Tag: Speeches

  • Edward Timpson – 2014 Speech at Council for Disabled Children

    Ed Timpson
    Ed Timpson

    Below is the text of the speech made by Edward Timpson, the Children’s Minister, at an event hosted by the Council for Disabled Children on 24th February 2014.

    Thanks, Christine [Lenehan, Chair and Director, CDC]. It’s great to be with you today.

    And firstly, a huge thanks to you and the Council for Disabled Children and In Control for hosting this important event. The first in a series of 5 that are all over-subscribed – an indication that they are much-needed.

    And to NHS England too, for their continued support in bringing these events together and for their work with clinical commissioning groups and my department to help deliver these substantive reforms to special educational needs.

    I hope you’ve found it to be a productive day so far and are feeling more confident about what these changes – the biggest for 30 years – mean for the health service.

    Now I know that you’ve been through some significant changes of your own in the NHS. I don’t underestimate the challenge this brings. But as your attendance today testifies, I know that you also share our ambition to do much better by some our most vulnerable children – children for whom support has, sadly, too often fallen short.

    When I first took on the SEN brief 18 months ago, I kept hearing the same refrain from families; about how they faced an endless and excruciating fight with a system that’s supposed to help them. About how they found themselves falling through gaps in services that failed to work together. And how they had to repeat their stories over and over again to different agencies.

    I’m afraid to say that too many singled out health as especially hard to engage and get around the table. This is particularly worrying given the significant number of children needing health support under the current system, but perhaps in some ways it’s not entirely surprising.

    I think we would all acknowledge that the existing set-up hasn’t made it easy for you to do your best for these children and join up with education and social care in their interests – something that we know has caused frustration on all sides and that we know is absolutely key in securing better outcomes and a better transition to adulthood.

    New duty on health and drive for integration

    Which is precisely why we’re overhauling the SEN system, through the Children and Families Bill and the new 0 to 25 code of practice, to provide you with the framework and freedom to support much better integration, both for children with SEN as well as disabilities.

    And through the Care Bill, currently going through Parliament, extending the provision of services beyond 18 where this makes sense, rather than using the blunt instrument of a birthday to determine need.

    As you’ll already have heard from Christine, Andrew, Amanda and Martin, these changes promise to be truly transformative; requiring much closer co-operation between services and a bigger say for young people and their parents – whether through the local offer, setting out the support that’s available in an area, or through new education, health and care (EHC) plans.

    But perhaps the most vital change in all of this is the new duty on health to provide the health aspect of these new plans and to work with local authorities to jointly assess and meet children’s needs.

    This represents a real breakthrough; rebooting the relationship between health and social care firmly and decisively in favour of families. Dissolving the barriers in language, culture and approach that divide team from team, department from department, agency from agency. Spurring professionals to no longer just zero in on their piece of the jigsaw, but to see the whole picture from the perspective of the child and their needs.

    A truly integrated approach that we’re championing in a number of ways – such as the enhanced role for mediation; making the disputes process less adversarial and, with a single point of redress for health, education and social care, making it much easier for families to navigate.

    Now, I know that, with health having different structures for complaints procedures, there was concern about whether families would have to go down separate routes to challenge provision. So I’m pleased that we’ve been able to make improvements and provide greater reassurance in just this area.

    We’ve also listened to worries about schools failing to support children with disabilities or medical conditions, with reports of parents being forced to come into schools to administer medication and pupils even being excluded.

    That’s why we’ve introduced a new duty to make it easier to hold schools to account on managing medicines. This will be underpinned by statutory guidance – that’s currently out for consultation – based on existing good practice. So parents can have more confidence that their child’s needs, both health and educational, will be met in schools.

    But, in many ways, the real acid test will be joint commissioning; with the scope it offers, for instance, to create integrated care pathways with health services. If we can get this right, we’ll not only get a better match between need and the support provided, but also generate better results as well as save costs.

    All of which should make your job easier and also more satisfying – and I think it’s important to stress that this is central to our ambitions for a better SEN system. Professionals who are freed and supported to do the very best for their patients.

    NHS reforms

    Now, believe it or not, I don’t want to load you with unnecessary changes on top of the ones you’ve already gone through. Or demands that conflict with your broader work in the health service.

    On the contrary. This drive for more collaboration on behalf of children with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND) is very much in line with the NHS constitution and reforms to the wider NHS, which advocate greater integration wherever possible.

    And as you know, there’s an objective in the NHS mandate regarding children with SEND – that NHS England will be monitoring clinical commissioning groups against.

    So there’s a real opportunity here, on the back of acknowledged difficulties in the past and changes to the NHS, to do things differently and better for some of our most disadvantaged children – with health playing a pivotal role as equal partners alongside social care and education.

    It’s an agenda that involves us all. Quite simply, we can’t do it without you.

    Progress, pathfinders and personal budgets

    As has been said, the Children and Families Bill has completed its passage through Parliament and the legislation will shortly receive royal assent. But this is very much the beginning, not the end of the work that needs to be done.

    We all know that the real hard work, the effort that ultimately pays off, doesn’t happen in Parliament, but in classrooms, GP surgeries, nurseries and clinics, not to mention family homes. A change in law must go hand in hand with a change in culture if it’s to have the impact we all want to see.

    And I’m encouraged that we’re starting to see this important shift.

    As the bill’s progressed and the 20 pathfinders testing the SEN reforms across 31 local authorities have made inroads, there have been growing signs of a change in the approach, understanding and involvement of health providers.

    And as you’ve just heard, families and professionals are starting to feel the benefits.

    The pathfinder in Southampton, for example, has developed an integrated health and social care service that has cut right back on duplication of assessments through joint visits and by co-ordinating information provided in previous assessments.

    Hertfordshire, another pathfinder, has brought parents and health and education professionals together to better understand the family’s journey through the system and how this can be improved when developing new education, health and care plans.

    And there’s the app, developed by Early Support, our SEND delivery partner, which helps families receive, record and share information with all manner of health and education professionals and, in doing so, offers the prospect of useful discussion without endless repetition.

    I’ve seen also for myself, on visits to pathfinders in Surrey and Bromley, what a difference this level of engagement can make. How much more involved and empowered young people and their parents feel in drawing up their own package of support through the education, health and care plans.

    And also what a rewarding experience it is for the professionals involved. As one consultant paediatrician put it:

    I’ve found the new process really positive. The live documents we’ve generated with the parents capture a much better description of the child. Their personality really shines through.

    Not something, I think, many health professionals would necessarily have said before.

    Personal budgets are also having a similar effect; shifting the focus from the mechanics of provision to the potential of each young person, resulting in better conversations between families and professionals.

    And giving children and their parents more choice and control over the support they receive – support such as the dedicated one-to-one health worker who was employed to help a 3-year-old girl with complex health needs that were stopping her attending nursery.

