kong, Afghanistan, and Ukraine.

    We’re a country that stands up for our values…

    … that defends democracy by actions not just words…

    A country that commits not just our resources but our ingenuity to better the lives of others, and ourselves.

    Ukrainian flags have flown over almost every town and city on these islands for the past nine months.

    No one told people to put them there.

    They felt moved to show solidarity with people they’ve never met, in a country most have never even visited…

    …to show their faith in fairness, freedom and the rule of law.

    These values are constant.

    They are set in stone.

    But as the world evolves, so does our application of those values.

    As Edmund Burke argued, circumstances and context are everything.

    And today the pace of geopolitical change is intensifying.

    Our adversaries and competitors plan for the long term.

    After years of pushing at the boundaries, Russia is challenging the fundamental principles of the UN Charter.

    China is conspicuously competing for global influence using all the levers of state power.

    In the face of these challenges, short-termism or wishful thinking will not suffice.

    We can’t depend on Cold War arguments or approaches, or mere sentimentality about our past.

    So we will make an evolutionary leap in our approach.

    This means being stronger in defending our values and the openness on which our prosperity depends.

    It means delivering a stronger economy at home, as the foundation of our strength abroad.

    And it means standing up to our competitors, not with grand rhetoric but with robust pragmatism.

    We will do all this…

    …not only through our diplomatic expertise, science and tech leadership, and investment in defence and security…

    …but by dramatically increasing the quality and depth of our partnerships with like-minded allies around the world.

    We will set out more detail in the updated Integrated Review in the new year…

    …including how we’ll work with friends in the Commonwealth, the US, the Gulf states, Israel and others.

    But tonight I’d like to describe how we’re already making this evolutionary leap in three other places.

    First, as we stand by Ukraine, we’re also reinvigorating our European relationships to tackle challenges like security and illegal migration.

    Second, we’re taking a longer-term view on China, strengthening our resilience and protecting our economic security.

    And third, we’re seizing the huge opportunities on offer in the Indo-Pacific by building deep and long-lasting partnerships.

    First, Ukraine.

    In Kyiv, I just saw how Russia’s focus is shifting from bruising encounters on the battlefield to brutalising the civilian population.

    It was written in the scarred buildings and the piles of rubble lining the streets…

    …in the stories of the first responders I met from liberated Kherson…

    …from the torture chambers to the booby traps left in children’s toys.

    As the world comes together to watch the World Cup…

    …I saw how an explosive device had been hidden inside a child’s football – seeking to make it a weapon of war.

    It defies belief.

    So be in no doubt, we will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    Next year we will maintain or even  increase our military aid.

    And we will provide new support for air defence, to protect the Ukrainian people and the critical infrastructure they rely on.

    By protecting Ukraine, we protect ourselves.

    With the fall of Kabul, the pandemic, the economic strife, some said the West was weak.

    In fact, our response in Ukraine has shown the depth of our collective resolve.

    Sweden and Finland are joining NATO.

    Germany is increasing its defence spending.

    Partners as far afield as Australia, Japan and South Korea are standing with us.

    We’ve developed an entirely new sanctions model.

    And through NATO and the Joint Expeditionary Force we’re guarding against further Russian aggression…

    …whether in the east or the High North.

    We’re also evolving our wider post-Brexit relations with Europe…

    …including bilaterally and engaging with the new European Political Community.

    But this is not about greater alignment.

    Under my leadership we’ll never align with EU law.

    Instead, we’ll foster respectful, mature relationships with our European neighbours on shared issues like energy and illegal migration…

    …to strengthen our collective resilience against strategic vulnerabilities.

    And that brings me to my second point.

    We also need to evolve our approach to China.

    Let’s be clear, the so-called “golden era” is over…

    …along with the naïve idea that trade would automatically lead to social and political reform.

    But nor should we rely on simplistic Cold War rhetoric.

    We recognise China poses a systemic challenge to our values and interests…

    …a challenge that grows more acute as it moves towards even greater authoritarianism.

    Instead of listening to their people’s protests, the Chinese Government has chosen to crack down further…

    …including by assaulting a BBC journalist.

    The media – and our parliamentarians – must be able to highlight these issues without sanction…

    …including calling out abuses in Xinjiang – and the curtailment of freedom in Hong Kong.

    Of course, we cannot simply ignore China’s significance in world affairs…

    …to global economic stability or issues like climate change.

    The US, Canada, Australia, Japan and many others understand this too.

    So together we’ll manage this sharpening competition, including with diplomacy and engagement.

    Much of this is about dramatically improving our resilience, particularly our economic security.

    That’s why we created new powers under the National Security and Investment Act…

    …it’s why we used them this month to block the sale of Newport Wafer Fab.

    It’s why we took action on 5G.

    And it’s why we’re ending global dependence on authoritarian regimes – starting with Russian gas.

    Now we’re also acting to deepen our ties in the Indo-Pacific – the third example of where we’re evolving our approach.

    Before I came into politics, like many of you, I invested in businesses around the world… and the opportunity in the Indo-Pacific is compelling.

    Take Indonesia, which I visited just this month.

    It’s a young, vibrant country…

    …the world’s third largest democracy…

    …poised to become a top 5 global economy.

    By 2050, the Indo-Pacific will deliver over half of global growth …

    …compared with just a quarter from Europe and North America combined.

    That’s why we’re joining the Trans-Pacific trade deal, the CPTPP…

    …delivering a new FTA with India…

    …and pursuing one with Indonesia.

    But in the Indo-Pacific economics and security are indivisible.