    In her case, at the pathfinder in Oldham, education, health and social care joined forces to provide the funding needed to ensure that the child didn’t miss out on her education – which is surely what integration is all about.

    As one parent, who is using a personal budget, put it:

    It was really lovely to feel…heard on an equal footing…Now I feel part of a team…Now it feels as though there is someone on my side.

    Implementation

    All fantastic examples of what can be achieved when services really come together – and examples that I hope will inspire you as you gear up for the new system which, as you know, kicks in this September.

    And looking forward, we all want to ensure as smooth a transition as possible for vulnerable families and for them to be able to take full advantage of the new arrangements. So now is very much the time to step up your preparations.

    So I’m pleased to see that, in many places, these preparations are already underway, but we know there’s still a lot to do.

    Pathfinders tell us that it takes a least a year to get ready, not least for the cultural change to take hold. So it’s essential that everyone involved; the NHS, education, local authorities and others services, intensifies their efforts.

    And there’s no need to wait. Wolverhampton and Richmond aren’t pathfinders, but they’ve already begun involving families in developing education, health and care plans and a draft local offer.

    Doing more now saves time and energy later and can even lead to savings, so there’s every incentive to act with urgency and make the reforms a success.

    And we want to do everything we can to help you with this.

    Which is why we’re providing local authorities with a £70 million SEN reform grant that they can use, with no ring-fencing, to work with health and others to deliver these changes.

    It’s why we’ve made £30 million available to recruit and train – with the help of the Council for Disabled Children – over 1,800 independent supporters to help families navigate the new system.

    And it’s why I’m working closely with Dan Poulter, my ministerial colleague at Health, to provide advice on implementation to clinical commissioning groups, health and wellbeing boards as well as to chief executives and lead members in all local authorities.

    We’re also extending the pathfinder champion programme until March 2015, so that local areas can readily draw on lessons from those who have trodden the path, including in the vital area of health.

    Listening to young people

    But, in many ways, the best guide to how services should be flexed and fused comes from children and young people themselves; brought to home me most powerfully in my regular meetings with EPIC, a group of disabled young people assembled, again, with the help of the CDC. They’ve provided me with valuable advice on the SEN and disability reforms – and held my feet to the fire on a few occasions too! I’m thinking, in particular, of a highly articulate and astute young man called Cory, whose wisdom and practical insight I’ve benefited from hugely.

    They remind me, time and time again, that no-one else has a keener understanding of what will make their lives better. And that services could save themselves a lot of time, money and effort if they just took the trouble to sit down and listen to them.

    Conclusion

    After all, they’re the reason that we’re all here today – because we want children and young people with special educational needs and disabilities to be able to aspire and achieve as other children do.

    Because we want them to do well at school, form strong relationships and find success and fulfilment in work and further study as independent adults. Nothing more, nothing less than we want for our own children.

    And all of you in the health service are absolutely critical to making this happen.

    So I very much hope that you will continue to work with us and work ever more closely with your colleagues in education and social care to make a difference to the prospects of some of our neediest children.

    Now I know that this may seem a lot to ask given all the changes that you’ve already been through – and I can’t thank you enough for the hard work and dedication you’ve put in so far.

    But with the new duties on health, which reinforce wider changes in the health service, there has never been a better opportunity for you to play a full and active role in transforming SEND provision – backed by the significant support that we’re providing.

    The fact we can see that this more ambitious approach is already working wonders in the pathfinder areas and beyond gives us real cause for optimism. Like you, I want families everywhere to be able to enjoy this kind of outstanding support.

    Support that fits in with their needs and not the other way around. That sees children’s potential and not their limits. Support that’s truly on their side.

    Thank you.

  • Edward Timpson – 2014 Speech on Young People and Sport

    Ed Timpson
    Ed Timpson

    Below is the text of the speech made by Edward Timpson, a junior Minister at the Department of Education, to the Youth Sport Trust Conference on 5th February 2014.

    Thank you, it’s a pleasure to be here.

    Before going any further, let me get a confession out of the way: I’m a big fan of the Youth Sport Trust. Not just because your work to give every child access to sport – and change their lives through sport – is essential – but because your passionate belief in the power of sport can be – and often is – an inspiration to others.

    Because any sports fan can remember those defining moments when we were inspired to go and compete.

    I remember mine.

    It was 1982, and I was excited. My dad was running the second ever London marathon, and I was standing with my family along the Mall, waiting for him to come cantering past. If anyone recalls Hugh Jones – one of our best runners back then – he dashed past in first place, the crowd erupting as this blur of red hair flew by, a human gazelle speeding towards British glory – and with unrivalled anticipation I waited for my dad to come through behind him.

    And waited. And waited.

    Two hours later, there he came, running around the corner.

    Well, I say running – staggering would be more accurate.

    So it maybe wasn’t first place – but I went wild as he plodded past. And over 30 years on, as I try and knuckle down to training for my ninth London marathon this year, it inspires me still.

    And that’s exactly what you do – inspire and encourage and train and support – and give young people access to sport. It’s great work, and it’s great to be here today.

    Collaboration in government

    And the theme you’ve got for your conference – excellence through collaboration – it made me think.

    It made me think about the culture that surrounds sport – its special nature – and what those 2 ideas really mean.

    And I came to the conclusion that we’re probably on the same page.

    For instance, collaboration is at the heart of our approach at a national level.

    We all know that school sport is important for so many different things.

    It’s important for health.

    I’m not sure if anyone saw the figures on child obesity released before Christmas. Obesity rates in children fell to 14% in 2012 – the lowest level since 1998.

    That’s encouraging, though it’s certainly not enough to be complacent. But we’re so used to bad news on child health – a creeping barrage of headlines about an inactive, inert generation. These numbers show it just isn’t inevitable.

    We all know that school sport – getting children active – is an essential weapon in the fight against obesity.

    And I’m sure I don’t need to convince you that sport and PE have a real and lasting positive effect on pupils’ wider attitude towards school.

    Sport offers children something quite distinctive. A chance to compete, to push yourself – but also lessons about teamwork and people. We even have a word – sportsmanship – for the particular respect and ethos that sport, at its best, creates.

    Whether it’s generosity in victory, discipline in training – or simple humility after an absolute thrashing at the hands of a better team – sport isn’t a bad way to learn about life.

    Put that way, it sounds like quite good training for politics, too.

    So sport is about health, and about competition, confidence and character. And if it’s something that affects so many aspects to growing up – often referred to as our physical literacy – then we need to get the health, education and culture departments all working together.

    That’s why we set up a cross-ministerial working group last year, so that different departments are all working together – really working together – for the first time. It’s collaboration, at the heart of government.

    We meet every month, bringing together colleagues from across government and real experts from the sector – including, of course, Sue and John from YST.

    Sport for all children

    And we don’t just want sport to be for the minority, either.

    Many of you I’m sure will know of Rachel Yankey. She plays for Arsenal and England.

    She’s the most-capped England player of all time – beating Peter Shilton by just 1 game – which is fine by me, because anyone who’s talked to me for more than 5 minutes will know my hero is the goalkeeper Joe Corrigan, and Peter Shilton kept Joe out of the England men’s team for most of the late 1970s.

    So, that 1 extra cap makes all the difference.

    Anyway – when she started to play football aged 7, Rachel and 2 male friends tried to join a local club.

    Except the club was boys-only.

    So she said her name was Ray – which was near enough the truth – and cut her hair short to fit in.

    And she got away with it for 2 years. I’m not sure her parents approved of the new hairdo.

    But she went on to become England’s first ever female full-time professional footballer.

    I think we can all agree that it’s just wrong if ambitious girls like Rachel have to fight against the system to get a chance to play. About two-fifths of all boys over 14 play sport each week. But for girls, it’s just a third. That’s such a waste of talent.

    But if we look over the Atlantic to the USA, we see the rewards for letting that talent blossom and grow into a national force. There are now 1.7 million women registered with US Soccer – not far behind the 2.5 million we have. It can be done.

    That’s why Maria Miller, the Sport, Culture and Media Secretary, set up a group to look specifically at how to encourage more girls into sport – bringing in high-profile businesswomen, athletes and sport experts.

    And that’s why Sport England’s Active Women campaign got £10 million from the lottery to work with low-income women. There’s a £2.3 million project in Bury, too, called ‘I will if you will’, seeing what sort of activities would bring more women and girls into sport. And we funded the Women’s Sport and Fitness Foundation to understand where future efforts should be directed.

    And the same goes for disabled sport. It’s wrong for special educational needs or disability to prevent access to sport, or physical activity.

    So 10,000 disabled children now have the chance to play meaningful, competitive sport . Fifty schools – like the Marjorie McClure School in Bromley that I’ve visited – run the Project Ability strand of the School Games, which aims to increase sporting opportunities for disabled young people. And for the first time, Change4Life clubs now offer the Paralympic sports, boccia and wheelchair basketball.

    Now, everyone remembers the Olympics opening ceremony, with Sir Tim Berners Lee sending a tweet that flashed around the stadium – saying ‘this is for everyone’.

    He was of course talking about the internet – but he may as well have been talking about sport.

    Because not everyone will win an Olympic medal. Only a few will ever score for Arsenal. Or win the London marathon.

    But everyone can get excited about sport if we encourage them – and if we give them the opportunity.

    That, to me, is what collaboration really means – working together, government departments and sport experts, so that the passion and excitement and sheer fun of sport is accessible to every child, at every level, from every background.

    So collaboration is a principle that runs through our work.

    Excellence in sport

    But what about the other theme of this year’s conference – excellence?

    Well, we’re backing excellence through competitive sport.

    With your help, with substantial support from the National Lottery and from Sainsbury’s, the School Games are growing year on year.

    Last year, around 16,000 schools took part – that’s almost two-thirds of all schools.

    I’ve met headteachers and children who took part in the finals in Sheffield, and the excitement and pride was obvious. The games really were the talk of the playground and staffroom alike.

    We want them to go on, growing each year – so that every child, in every school, has access to competitive sport – to have the chance to excel on a national stage, to have the chance to surpass their personal best.

    And as you know, PE remains very much part of the national curriculum – and compulsory for children at all 4 key stages.

    We think PE teaching is a specialist role too. So it deserves bespoke support.

    That’s why we’ve invested three-quarters of a million pounds in creating a new intake of specialist primary PE teachers. The first 120 trainees will be qualified to teach from this September – and it’s already attracted some high-calibre graduates who want to share their love of sport.

    But it’s not just about what we do in central government.

    We want to see these principles at a local level, too.

    Local lead for school sport

    Look at the primary sport premium, for example. We’ve committed over £450 million up to 2016. It’s the only money for schools that’s ring-fenced.

    But it’s up to schools to work out how to spend it. Whether it’s bringing in specialist sports experts to work alongside staff, or buying new equipment, investing in facilities, or using that money for continuous professional development or staff training – we’ve given real discretion over how it’s used.

    And across the country, with the help of the Youth Sport Trust and others, we’re seeing some schools taking some really imaginative approaches.

    Some are pooling their money, for example. They realised that they get better economies of scale for buying equipment, or benefitting from a PE specialist. That they can share facilities, or staff. So they’ve joined forces, and created their own local networks.

    And again, it’s not just about education. Health and wellbeing boards are getting involved too – because in health, like in education, local conditions vary – so local organisations should lead.

    And it’s not just primary schools benefitting.

    We’ve always been eager for schools of all ages to work together.

    Projects like Access to Schools in Birmingham are trying to find ways to get better use of secondary school facilities by the wider community, while Sport England aims to have 4,000 ‘satellite clubs’ at secondary schools by 2017.

    And we’re now seeing that the sport premium is bringing primary and secondary schools together.

    In Southwark, for example, Bacons College has taken the lead in setting up a network, the London PE and School Sport Network. They work with YST and 72 primary, 17 secondary, 5 special and 4 independent schools across the borough – working together to give the best PE teaching possible, and make the most of that premium money.

    So we might be keen on collaboration at a national level.

    But I’m even more delighted that schools have taken it on at a local level.

    There are no one-size fits-all policy solutions for school sport.

    And this sort of local energy and teamwork is exactly what we hoped the premium would foster.

    Tribute to the Youth Sport Trust

    And in that context, I want today to pay tribute to the work of the Youth Sport Trust.

    Because you’re at the forefront of grassroots work. Your help with using the premium wisely. Your sessions for cluster co-ordinators. Your essential work with the School Games. Your training for PE coordinators in schools, National School Sport Week, your sport camps and more – all these things drive up interest and participation in sport.

    And nowhere more so than with the Youth Ambassadors programme.

    It’s so important to make sure the memory of that amazing summer in 2012 doesn’t die. I’ve been fortunate to meet some of the hugely impressive ambassadors who, up and down the country, are keeping the spirit of 2012 alive.

    And today, I’m delighted to announce that we will be renewing the funding for the programme.

    We will extend funding for an additional 12 months – £250,000 for 2014 to 2015 – to help continue the Ambassador’s efforts – and get more and more children into sport.

    So at a national level, at a local level – collaboration and excellence – that’s what we want.

    I think we all agree on that.

    Conclusion

    Now arguably, in sport, collaboration can go too far.

    At the first ever London marathon – the year before my dad raced Hugh – the first 2 people to cross the line, American Dick Beardsley and Norwegian Inge Simonsen held hands in a public display of sportsmanship.