    60% of global trade passes through regional shipping routes…

    …including choke points like the straits of Malacca.

    It’s in our interests to keep these trade lines open.

    That’s why we joined the Five Power Defence Arrangements with Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and Singapore half a century ago.

    And it’s why we’re evolving new long-term defence, industrial and technological partnerships…

    …like AUKUS with Australia and the US…

    …and the Future Combat Air System with Italy and Japan.

    By deepening these ties we’ll help protect the arteries and ventricles of the global economy…

    …supporting security and prosperity – both at home in our European neighbourhood and in the Indo-Pacific.

    My Lord Mayor,

    As we meet here tonight, the people of Ukraine are hunkered down in freezing temperatures, on the front line of the fight for freedom.

    In Iran, women are displaying the most humbling and breath-taking courage…

    …refusing to bow to thuggish, theocratic control.

    And tomorrow Iran’s football team will again stand with them in solidarity – facing unknown consequences as a result.

    Freedom and openness have always been the most powerful forces for progress.

    But they have never been achieved by standing still.

    As Henry Kissinger wrote:

    …during periods of crisis… whether war, technological change or economic dislocation… management of the status quo may be the riskiest choice of all.

    Under my leadership we won’t choose the status quo.

    We will do things differently.

    We will evolve…

    … anchored always by our enduring belief in freedom, openness and the rule of law…

    … and confident that in this moment of challenge and competition…

    … our interests will be protected… and our values will prevail.

    Thank you.

  • Steve Barclay – 2022 Speech at the Spectator Health Summit

    Steve Barclay – 2022 Speech at the Spectator Health Summit

    The speech made by Steve Barclay, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, in London on 28 November 2022.

    In the Autumn statement – alongside difficult decisions designed to tackle inflation and keep mortgage rises down – the Prime Minister and the Chancellor made a clear commitment to public services, increasing the NHS budget by an extra £6.6 billion over the next two years and increasing funding for social care by £2.8 billion and £4.7 billion in each of the next two years. So, combined, £8 billion going into 2024.

    That recognises that what happens in our health and care system has a big impact on the wider economy.

    I’m pleased that investment and prioritisation was well-received within the NHS itself, with Amanda Pritchard, the NHS chief executive, welcoming our decision to prioritise health and the NHS Confederation calling it a “positive day for the NHS”.

    But with that financial package a key part now of my job is to make sure those funds are spent effectively.

    That means tackling the pandemic backlogs, operations, access to GPs, and urgent and emergency care. I’m sure this audience recognises that a big part of the challenge we face both with ambulance handovers and in A&E is shaped by what happens with delayed discharge – those patients who are fit to leave hospital but are often still in hospital for many days further.

    Now, efficiency within the NHS is often seen through the lens of finance.

    So, the case I want to make today is that efficiency is not just a finance priority – it’s a patient priority too.

    Because efficiency is an indicator of wider system health.

    An efficient system addresses bottlenecks that delay patient care by designing new journeys for patients that avoid those delays.

    Because quicker – and therefore earlier treatment – will lead to better patient outcomes whether that is from earlier cancer diagnoses, with the announcement a couple of weeks ago on direct access for GPs, or on antibiotics – getting the right antibiotic first time, rather than the third or fourth time. Obviously bringing significant patient benefits, but it is also efficient in terms of cost.

    So an efficient system will get better treatment to the patient and improvement patient outcomes, but in doing so, it will also unlock value for money.

    And for this to happen, we need to move to more personalised care – we can already see examples of this taking shape.

    During the pandemic, people got used to the idea of a Covid test being sent to them at home. Home testing offers the opportunity for patients to be tested for specific things, even before they realise they have the symptoms, enabling them to get care at a much earlier stage than what would have traditionally been the case.

    That kind of fast-tracking is not only potentially life-saving but it also will mean that the NHS over time will pay less for that care.

    Another example is what we set out in the Women’s Health Strategy around one stop shops, enabling women to access a range of services on a single visit. Not only do you improve the speed of care, but we also improve its effectiveness whilst delivering that at a lower cost.

    So we know whether through the Women’s Health Strategy, through Community Diagnostics Centres, through surgical hubs, we can deliver care in different ways – where the treatment is delivered to the patient at an earlier point than is currently the case, but in turn will unlock better value for money.

    And that requires us to think differently about the mix of services. Let me give you an example in terms of Pharmacy First. Pharmacist First you would have thought, in the name, would involve the pharmacy being indeed first, and yet, quite often, the patient goes to the pharmacy before the GP programme referral, suggesting the scope to further streamline the process.

    So, in short, quicker access to treatment means addressing bottlenecks, delivering new pathways, and in doing so, unlocking better outcomes for patients.

    But for this to really take root, we need to be open about our attitude to risk and our risk appetite.

    Currently, I believe the NHS scores the risk of innovation too highly when compared to the risks of the status quo and I think that needs to be recalibrated.

    This is because innovation tends to be judged, in isolation, in a silo.

    Take for example the risks around the introducing machine learning.

    On its own, it may carry some risk. But that risk should be judged against the risk of the status quo, where there may be long delays due to staff shortages, and so the speed of treatment and the ability to better target valuable resource needs to be weighed as part of the risk assessment of that innovation.

    So, we need to be scoring innovation risk within a much wider context than simply looking at it in a silo.

    And as we change our risk appetite for innovation, we also need to change our risk appetite for transparency.

    Because only when we’re transparent about the challenges we face will we empower greater patient choice, particularly in the context of vested interests which are inevitable in a budget of £182 billion.

    It’s also why we need senior clinicians to lead that change too.