    Now I’ve run a marathon with my wife. We ran the London marathon together in 2012, the Olympic year. And I’m ashamed to say that, although we ran stride for stride the whole way, as we came to the finish line on the Mall – almost on the same spot I’d stood and cheered my dad on 30 years before – rather than grab my wife’s hand in a gesture of solidarity, mutual respect – and dare I say, love – I grunted a self-motivating ‘come on’ and did a Linford Christie style dip – in order to come 7,836th rather than 7,837th.

    My excuse? On the field, collaboration sometimes has to take second place to excellence.

    But when we’re talking about how all of us can inspire the next generation – about how we build up and maintain active, healthy kids who enjoy sport and get everything it has to offer – it’s a different story. Collaboration and excellence are 2 things we should insist on.

    And as we move forward with a sustained drive to push them both through the power of sport, I thank you for your help, and commitment, in making it happen.

  • Edward Timpson – 2013 Speech at Sexual Exploitation Conference

    Ed Timpson
    Ed Timpson

    Below is the text of the speech made by Edward Timpson at the Sexual Exploitation Conference held by the LGA on 13th February 2013.

    Thanks, David [Simmonds, Chair LGA Children and Young People Programme]. I’m glad to be here.

    I’d firstly like to say how extremely grateful I am to the LGA, Ann [Coffey] and others here today from many sectors for their efforts to combat child sexual exploitation.

    I would echo much of what Ann has just said, especially her emphasis on how pivotal local agencies are to the fight against this most horrific of crimes. I know how deeply Ann cares about this subject – her thoughtful insights on it are always greatly valued.

    Now, let’s begin with some good news.

    More perpetrators are being prosecuted and jailed; sending out the message, loud and clear, that those who prey on children face stiff punishment.

    And there’s also increasingly focused and effective work underway to fight this most horrific of crimes – we’ll be hearing more about this from speakers representing councils in Birmingham and Kent. It’s also good to see Rochdale represented here today, to share lessons learned from when things do go wrong.

    But there’s clearly much more to do.

    I was very interested to hear what you had to say, David, about doing some further work to raise awareness of child sexual exploitation and producing more resources for councils on this.

    I very much welcome this because, as we know, greater recognition of this despicable form of abuse is fundamental to the fight against it.

    It’s fair to say that awareness has improved locally, but we know there are still too many areas that haven’t got to grips with the problem, even though it’s become increasingly apparent that it’s a much more widespread than previously thought.

    Barnardo’s – which, of course, has done much to highlight this issue and is being represented here by Anne Marie Carrie later today – recently reported an alarming rise in the number of cases known to them, with increasing numbers of children being trafficked around the country and victims getting younger.

    So, as a first step, it’s crucial that local areas urgently establish the true scale and nature of the problem.

    Key to this, I believe, is the need for a major re-think of our attitudes towards victims and their families.

    Understanding that this manipulative and coercive abuse can happen to any family and that the children affected are to always be treated as victims means that this abuse is less likely to go undetected – making it easier to track what is really is going on the ground.

    This greater awareness and understanding is also more likely to galavnise the partnership work that’s so vital to tackling this issue.

    Because it’s a poor understanding of the issue; particularly disbelieving attitudes towards the young victims, that has largely kept this scourge in the shadows for so long.

    Having grown up with many foster children and worked in the care system as a family barrister – including on cases involving sexually abused children – I have some experience of living and working with traumatised and damaged children.

    But it’s hard to comprehend the extreme violation and suffering to which these children have been subjected.

    They deserve our every support and yet, too often, agencies haven’t listened to them or believed their allegations, meaning more children being abused for longer. It is clearly completely outrageous and unacceptable for the young people affected not to be treated as victims.

    I’m absolutely determined that we should do all we can to change this. To make sure we punish and prevent child sexual exploitation wherever and however it occurs. And, crucially, put victims and families first.

    Progress so far – national action plan, CSE round table and LSCB meeting

    This is why that we’ve made raising awareness of this abuse and promoting partnership work central elements of the national Child Sexual Exploitation Action Plan we launched last year.

    Last July, we published a progress report on the plan and followed this up with a roundtable meeting in December, which I chaired, involving other Government Ministers and a range of organisations.

    We discussed the progress we were making, but also challenged each other on whether we were all really doing  everything we could.  I’m keen to hold more of these meetings so we keep up the momentum.

    And just a few weeks ago, I chaired a meeting with the Association of Independent Local Safeguarding Children Board Chairs (LSCBs).

    I was pleased to hear that they’re taking a number of important steps to prioritise action in this area – for example, making it easier to share the best approaches to tackling child sexual exploitation through the creation of a Practice Development Group. And through regional leads on child sexual exploitation, supporting all Local Safeguarding Children Boards in addressing the issue.

    Given their key local role, I’ll be watching the progress made by the Boards with great interest.

    Raising awareness

    There’s much positive work for them to build on.

    Over the past year…

    Over 8,000 professionals, from health, social work, the police and other agencies, have benefitted from sessions to raise awareness delivered by the National Working Group (for Sexually Exploited Children and Young People).

    We’ve just re-issued a step-by-step guide for frontline professionals on what to do if they suspect abuse, so they should be better placed to intervene.

    Frontline police officers will also be better equipped to deal with child sexual exploitation thanks to a new training film on the subject issued by the Association of Chief Police Officers. The film is also freely available online for others to use.

    And we’ve also raised awareness among young people by, amongst other things, re-running a Home Office teenage rape prevention campaign in December and January. We will also be re-running a teenage relationship abuse campaign from this month to the end of April.

    Partnership work – prosecutions, criminal justice system

    Much of what’s being achieved powerfully demonstrates the benefits of partnership working.

    An impressive illustration of this is the work of Engage, a multi-agency team from Lancashire. Since it was set up in 2008, the team has secured almost 500 years of custodial sentences and achieved a 98 per cent prosecution success rate. And in working with over 1,500 children experiencing or at risk of sexual exploitation, the team has also driven down school absence and cases of children  missing from home or care.

    A fantastic example of what can be done, even against a difficult economic backdrop, when agencies come together and are determined to act.

    It’s good to know that other Local Safeguarding Children Boards around the country; in Rochdale, Bradford, Sheffield and Oxford, are following Lancashire’s lead and setting up similar multi-agency teams. I want to see others following suit.

    An important lesson that local areas would do well to heed from Engage’s experience is the team’s decision to involve parents in developing a “victim and witness care package”. This has not only helped boost conviction rates, but reduced the distress of victims going to court, a significant factor in their chances of recovery.

    It’s true that court appearances can heap further trauma onto children who have already been through so much. So I want to see the criminal justice system continuing to strive to make sure victims of child sexual exploitation are treated with much greater understanding.

    Work is underway in this area. The Crown Prosecution Service will be publishing new legal guidance on prosecuting child sexual exploitation cases early this year, which will include advice on information sharing and improved support for victims. This complements existing work to make it easier for young victims to navigate the criminal justice system – such as giving child witnesses more choice about how they give evidence.

    Action on missing children, NHS database

    Engage’s success in reducing the numbers of children going missing is also highly significant.

    Because as Ann has said, these absences are one of the key warning signs that a child is being groomed or exploited. It’s a risk factor that’s also been highlighted in checklists issued by several organisations, not least my own Department, and by Sue Berelowitz, as part of her inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Gangs and Groups.

    We know from Sue’s inquiry and Ann’s work on the Joint All Party Parliamentary Group Inquiry, that children who go missing from care are at particularly serious risk of being exploited and harmed.

    As a first step to keeping them safe, it’s clear we must have robust data on the numbers going missing.

    The Working Group we set up last year to look at this has now reported and I announced last week that we will begin piloting a new data collection in the next few months.

    This will, for the first time, collect information on all children who go missing from their placement – not just those missing for 24 hours – enabling better analysis and more effective practice to prevent and combat the problem.

    In addition, we will shortly issue revised statutory guidance on Children who go Missing from Home or Care based on the best local practice. This will complement guidance issued to police forces by the Association of Chief Police Officers.

    Ofsted’s new looked after children inspections and the new multi-agency inspections, which will begin in June, will also shine a powerful light on agencies are working together to protect children.

    Sharing information about children at risk is a vital part of this joint work. We can see this happening, for example, with the launch of a new project, in December, that will help the NHS do more to protect vulnerable children.

    This initiative will link local authorities’ children’s social care systems with systems in the NHS; making critical child protection information available to healthcare professionals who suspect abuse or neglect when treating children in emergencies and unscheduled care. And making life harder for sexual predators.

    Residential care reform

    Predators who, as well as benefitting from gaps in information, are also exploiting weaknesses in the residential care system – particularly an “out of sight out of mind” culture, which has seen too many children being placed in children’s home many miles from family and friends.

    In March 2011, children’s homes in 15 local authorities were entirely occupied by children from other local authorities.

    At the same time, 13 other local authorities, which had children’s homes in their area, made no placements in these homes; instead preferring to send their children to homes in other areas.

    Good children’s homes provide young people, for whom other placements aren’t suitable, with just the intensive, caring professional help and stability they need.

    But we know that there are some homes where support for children and security are poor. Which are located in parts of the country with meagre facilities and, worse still, where there are disproportionately large numbers of sex offenders often synonymous with organised criminal activity.

    We know that these children in these homes, many of whom are already damaged, are especially vulnerable to these dangers. We’re determined to do much more to protect them.

    We’re already on track to make it possible for Ofsted to share information on the location of children’s homes with the police and we will be urgently consulting on a number of further changes…

    That require local authorities, at a senior level, to take more responsibility for out of area placements that are a significant distance away.

    That ensure there’s rigorous independent scrutiny of the quality of care in each home.

    And that clarify the roles and responsibilities of the placing authority, the children’s home and the area where the home is located, so there’s a real, shared responsibility for safeguarding the child and promoting their welfare.

    We’re also proposing to reform the qualifications framework to address the low level of qualifications among staff in children’s homes.

    By this summer, we’ll publish a revised data pack on residential care which will include more detailed information about children’s homes by local authority and region. This should go some way towards helping local authorities make much better choices.

    Given the vulnerability of children in care to these and other kinds of dangers, it’s crucial that we do all we can to keep them safe which is why I’m delighted that Sir Martin Narey, the government’s adoption advisor has agreed to expand his role and will advise us more generally on children’s social care. His experience and expertise will, I’m sure, make a significant contribution to progress in this area. As a first step, the Secretary of State has asked Sir Martin to look at the quality of education and training for child and family social workers as part of the on-going reform of social work. Today we have also advertised the Chief Social Worker posts; they will play a pivotal role in driving up quality and the status of the workforce.

    Conclusion

    In all of this, we will continue to work with you all to find the best way forward.

    Because, as the national action plan makes clear, what happens at a local level is absolutely critical. It makes clear that child sexual exploitation must be seen in the context of wider safeguarding responsibilities that cut across sectors and agencies.

    So it’s vital…

    That local authorities and LSCBs map the extent and nature of the problem in their area as a matter of priority.

    That they work together and share information; across children’s social care, health services, education, the police and the courts, to spot the warning signs early, take swift and co-ordinated action and reduce the opportunities for abusers.

    And that they transform attitudes, at a senior level and on the frontline, towards victims and their families.

    Doing this will not only help save young people and their families from terrible suffering, but, as Ann has said, should help save money in the long run.

    I would urge you, wherever possible, to work in partnership with young people and parents – their experience and insights are critical to battling these abhorrent crimes- and, of course, in the long, hard road to recovery.

    Statutory agencies and voluntary organisations need to be mindful that those affected may need support to avoid becoming victims again and to pick up their lives for a long time after the abuse has ended.

    I recently met a group of parents whose children had, tragically, become victims of this abhorrent abuse. Their heartbreak at this appalling betrayal of childhood innocence was tangible. But I was also deeply moved by their courage and determination – to support their children, but also to make the world a safer place for all our children.

    They’re counting on us. To change our mind set and see the child in need of protection. To act and fulfil our first duty to keep them safe.

    I know you’re as committed as I am to doing this; to fighting this abuse head-on; ensuring perpetrators pay for their crimes and making sure children and their families get the support they so desperately need and deserve.

    Thank you.

  • Stephen Twigg – 2013 Speech to Policy Exchange

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Twigg, the Shadow Education Secretary, to the Policy Exchange Conference on 23rd January 2013.

    I am delighted to have the opportunity this morning to set out my thinking on the future of vocational education in this country.

    I want to thank David and Policy Exchange for providing me with this platform and for the important contribution that you are making to this debate.

    The report that you published earlier this week reveals both the challenges and opportunities we face in delivering a vocational education system that will strengthen our country’s standing in the world.

    We can only achieve lasting and sustainable reform if there is a coalition of support across politics, business and of course amongst parents, teachers and students themselves. Policy Exchange is playing an important role in building a coalition that is both in the best interests of young people and future economic growth.

    It is great to see that Labour’s plans to improve the status and quality of practical and technical skills in this country, which Ed Miliband announced last September, are now gaining cross-party support. Our plans for a gold standard Technical Baccalaureate qualification are supported not just by this leading right of centre think tank, but also by the Conservative former Education Secretary Lord Baker, and albeit belatedly, by the Minister for Skills.