    And why I’m so pleased that Professor Sir Tim Briggs – one of the country’s most highly regarded orthopaedic surgeons is taking up his new leadership role as Clinical Lead for the Elective Recovery Programme working closely with Sir Jim Mackey, one of the country’s most respected hospital CEOs.

    Now, one shared point of understanding must be the scale of the Covid backlog, with around now 7.1 million patients.

    We must also be transparent coming out of Covid around excess deaths.

    For example, we know from the data that there are more 50 to 64-year-olds with cardiovascular issues.

    It’s the result of delays in that age group seeing a GP because of the pandemic and in some cases, not getting statins for hypertension in time.

    When coupled with delays to ambulance times we see this reflected in the excess death numbers.

    In time, we may well see a similar challenge in cancer data.

    I want us to innovate around challenges like this.

    We already know that GPs are under pressure. So what else can we do by way of innovation?

    Well, let me give you just one example – we could think about how employers can help us better reach those who might otherwise not come forward?

    So, by being more transparent around who to prioritise on excess deaths, I believe we can engage employers and different ways of reaching key groups.

    When we are collectively understanding the challenges, it becomes easier to find the solutions.

    We also need to be clear about some of the demographic headwinds we face too.

    We have an ageing population.

    By the end of this decade, there are projected to be over four times as many people aged over 80, as a proportion of the population, that there were around the time the NHS was set up.

    On average, treating an 80-year-old is four times more expensive that treating a 50-year-old.

    And as proportion of the population, we have fewer working people to pay for healthcare.

    Around the time the old age pension came in over a century ago in England and Wales, we had 19 people aged 20 to 69, for every person over 70.

    Today that figure is down closer to 5 to 1.

    At the same time, healthcare continues to become more expensive.

    But in the face of such headwinds – from an ageing population or on the legacy of the Covid backlogs – it’s important we also focus on where we have the ability to turn the tide.

    Today I want to pick out on just two of those:

    The expansion of life sciences – and the promise of new treatments and the embrace of technology and the better use of data.

    As today is Life Sciences Day, that’s where I’ll start.

    When we published our Life Sciences Vision last year we also launched ambitious missions, from dementia to vaccine discovery.

    And I’m pleased that we’re seeing four more missions on cancer, obesity, mental health and addiction – and we’re backing those with £113 million of new funds.

    It’s an example of how we’re turning our country’s cutting-edge research capabilities onto the biggest healthcare challenges that we face and doing so in a way where the British people can really experience the benefits.

    And these missions will continue to benefit from the incredible life sciences ecosystem we have built here in the UK, from the MHRA, to NICE, to the NHS.

    And just this morning, that powerful collaboration has seen us give the go ahead to a new life-extending treatment on the NHS for patients with advanced stage prostate cancer. It’s another example of how that ecosystem is working for the benefits of patients.

    Another increasingly important part of that ecosystem is Genomics.

    Whilst Genomics England has been in place since 2014, there is scope to bring forward and apply their science more directly to the immediate challenges the NHS faces, rather than Life Sciences being seen as uneventful research that will emerge in a number of years’ time.

    Genomics in particular offers significant hope to rare diseases, often the diseases that receive less treatment.

    Life sciences offers scope to get the medicines, the right drugs, first time.

    By using genetic insights, we can discover the unique “signature” of a cancer tumour and make sure each patient gets the best course of treatment for them.

    The second area that I wanted to bring up this morning in terms of meeting those headwinds is around tech and big data.

    We are at a historical moment where we have the ability where patients consent to generate big data through the internet of things through new MedTech and wearables.

    We can achieve it because, over the last decade, the cost of computer chips has come down exponentially helping us generate more valuable data, with the ability to store it safely, cheaply and securely in the cloud – which has also increased significantly.

    That in turn combines with machine learning, where we have a new capability to analyse it.

    Generate. Store. Analyse. All of which have been transformed in recent years.

    This is a virtuous triangle that unlocks our ability to move to a more personalised form of care.

    It’s also yet another area where efficiency will actually equate to better patient outcomes, enabling funding to go further.

    Just as genomics can help create more bespoke treatment – like those examples I gave on drug resistance and cancer, so can data.

    And I will encourage the safe and secure sharing of data through the NHS for those patients who consent so that patients can play their part in life-changing medical breakthroughs and become the beneficiaries too.

    Now, we can see this spirit in action with the new Our Future Health research programme, which was launched last month.

    It aims to find new ways to prevent, detect and treat disease.

    Three million people have been invited to join the programme, which will eventually recruit five million or more people from all walks of life.

    Now, throughout the pandemic, the British public showed their willingness to play their part and be part of the solution.

    And it’s great to see them doing so again in our fight against diseases like diabetes, Alzheimer’s and many more.

    Anyone can sign up – so, and I use this as an opportunity for a plug, just go and Google Our Future Health and register online.

    The programme also reflects an innovative new model of funding.

    While about £80 million of the programmes’ funding comes from the UK government another £160 million comes from life sciences companies.

    So, it’s a great example of public and private coming together to strengthen the NHS and help lift some of the burdens of late-stage disease.

    The final thing I want to reflect on this morning is what this embrace of technology and data can achieve for our mental health.

    The pandemic saw us move online like never before – and mental health provision was no exception.

    Our services rapidly adapted to provide patients with support through video consultations, digital models of therapy and self-management apps.

    I know that for patients, it presents a number of advantages, with greater flexibility to use resources at evenings and weekends and greater anonymity too.

    So it’s exciting to explore the future possibilities of technology in the treatment and support of metal heath conditions – from common conditions like depression and anxiety to more complex conditions like eating disorders ad bipolar disorder.

    I recognise that much of the demand for mental health provision comes from children and young people.

    We know that 50 per cent of mental health problems are established by the age of 14, and 75 per cent by the age of 24.

    That’s why mental health provision for children and young people is such a priority for my department.

    And when it comes to our adult population I’m a strong supporter also of social prescribing and the wellbeing agenda.

    Indeed, when I was Chief Secretary, to the slight surprise I think of the Department of Health and Social Care and DEFRA, I chaired a committee trying to get the Treasury to push those departments to go further on social prescribing.

    I think it’s exciting to see the scope that social prescribing offers through the ability of tech to better measure activity now and therefor make the wider economic case around what potential that it unlocks, and that in turn, I think, will help change the Treasury appetite for programmes which were given lower priority in the past.

    In Great Britain, the total cost to our economy of preventable or treatable ill health amongst the working age population is somewhere between £112-153 billion.

    To put that in a different context, it’s equivalent to up to 5-7% of GDP.

    So at a time when we have a shortage of workers, making strides on mental health makes sense on every level. For those more familiar with the Treasury, it is what one might call a double or triple word score – it benefits health, it benefits their agenda on levelling up, and it benefits the economy in terms of GDP.

    In closing, I want to be clear on the central themes through which we will approach the significant challenges the department faces.

    First, a focus on devolving decisions matched with better quality data and more of that data in real time, rather than through a rear-view mirror looking weeks, months – and sometimes even years behind.

    Second, a prioritisation of patient outcomes and empowering much greater patient choice.

    Indeed, when I was Minister for the Cabinet Office, with responsibility for science and technology, I discovered we had 50 different strategies within government for science and technology.

    So, I strongly favour a more agile approach of delivering the initial change and then building from there – rather than looking to what might be delivered in many years’ time, through a particular big change some years hence.

    Third, embracing transparency to help empower patients in supporting the case for change and in particular, for innovation – given that, when spending around £182 billion of public money there will always be defenders of the status quo. And indeed, some of those interests will often be more trusted than, dare I say it, politicians making the case for change.

    What brings those three principles together is the fact that – to meet the scale of the health challenges we face must ensure we don’t slip back into old habits.

    Covid is still with us. And so in particular are its consequences, in the form of pandemic backlogs.

    So we must continue to embrace the pace and risk appetite of the pandemic when it comes to innovating at pace and at scale, and better assessing how risk is scored when we do so.

    That is what I believe the British people rightly expect us to do, and if we are to confront the scale of challenges facing the NHS, that is what we need to do.

  • Tan Dhesi – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    Tan Dhesi – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    The speech made by Tam Dhesi, the Labour MP for Slough, in the House of Commons on 24 November 2022.

    For Tory peers and other chums of the Conservative party to have been profiteering at taxpayers’ expense from shoddy, unusable PPE, especially through the VIP procurement lane, at a time when people were locked down in their homes and tens of thousands of people, including my loved ones, were dying is absolutely sickening, shameful and unforgiveable. Given that The BMJ estimates that the Government have written off approximately £10 billion in unusable, undelivered or shoddy PPE, will the Minister take the opportunity to apologise to bereaved families for the amazing lack of integrity at the heart of the whole process?

    Neil O’Brien

    I set out earlier what the high priority route was and was not: it was absolutely not a guarantee of any kind of contract; it was a way of managing the huge numbers of contacts and offers for help that we were all receiving. It delivered something in the order of 5 billion items of PPE, all of which helped to save lives and protect workers in our NHS and social care settings. Of course, we had to take up those offers of help and respond to them when people wanted to help in the middle of a huge national and global crisis. We had to process those offers, but they were processed in exactly the same way as every other bid for a contract.

  • James Cleverly – 2022 Speech on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative Conference

    James Cleverly – 2022 Speech on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Initiative Conference

    The speech made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, on 28 November 2022.

    Foreign Secretary’s opening remarks

    Conflict-related sexual violence is morally abhorrent, it is illegal, and yet it is still happening all around the world.

    We naturally and rightly feel revulsion at the idea of chemical or biological attacks in war. And With our conventions and treaties – and the power of world opinion – those weapons signal a huge escalation and demand an international response.

    Sexual violence in conflict is equally immoral. It is a clear breach of international law, and should be a line that is never crossed.

    The very threat of rape and sexual violence as a weapon of war, or as part of its aftermath, should bring immediate international condemnation, and swift action to deter those attacks before they occur.

    Today, we stand in solidarity with survivors, determined to bring justice.

    And today I want to send an unequivocal message to those who order, allow or perpetrate sexual violence against women and girls: it isn’t combat; it isn’t strength; it is cowardice. We will not rest in our efforts to protect those potential victims, and prosecute the perpetrators.

    I am honoured to be able to hand over to one of our most powerful advocates and campaigners: Nobel Laureate Nadia Murad.

    ……..

    Foreign Secretary’s speech following opening remarks by Nadia Murad, a survivor of sexual violence in conflict and Nobel Peace Prize Laureate

    Thank you so very much. In our panel discussion we will consider whether the current response is effective; how we, as an international community, can do better; and how we turn talk today into action tomorrow.

    Despite our collective efforts, the tragic reality is that sexual violence is occurring in at least 18 active conflicts today and it is clear that we need a stronger global response. We need to make a lot more noise.

    Now There are some small causes of optimism. We can see that our work does make a difference. We have just heard from Angelina on the progress of the last decade, however it is clear that this is a marathon, not a sprint. And we have so much more yet to do.