    It’s this kind of consensus that can create long term education reform. It’s the kind of consensus that is totally lacking in Michael Gove’s plans to introduce EBacc Certificates. Or I should say there is a consensus, just not in favour. It spans the CBI, the designer of the iPhone, the head of the Tate gallery, the leading private schools, the head of Ofqual and many teachers and their associations. It’s not often they can all agree. Their opposition to EBacc Certificates reflects Labour’s concerns – that the plans are narrow, risk creating a two tier system and are not fit for the 21st Century.

    As the former Education Secretary Lord Baker put it “The EBacc is exactly the same to the exam I sat in 1951 when I was 16, the School Certificate. And that was changed, even in 1951, because it simply wasn’t broad enough for a large number of children. And only seven per cent of young people went on to post-16 education, I was part of a privileged elite. And the EBacc is a throwback to that.”

    Instead of seeking to recreate the past, the central question we need to address is: how do we reform our education system so that it equips young people with the skills, knowledge, resilience and character that they need to play their part both as active citizens and as future business leaders and entrepreneurs?

    Tim Oates, who has been advising the Government on the national curriculum, has talked to me about Britain’s strength in skills, innovation and creativity. We need to ensure we play to our strengths, rather than undermine them.

    For me, strengthening the skills of young people in Britain is a great patriotic cause. It should be seen as part of our economic mission – at the heart of our drive to maintain our competitive edge in the world.

    The problem, as Tim has noted, is that our vocational education system was designed in this country after the Second World War only to be exported to Germany, where today, it continues to prosper.

    Today, Britain risks losing the global race on skills. We need to be as strong as Germany and Switzerland on vocational education, and as competitive as Singapore and Japan on Maths. Our future national competitiveness is at stake.

    Rab Butler’s 1944 Education Act sought to make progress. The introduction of technical schools – known as County Colleges was set to offer 15 to 18 year olds technical education to supplement their apprenticeships. But this ambition was never realised.

    Ever since we packaged up and sent off our post-war blueprint for technical and practical education, successive governments have failed to deliver the step change that our education system and economy need.

    While Britain was once the workshop of the world, we have seen a de-industrial revolution in recent decades. When Margaret Thatcher came to power, manufacturing accounted for almost 30 per cent of Britain’s national income and employed 6.8 million people. By 2010, it was down to just over 11 per cent of the economy, with a workforce of only 2.5 million.

    Since the 1980s, there has been a focus on school standards and expanding Higher Education. However, successive Governments have not done enough to help the 50% of young people who don’t go to university. We would now focus our reformist zeal on the skills agenda – driving up the standards of vocational and technical courses by getting employers to accredit them.

    That is why Labour has placed vocational education front and centre in our plans for One Nation Education.

    My fear is that without a clear drive and focus on raising the standards of practical and technical skills in this country, we will condemn ourselves to a decade of economic decline.

    If we look at the leading countries for vocational education, it becomes clear the sort of step change that we need in this country.

    In Switzerland, which I plan to visit later this year, nearly two-thirds of Swiss upper-secondary students enrol in vocational education and training. In a study of the 2000 cohort of Swiss youth, vocational study was the choice of 42 per cent of the highest academic achievers.

    In Germany, around half of all young people under the age of 22 have successfully completed an apprenticeship, and they are offered by around one in three companies.

    According to the OECD, the dual system in Germany “offers qualifications in a broad spectrum of professions and flexibly adapts to the changing needs of the labour market” with a “high degree of engagement and ownership on the part of employers and other social partners.”

    If we are to match countries like Germany and Switzerland we need a major reform programme of vocational courses and qualifications.

    The CBI has argued that improving the quality of vocational courses could add as much as a percentage point to economic growth.

    Instead of having courses designed by politicians, Labour would involve businesses in accrediting the quality of vocational courses as part of a new gold standard qualification at 18, a Tech Bacc.

    One gold standard qualification that exists today is the Engineering Diploma. In fact you could say it was a Rolls Royce qualification – having been designed by the company along with the Royal Academy of Engineering, BAE Systems and JCB. Sadly, the Government decided to downgrade the qualification from being worth 5 GCSEs to only 1.

    Bizarrely, the Chancellor now says they intend to reinstate a diploma worth 4 GCSEs, but only from 2016. This u-turn illustrates the incoherent and shambolic approach to vocational education from the Government. To secure Britain’s economic future, we must do better.

    We need to give students a clear route so they can progress. There are too many young people who go through a revolving door of low qualifications, suppressing their potential.

    Alison Wolf noted in her report that 350,000 young people gain little or no value from the education system. Simply getting a few level 1 or level 2 qualifications often leaves students at risk of ending up not in employment, education or training or finding that there is little return from the labour market for such a low level set of qualifications.

    Incredibly, the system can actually reduce their potential. Young males with Level 2 NVQs actually earn less than their contemporaries with fewer qualifications. That is staggering if you think about it for a moment – their courses have made them worse off.

    There are complicated factors behind this revolving door of low qualifications. Prior attainment and engagement in the early years plays its part, as do wider social and economic issues. But getting rid of careers advice, and the EMA have played their part.

    We need to get the incentives right. We must give young people a clear route and a gold standard to aim for at 18. One that is respected by employers, universities and parents.

    So Labour’s Tech Bacc will provide a rigorous set of qualifications to motivate young people to progress well beyond Level 2.

    We also need to provide more quality, high level apprenticeships from which school and college leavers can progress into. I was interested to note the recommendation of 3 year apprenticeships in Policy Exchange’s report this week.

    On the Government’s watch, while the number of apprenticeships has increased, not enough have been of high enough quality, and too few have gone to young people.

    Often apprenticeship starts have been about re-badging training courses for existing older workers, rather than giving young people a foot on the employment ladder.

    So Labour would engage employers in designing high quality apprenticeships, giving them a greater say in spending £1 billion worth of funding to target apprenticeships at young people.

    We would ensure that groups of employers, coming together in regions, sectors and supply chains, have the resources and powers they need to improve training. These would be powerful, employer-led partnerships working with our FE colleges and bringing together industry stakeholders, building on our landscape of employer associations, professional bodies, Sector Skills Councils, Local Enterprise Partnerships and local chambers of commerce.

    Nearly half of employers say that the prospect of trained staff being poached by rival firms deters them from training employees. So Labour will ask business what incentives they need to ensure they can deliver the expansion in apprenticeships we need to rebuild the economy. It would then be up to groups of businesses themselves to decide which of these powers they will use.

    We want to see a new ‘Fast Track’ for apprentices into the civil service, matching the Fast Stream for graduates. And Labour would make it a requirement for all large firms with government contracts to provide apprenticeships.

    We also have to raise the status and profile of apprenticeships. Too many young people go through school without anyone providing quality advice to them on an apprenticeship. Given the reduction in funding for information and guidance, it is no wonder.

    Policy Exchange has brought the challenges to light by illustrating that nearly one in three young people drop out of their A Level courses, reflecting the fact they may not have had the best advice to begin with.

    Labour are looking at how we can improve the quality of advice to young people, including better awareness of apprenticeships.

    I want to see schools and colleges providing Apprenticeship Taster Days to teenagers. If pupils are able to take a few days out of the classroom to visit universities, then I don’t see why the same principle shouldn’t apply to apprenticeships.

    Young people from age 14 should be able to get the opportunity to visit companies who have apprenticeships to see what is involved in the programme, and understand the training and career opportunities open to them.

    I want children to aspire to a high quality apprenticeship, just as much as they might aspire to go to Oxbridge. It might surprise you, but in fact a high quality apprenticeship can be more competitive. In 2010, BT had nearly received nearly 24,000 applications for 221 apprenticeship places, more than the 17,000 applications to Oxford University, which has around 3,000 undergraduate places.

    I also want to strengthen the relationship between employers and schools and colleges.

    This includes businesses being involved in the design of the curriculum to ensure young people are work-ready, and more local employers sitting on school and college governing bodies.

    I am also delighted to announce today that Labour is looking to reform the provision of work experience in schools and colleges.

    The Government have sidelined work experience, ending the statutory duty for schools to provide work experience for 14 to 16 year olds.

    Instead, I want all schools to develop partnerships with local employers. At secondary school that means offering a quality work experience placement linked to the curriculum. The work experience placement must be more than just two weeks of photocopying and tea making. It must be a rigorous programme providing experience of workplace skills and followed up with teaching and learning in the classroom.

    And Labour would go further. We are looking at how businesses can provide ‘work discovery’ programmes to inspire primary school children about the world of work. This would involve businesses conducting visits to primary schools to talk about their sector, and organising factory and office trips for pupils.

    There are already innovative programmes happening to inspire primary school pupils about the world of work. The YES Programme is a work-related teaching resource that provides bespoke films and lesson materials to primary schools. It provides primary pupils with a window into the world of work, directly linked to the curriculum.

    And there is Primary Engineer, a non profit programme which encourages primary pupils to consider careers in STEM related professions, by providing teacher training, interactive resources, and competitions for school children.

    It is clear if we are to develop a generation of entrepreneurs and innovators we need to capture their imagination early.

    Creating a symbiotic relationship between schools and businesses is one of the tasks of Labour’s One Nation Skills Taskforce.

    Led by Professor Chris Husbands from the Institute of Education, we are taking advice from distinguished figures from business and skills. The Taskforce’s remit spans 14 – 19 education and will flesh out rigorous academic and vocational routes in order to improve the confidence of young people, parents, education providers and universities.

    One of the areas we need to consider is how to improve the quality of careers advice and guidance to young people.

    Since the Government decided to give responsibility to schools for careers advice, we have seen 8 in 10 schools dramatically cut the careers advice they provide, according to a survey by Careers England.

    Today, the Education Select Committee has produced a withering assessment of the Government’s record on careers advice. They say that both the quality and quantity of careers advice and guidance has deteriorated, at a time when it is most needed.

    The removal of face to face careers advice by the Government could be hugely damaging in the long term. I’m interested to note the recommendations by the committee to restore face to face provision and for schools to provide an annual careers plan so they can be held accountable to parents for the advice they provide. As the committee notes, young people deserve far better than what is currently on offer.

    To get young people ready for the modern world of work we have to overcome the crude divides which set young people irreversibly down either the vocational route or the academic route.

    Vocational versus academic is one of the many false choices in education. Overcoming the divide is critical to building a One Nation Education System.

    Michael Barber, in his recently published essay Oceans of Innovation challenged educationalists and policy makers to reject the sort of ‘either or’ thinking that has held this country back.

    Labour would provide more flexibility for young people to do both traditional and practical courses.

    As part of our reforms to exams and the curriculum I want to ensure that there are more opportunities for young people to switch between different courses, to ensure they play to their strengths and get a broad and balanced education.

    That means schools developing partnerships with FE colleges and employers to ensure young people doing GCSEs and A Levels get access to equipment, expertise and training in vocational subjects. I have seen this first-hand in schools like the City Academy Norwich which has a partnership with their local FE college.

    It also means ensuring that those who get our new Tech Bacc at 18 see university as a possible option for their future as much as employment or a high quality apprenticeship.

    I want to ensure there is rigour in the core subjects such as Maths and English, but not confined to them. Rigour must be applied right across the curriculum, so we will drive up the standard of vocational courses and academic ones.

    As well as matching countries like Germany and Switzerland on skills, we need to ensure we are competing with the East Asian nations like Singapore, Japan and Hong Kong on the core subjects.

    That means improving the quality of teaching and learning in English and Maths. We did much in Government to improve standards in literacy and numeracy.

    At the end of primary school, eight in ten pupils achieved the required level 4 in English and a similar number in Maths in 2010, compared to only six in ten pupils in 1997.

    And at the end of secondary school, the proportion of students getting a C grade or higher in A Level English went from just over half in 1997 to nearly eight in ten. And at Maths the proportion of students getting a C grade or higher went from six in ten, to eight in ten.

    Ah – that’s just grade inflation I hear you cry. Well, not according to the TIMSS independent international survey conducted by Boston College. This shows that England was ranked 25th in the world for Maths in 1995, but in the most recent study in 2011 we were ranked 9th, the second highest in Europe.

    There’s some way to go still, but one of the programmes I am most proud of were the ones that allowed one to one tuition in English and Maths for primary school pupils – known as ‘Every Child a Reader’ and ‘Every Child Counts’.

    These were innovative programmes, backed by solid research evidence and supported by businesses like KPMG.

    Unfortunately they have been cut by the Government, despite the fact they got a return on investment of 17 to 1. Already we are seeing 9,000 fewer primary school pupils – a 40% drop – get access to specialist reading tuition.

    As well as focussing on the early years, I want to see all young people continuing to study English and Maths to 18. We know, as Professor Alison Wolf observed, that almost half of young people are leaving formal education at 16 without reaching the expected level of reading, writing and arithmetic. Of those who stay on after 16, only 3% go on to reach that level.

    The Government claims it is addressing the Wolf report, but in fact it only provides re-sits for those who don’t get a C grade at GCSE. I want to go much further and create new courses and qualifications so all pupils, whatever route they take continue studying English and Maths to 18.

    There are a lot of pupils the Government is overlooking. Of those pupils who get a B or a C grade in GCSE Maths, only 16% will go on to study AS-Level Maths. Put another way, every year there are more than a quarter of a million students who achieve a grade B or C at GCSE, but who do not, or cannot, continue studying the subject.

    Labour is examining how we could create new courses and qualifications for those who want to continue studying English and Maths, but don’t feel a whole A-Level is the right option for them.

    We are one of the only countries in the developed world that doesn’t require pupils to study Maths and their own language until they leave school. Only one in five students in England studies Maths to the age of 18, whereas the figure in the US, New Zealand and Singapore is over six in ten, and in Germany and Hong Kong it is over nine in ten.