    Because all the time, more lives are wrecked, communities broken, by sexual violence. So today I am launching the UK’s 3-year strategy to escalate the global response.

    I’m putting a total of £12.5 million of new funding into ambitious programmes, sharpening our analysis, building capacity for prosecutions, and ensuring that survivors know the routes to justice.

    Our ACT for Survivors initiative will use £8.6 million of that over 3 years, to increase the number of successful prosecutions.

    As part of this, we will continue our support to the Global Survivors Fund with £5.15 million for the next 3 years.

    In the 10 years of this initiative, we have learned that the key to success is putting survivors at the heart of all of our policies, so we are urging states to review their programmes and embed the Murad Code.

    We are using the code to develop new partnerships between the UK and International Criminal Court, deploying cutting-edge technology to help safeguard survivors throughout the justice process.

    And today, I am launching the Platform for Action Promoting the Rights and Wellbeing for Children Born of Conflict-Related Sexual Violence. This framework for commitments will confront stigma, and build futures: a crucial step in the longer journey.

    I am also announcing separate funding to tackle Gender Based Violence in Ukraine: £3.45 million for the UN Population Fund, on top of our £2.5 million to prosecute atrocities.

    As part of the overall fund, I am committing £1.8 million over 3 years for projects in priority countries, including Iraq, South Sudan, Colombia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina.

    In recent years, this kind of funding has made a real difference. In Bosnia and Herzegovina we supported changes in the law to recognise children born of wartime rape as civilian victims – providing them with important legal protections. We’re now building a global coalition of countries to protect other children in the same situation.

    We have increased judicial support for reparations in Iraq, and funded legal support to men in Colombia who have survived conflict-related sexual violence, paving the way for men and boys to be recognised as survivors too.

    In Kenya, Ghana and Zambia, we have run a gender-based violence course for Police Officers. And In Somalia we are training peacekeepers.

    In total, we have deployed a UK team of experts over 90 times to build the capacity of governments, the UN and NGOs.

    Our Women, Peace and Security programmes work hand-in-glove with our experts in conflict and conflict-threatened areas.

    Our ultimate aim is of course to prevent these atrocities from happening in the first place. On the heels of our successful research programme, we are launching a new report today on what works to prevent violence, providing compelling evidence that sexual violence is not inevitable in conflict.

    What we need now is greater ambition and stronger resolve from all countries. The work that many of you do is tough, and I’m in awe, genuine awe, of your fortitude, your perseverance. But we need more ambition from governments, to do more, do it better, and do it together.

    States have been signing up to a political declaration, to launch here at the Conference, setting out that ambition, and our collective abhorrence of sexual violence in conflict.

    We agree to strengthen the data behind what works; address the underlying cause of gender inequality; remove the stigma; strengthen laws to prosecute perpetrators; and ensure sexual survivor-centred support.

    The UK is using all the levers at our disposal to prevent Conflict Related Sexual Violence and to ensure that perpetrators are held to account.

    Throughout 2022 the UK has actively used sanctions to tackle serious human rights violations and abuses around the world. Most recently, following Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, our sanctioning of over 1,200 individuals including members of the Russian military responsible for atrocities, and in Iran we have used our sanctions to target the officials responsible for heinous human rights violations.

    I can announce that in December we will be using sanctions to specifically address the abhorrent crimes of sexual violence.

    We have to face this as an international united community, led by the survivors.

    Because the scale of suffering is unacceptable. Sexual violence is not inevitable. It will not be tolerated.

  • Sarah Owen – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    Sarah Owen – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    The speech made by Sarah Owen, the Labour MP for Luton North, in the House of Commons on 24 November 2022.

    Sarah Owen (Luton North) (Lab)

    We have all seen the shameful Guardian front page this morning, but the front page that sticks in my mind is the one showing nurses in bin bags—not PPE on the frontline, but bin bags. This was at a time when Luton Borough Council was facing another cut of £11 million. People are struggling, so why are this Government not lifting a finger to get our money back? They could start by releasing the records after the mediation process.

    Neil O’Brien

    The hon. Lady’s question takes us back to that extraordinary moment when we had a huge crisis of PPE, and we were desperate and doing every conceivable thing we could to get the PPE that those nurses needed; that is what I have been referring to in my answers this morning. It is just not true that the Government are not lifting a finger to get the money back. We have a process, and there is a substantial team in the Department working on it right now.

  • Brendan O’Hara – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    Brendan O’Hara – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    The speech made by Brendan O’Hara, the SNP spokesperson for health and the MP for Argyll and Bute, in the House of Commons on 24 November 2022.

    Brendan O’Hara (Argyll and Bute) (SNP)

    From the moment we learned about the existence of this VIP lane for the politically connected, it was almost inevitable that it would come to this. This get-rich-quick scheme to fast-track cronies, politically connected pals and colleagues was never going to end well. I suspect that today’s revelations, however shocking, are simply the tip of a very large iceberg—an iceberg that could yet sink this ship of fools.

    Transparency International UK has flagged as a corruption risk 20% of the £15 billion given out by the Tories in PPE contracts at the height of the pandemic. As we have already heard, they are spending £770,000 every single day to store much of that useless equipment in China. One Tory politician who had absolutely no background in PPE procurement personally made millions from those contracts, so do the Government plan to investigate proactively how many others like that are in their ranks, or are they content to sit there and watch this dripping roast of sleaze, corruption and scandal unfold on its own?

    Neil O’Brien

    Of course we take action whenever we find underperforming contracts, and I have set out how we do that. We are working our way through that. I say simply to the hon. Gentleman that we were all desperate to get PPE for our health and social care workers and for everybody who was responding to the pandemic. Inevitably, some of those contracts were not going to perform, and we are now taking action against all those underperforming contracts. On the idea that the “politically connected”, as he says, had some sort of greater success, they were our constituents—they were getting in touch with all of us, they had to be referred on somewhere, they had to be managed and they went through the same process as every other contract.

  • Angela Rayner – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    Angela Rayner – 2022 Speech on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    The speech made by Angela Rayner, the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, in the House of Commons on 24 November 2022.

    Thank you for granting this urgent question, Mr Speaker. I welcome the Minister to his place—I think this is the first time we have met at the Dispatch Box—but to be honest, to his defence of due diligence I would say, “What due diligence?” Last night, documents seen by The Guardian revealed yet another case of taxpayers’ money being wasted, with a total failure of due diligence and a conflict of interest at the heart of Government procurement.

    In May 2020, PPE Medpro was set up and given £203 million in Government contracts after a referral from a Tory peer. It now appears that tens of millions of pounds of that money ended up in offshore accounts connected to the individuals involved—profits made possible through the company’s personal connections to Ministers and the Tories’ VIP lane, which was declared illegal by the High Court. Yet Ministers are still refusing to publish correspondence relating to the award of the Medpro contract, because they say that the Department is engaged in a mediation process. Can the Minister tell us today whether that mediation process has reached any outcome, and what public funds have been recovered, if any? Will he commit to releasing all the records, both to the covid-19 public inquiry and to this House, once the process is completed?

    Rightly, there are separate investigations into Baroness Mone’s conduct, but the questions that this case raises are far wider. It took a motion from the Opposition to force the Government to release records over the Randox scandal. Will they agree today to do the same in this case without being forced to do so by the House? Can the Minister say now what due diligence was performed when awarding the Medpro contract?

    Today’s reports concern just one single case, but this Government have written off £10 billion just on PPE that was deemed unfit for use, unusable, overpriced or undelivered. Worse, Ministers appear to have learned no lessons and to have no shame. As families struggle to make ends meet, taxpayers spend £700,000 a day on the storage of inadequate PPE. Can the Minister confirm whether the Government’s new Procurement Bill will still give Ministers free rein to hand out billions of pounds of taxpayers’ cash all over again?

    Mr Speaker

    Order. Can we please stick to the rules of the House on time limits? I do not make the rules; the rules are meant for us all. This is happening too often.

    Neil O’Brien

    The right hon. Lady asks two main questions, the first of which is what we are doing on PPE Medpro. It has been widely reported that it had an underperforming contract. Let me set out what we do in such cases. The first step is to send a letter before action, which outlines a claim for damages. That is followed by litigation in the event that a satisfactory agreement has not been reached. To answer the right hon. Lady’s question directly, we have not got to the point where a satisfactory agreement has been reached at this stage.

    On the high-priority group, let us be clear about what it was and what it was not. Approximately 9,000 people came forward. All Ministers will have had the experience of endless people ringing them up directly to try to help with the huge need that there was at the time. Many of us, as Back Benchers, will have been approached by constituents who were keen to help and needed to be referred somewhere. All that the route did was handle the huge number of contacts coming in to Ministers from people offering to help. Let me be clear that it did not give any kind of successful guarantee of a contract; indeed, 90% of the bids that went through it were not successful. Every single bid that went through the route went through exactly the same eight-stage process as all the other contracts—it looked at the quality, the price and the bona fides of the people offering to produce.

    On the point about PPE that has not been useful, I set out in my answer the extraordinary context in which we were operating. There was a global scramble for PPE. People were being gazumped: goods would be taken out of the warehouse if people could turn up with the cash quicker than them. It was an extraordinary situation in which we had to act in a different way. Loads of us will remember standing up in this House and saying to Ministers, “What are you doing to get more? More, quickly!” That was the context in which we were operating.

    Sir Christopher Chope (Christchurch) (Con)

    Does my hon. Friend agree that if we had not wasted billions of pounds of taxpayers’ money on PPE, we would not have to increase taxes as much as we are doing? What has happened to the £122 million that was spent on 25 million gowns supplied by the company referred to earlier? Those gowns were not fit for purpose and were never used.

    Neil O’Brien

    That was the underperforming contract that I referred to in my previous answer, and I set out the process that we go through when we take action on underperforming contracts. There is the initial letter before action, and then a process in which we look to see if a satisfactory agreement can be reached. If not, that leads on to litigation. Of course, there was wasted PPE—my hon. Friend is absolutely correct about that—but I have already set out the context of the global scramble and the huge amount of PPE that was successfully delivered, saving lives and protecting workers in our NHS.

  • Neil O’Brien – 2022 Statement on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    Neil O’Brien – 2022 Statement on Government PPE Contracts, Michelle Mone and PPE Medpro

    The statement made by Neil O’Brien, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department of Health and Social Care, in the House of Commons on 24 November 2022.

    Sourcing, producing and distributing PPE is, even in normal times, a uniquely complex challenge. However, the efforts to do so during a pandemic, at a time when global demand was never higher, were truly extraordinary. Early on in that pandemic, our priority was clear: to get PPE to the frontline as quickly as possible. All of us in this House will remember that moment, and how desperate we all were to see PPE delivered to the frontline.

    During the course of the pandemic—nearly at its peak—400 staff were working on sourcing protective equipment, and tens of billions of items were sourced. We worked at pace to source new deals from around the globe, and we always buy PPE of the highest standard and quality, and at the best value for money. Over the course of the programme, due diligence was done for over 19,000 companies, and over 2,600 companies made it through that initial due diligence process.

    With huge demand for PPE all across the world, and with many countries introducing export bans, our risk appetite had to change. We had to throw everything behind our effort to protect those who protect us and those who needed it most. We had to balance the risk of contracts not performing and supplies being priced at a premium against the crucial risk to the health of frontline care workers, the NHS and the public if we failed to get the PPE that we so desperately needed.

    As well as due diligence checks, there was systematic price benchmarking. Prices were evaluated against the need for a product, the quantity available, how soon it was available and the specification. Many deals were rejected or renegotiated because the prices initially offered were not acceptable.

    There are always lessons that we can learn from any crisis, but we must not lose sight of the huge national effort that took place—I thank the officials who worked on it—to protect the most vulnerable while we tackled one of the greatest threats to our public health that this nation has ever seen.

  • Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to National Press Club of Australia

    Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to National Press Club of Australia

    The speech made by Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the Minister of State at the Foreign Office, in Australia on 28 November 2022.

    Thank-you Andrew. Good afternoon everyone.

    I want to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land, the Ngunnawal people, and pay respect to elders past and present.

    Thank-you also to the National Press Club for giving me the privilege to speak with you today.

    I understand every Australian Prime Minister and Opposition leader for the last 40 years has addressed the National Press Club – so –

    I am delighted to be in such great company.

    In this job, you learn to never pick a fight with people who buy ink by the barrel and I’m looking at all of you.

    However, I hope the journalists in the room today will indulge me in highlighting a recent piece in The Australian.

    The article asked if the UK would have the “strategic bandwidth” to focus on the Indo-Pacific, in the light of our immense support for Ukraine.

    It is a fair challenge. And one that I want to address head-on.

    As the UK’s newly appointed Minister for the Indo-Pacific, my answer is that we cannot afford to do anything other than focus on this region.

    It is home to half the world’s people, and half of projected global growth.

    It will have a huge hand to play in the global economy for decades and centuries to come. Particularly through rules-setting alliances such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

    It is a glittering hub of innovation, full of natural partners for British scientists, researchers and tech developers.

    With the right policies and support, the high growth economies of the Indo Pacific can help lead the world to net zero.

    And with 60% of global shipping passing through the region – security and stability here, has a direct impact in British homes and on British businesses.

    In short, this region is critical to the UK – to our economy, our security and to the international rules based system, that both our countries cherish.

    Which is why last year, when the UK Government set out our strategic direction for the next decade in our Integrated Review, we committed to pursuing deeper engagement and building stronger relationships and partnerships through an “Indo-Pacific Tilt”. This approach is one which our new Prime Minister is absolutely committed to.

    Australia is of course one of our closest and most like-minded partners in the region.

    In fact I think there are few countries in the world that enjoy such strong historical, political and cultural bonds as we do together

    From the dark days of the Second World War to our joint fight against ISIS, we have stood side-by-side, in defence of our shared values and interests. AUKUS is perhaps a continuation of that tradition.

    So when it comes to our Indo-Pacific Tilt, Australia is very much a magnetic force for us.

    A reliable partner, whose counsel and judgement we respect.

    Over the last couple of years we have been working to cement our Indo Pacific ‘Tilt’ through new agreements, stronger relationships and new institutional bonds.

    This demonstrates that we do have the “strategic bandwidth” to focus on the Indo-Pacific, and to continue our support to Ukraine.

    I will say more about those ties in a minute, but first I want to reflect on Ukraine.

    Russia’s assault on Ukraine is illegal and unjustifiable. And it simply cannot be allowed to succeed.

    If we allow Russia to violate another country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, every single international border becomes less secure.

    President Putin underestimated the resolve of Ukrainians.

    The UK alongside Australia and our international partners, stand united against the Russian government’s egregious violation of international law and the UN Charter.

    In January up to 70 Australian Defence Force personnel will deploy to the UK to help provide training to Ukrainian soldiers.

    The UK’s total package of military, humanitarian and economic support for Ukraine amounts to nearly £4 billion since the start of the invasion.

    We have issued nearly 200,000 visas to enable Ukrainians to find safety in the UK.

    That’s a commitment of over 7 billion Australian dollars, and the equivalent of relocating the population of Townsville to our shores.

    To echo Foreign Secretary James Cleverly, Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific economies and security are indivisible.

    Staunch cooperation and prosperous futures are built on so much more than geography.

    We are in an era of borderless challenges and competition for knowledge, ideas and global resources.

    So influence over energy, critical minerals, alongside innovation and technology, are just as likely to define how states interact and prosper.

    Of course we cannot talk about the Indo-Pacific region, without considering the role of China.

    The UK will always stand side-by-side with our international partners and allies, and this includes in how we respond to China.

    It is important to have dialogue and maintain engagement and bilateral trade with China, a global actor and driver of growth. But China poses a systemic challenge to our shared values and interests when it departs from global rules and norms, and when it aligns itself with aggressive countries like Russia.

    Alongside our partners, the UK believes in a free and open Indo-Pacific.

    So, I want to reassure you that the UK Government will always stand up for our sovereignty and economic security – and that of our partners.

    Let me give you a brief glimpse into the partnerships we’ve been building right across the Indo Pacific in three broad areas: security and defence; resilience and tackling climate change; and trade and investment.

    First, our historic AUKUS agreement reflects the unique trust between the UK, US and Australia. It reflects our shared values, and our joint commitment to Indo-Pacific security.

    We have made good progress on the deal, entering the final stretch of an eighteen-month feasibility study to deliver nuclear-powered submarine capability for Australia.

    The UK and Australia share a long and proud history of naval cooperation. But AUKUS will be more than just this important generation of submarines for the Australian Navy.

    Our collaboration on cutting edge defence technology will give our countries a competitive edge, ensuring our people are kept safe from harm and enhancing our ability to achieve shared goals, including promoting security and stability in the Indo-Pacific.

    Second, the UK has increased our defence presence in the whole region.

    Last year our Carrier Strike Group toured the region engaging with over 40 countries.

    Our offshore patrol vessels HMS Spey and HMS Tamar are now stationed in the Indo-Pacific to be able to work with key allies and partners consistently and to build closer relationships and understanding.

    HMS Tamar is one of the Royal Navy’s newest and greenest ships, and she recently visited Darwin.

    HMS Astute, first of her class and one of the most advanced nuclear submarines in the world, docked in Perth last year.

    Our maritime partnerships are about promoting the international rules based system, and the fundamental right under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, for maritime vessels to move freely in international waters.

    Third, we are working with partners to build their capacity to tackle threats to regional stability.

    From illegal and unregulated fishing, to defending maritime law, to tackling serious and organised crime.

    We can overcome these challenges by working with allies and partners, listening and responding to regional concerns is at the very heart of our approach.

    Listening to the region, and working in partnership, is also central to our approach to building resilience, particularly to climate change.

    I have just come from the 12th Conference of the Pacific Community in Vanuatu.

    I met with Vanuatu’s Prime Minister Ishmael Kalsakau, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Jotham Napat, and learnt about their priorities of their recently-elected government.

    They were very clear that Vanuatu is on the front line of the climate emergency.

    So we will be working even more closely with them and with other partners to accelerate global action on climate change. Good intentions aren’t enough, action and better finance flow to these most vulnerable communities is now imperative.

    The UK is also supporting the delivery of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent, which sets out Pacific countries’ vision for a cleaner, safer and more resilient future.

    Following the UK’s Presidency of COP 26, 90% of the global economy is now committed to net zero, covering 88% of global emissions.

    And 90% of the world’s forests are now protected under the Glasgow Leaders Declaration for Forests and Land Use.

    But keeping the world to a 1.5 degree pathway is the challenge of our time. As Alok Shama said at Sharm El Sheik, just a couple of weeks ago it is really hanging by a thread right now. We can see this in the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Synthesis Report and in Australia’s State of the Climate Report released last week.

    I am pleased Australia has legislated for a new emissions target of 43% by 2030, and net zero by 2050.

    And we welcome Australia’s ambition to host COP 31 alongside Pacific partners.

    The changes we need to make to our infrastructure and economies are a challenge. But the opportunities on the horizon in the green and clean economy are immense.

    In the UK we now have 43% of electricity from renewable sources. We are a global leader in off-shore wind, and we will continue to work with Australia and countries in the region on their own transitions.

    I am also delighted to announce a new development a little closer to here in Canberra.

    The British High Commission building will soon be home to our new Pacific Development Unit, which will help us deliver even more support for those nations suffering the harmful impacts of climate change.

    The third sector of cooperation I will touch upon is trade and investment.

    As the former Trade Secretary, I was committed to building the exchange of ideas and technology that we share with Australia.

    Last year, we launched the Space Bridge, a new partnership to increase trade, investment, research and collaboration between our space sectors.

    The UK is building similar win-win partnerships with economies and sectors across the region.

    We gained ASEAN Dialogue Partner status last year, and agreed a Plan of Action over the summer, recognising the importance of ASEAN centrality to maintaining peace and prosperity across the region.

    We were the first European country to secure a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with India.

    And we intend to be the first European country to accede to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership.

    For the UK, the benefits of membership speak for themselves: access to a high standards, free trade area worth over 16 trillion Australian Dollars a year.

    And a potential market of half a billion customers in some of the fastest growing economies on the planet.

    But this isn’t just about benefits for the UK.

    In the CPTPP we will be staunch friends to Australia.

    We will be an unequivocal advocate for high standards and greater collaboration on priorities like developing our green and digital economies, and making our supply chains more resilient.

    As many of you may know we are finalising the enabling legislation in the UK Parliament for our bilateral free-trade deal with Australia.

    As an MP for a rural constituency, I know from sheep farmers in the North East of England that there are strong views on both sides.

    But as I tell them, we have achieved a modern, world class, comprehensive deal that is good for the UK and good for Australia.

    It won’t just end tariffs on goods, and slash red tape for businesses, it will open up opportunities for our citizens to live and work in each other’s countries.

    There’s a golden rule in story-telling, show don’t tell.

    But I hear you say – that’s rich coming from me as I’ve just spent the last 15 minutes telling you about the UK’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific!

    So I’ll close by showing you what we are doing

    I am here, in the region. Our ships are here. Our people are here. Our High Commissions and Consuls across Australia and the Indo-Pacific are here – including six missions across the Pacific Islands, three of which we have opened in the last three years – in Vanuatu, Samoa and Tonga.

    We are building science, trade and defence partnerships with Australia and our partners across the Indo-Pacific.

    We are global Britain, and you are modern Australia.

    We celebrate what our countries have already achieved together, and we look ahead to facing the challenges that come together.

    Thank you.

  • Grant Shapps – 2022 Letter to Energy Companies on the Level of Direct Debits

    Grant Shapps – 2022 Letter to Energy Companies on the Level of Direct Debits

    The letter sent by Grant Shapps, the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, on 27 November 2022.

    Letter (in .pdf format)