    The raising of the education participation age, which will increase to 17 this year and to 18 in 2015 provides us with an opportunity to fix this once and for all.

    The University Technical Colleges, which started under Labour, prove that it can be done. They require Maths and English to age 18, and are proving popular and successful.

    If you want to succeed in life, you have to be confident and secure in the foundations.

    But you also have to play to your strengths.

    Our strength as a nation is when we combine a drive for academic rigour with the creativity and innovation that powered our success through history.

    It is a strength that will only continue if we have schools, colleges, a curriculum and exams that are forward looking and not regressive.

    If we end that false divide between the academic and the vocational. Ensuring young people are inspired about the world of work from an early age.

    With a relentless drive for reform, across the whole education system.

    Thank you.

  • Stephen Twigg – 2012 Speech to ATL Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Twigg, the Shadow Education Secretary, to the ATL Conference on 3rd April 2012.

    Good afternoon and thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak to you today.

    It’s great to be here with Mary and the rest of the team. The ATL has a proud history in standing up for the rights of female teachers in particular, ever since a small group of women teachers stood together in the late 19th Century. You have been and will continue to be a voice of authority; a hand of support; and a champion for excellent teaching. So I thank you for the hard work that you are all doing in schools and colleges across the country.

    I can well remember my last visit to ATL Conference.

    It was in Bournemouth in 2004 when I was the Schools Minister. Some of the veterans among you might recall an encounter I had.

    At the press conference after my speech, I was approached by a teacher about a national pay scale for support staff in schools – an issue I will come back to later in my remarks. The teacher – Mr Bevan – was fairly forcefully putting forward the case of his wife, a teaching assistant called Marion. As you might imagine, the press had a field day. ‘Minister berated after bathing in the warm applause from conference floor’ ran the story. ‘As he was about to make it to the door’, reports ran, ‘he came face-to-face with an unlikely political assassin.’

    In a twist to the tale, it turned out that the Mr Bevan was in fact married to the same Marion who polled ahead of me in the 1983 mock General Election at Southgate Comprehensive School.

    Standing as the Conservative candidate, Marion polled two places above me, as I experienced my first taste of electoral defeat as a Labour candidate.

    It wouldn’t be the last time I would have to suffer embarrassment at the hands of the Conservatives in Southgate.

    But things have moved on.

    Since my appointment last October, I have spent a great deal of time in schools across the country, learning about the innovative practices that are being employed by education leaders, at all levels of school and in all types of schools.

    If you listen to the Government, you would sometimes think that good practice only exists in free schools and academies. Now, I am unapologetic about the success that the academies Labour set up have enjoyed. Raising standards in some of the poorest neighbourhoods. But if we cherry pick certain schools, we will never raise standards for all.

    We all have a duty to celebrate success in education – as well as challenging under-performance where it exists and being uncompromising on standards.

    It is a widely shared view that we currently have the best ever generation of teachers. But we cannot rest. Building on these foundations, we have to ensure the next generation of teachers is even stronger if we are to maintain our international competitiveness.

    Yet too much of the debate is weighted towards doing down the teaching profession.

    There is a paradox at the heart of the education debate. Ministers criticise teachers for not raising standards.

    Yet their answer is to change the governance structures of school.

    Why not address the real challenge – how to raise the status and quality of teaching in this country?

    I have said this before – it matters far more what classroom you are in, than what school you are in.

    There is fantastic practice happening up and down the country. The challenge is to spread this best practice, while giving teachers the freedom to innovate and inspire.

    So today, I want to address this challenge head on.

    Unfortunately, being in opposition does not afford me the luxury of setting government policy. But it does provide the space in which to reflect on Labour’s record, on the challenges ahead and to hold the government to account on the decisions that it makes. With my colleagues in the Shadow Education Team we are conducting a wide ranging review into our policies to ensure they are fit for future challenges.

    I have asked each of our shadow ministers in the Commons to look at a specific area.

    So Kevin Brennan is looking at the National Curriculum;

    Sharon Hodgson at Special Educational Needs;

    Karen Buck at Youth Services; and Catherine McKinnell at adoption and looked after children.

    Along with Bev Hughes and Maggie Jones in the Lords – we are taking on the mantle of renewing our offer.

    And I hope many ATL members will contribute to these reviews with your ideas on how we can collectively raise our game.

    When I was appointed I said that I wanted to put the classroom front and centre in the debate on education. Too many, on both the Left and the Right, are obsessed with overhauling structures. And as important as structures are, we know that what makes the most difference to the education outcomes for our children is the quality of teaching.

    This is what the evidence says and it is evidence that should guide education policy, not ideology and the myths of a golden past. All too often in debates on education, we hear opinions formed by a rose tinted view of the past. There is a tendency for living mythically.

    We saw it last week on grammar schools.

    And we see it today in the attitude – on both sides – to free schools.

    We cannot meet the challenges of an advanced industrialised nation, develop high tech manufacturing skills, pupils adapted to the dissemination of information via social networks with an education approach that is rooted in 19th Century industrialism, 1960s idealism or 1980s marketisation.

    I have argued and will continue to argue for an evidence-based approach to education.

    We also have to ensure that the evidence keeps pace with an era of constant upheaval. I know the pace of change can be overwhelming, but if we fail to keep up it will be to fail the next generation.

    While our economic future is uncertain, while we face unparalleled competition from abroad, and a public that expects far more, our schools have to keep pace.

    While we must invest in buildings, equipment and books – the most important thing is to invest in quality teaching.

    We know that high quality teaching makes the biggest difference, in terms of education outcomes for all young people.

    Especially significant is the impact of teaching on pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds.

    We know that the poorest children are concentrated in schools with the highest levels of underperformance. Research from the Royal Society of Arts identified this ‘double disadvantage’ in which the most deprived young people are likely to receive a below par education.

    The data from their report shows that more affluent pupils tend to attend better schools. By contrast, young people from disadvantaged backgrounds are over-represented in ‘Satisfactory’ and ‘Inadequate’ schools.

    Young people from poorer backgrounds consistently make the least progress in school: the findings from this report demonstrate that the quality of disadvantaged pupils’ schooling contributes to the poor educational outcomes of these (particularly vulnerable) young people.

    Research from the Sutton Trust has shown that over a school year, these pupils gain one and a half years’ worth of learning with very effective teachers, compared with half a years’ with poorly performing teachers.

    In other words, being a poor pupil in a poor classroom, is the equivalent of being left a year behind.

    This is a national scandal.

    I know there are inequalities in our health system, but if poorer patients were left to linger on waiting lists for an extra year there would be a huge outcry.

    But too often in education, we accept inequality – condemning certain children to mediocrity because we assume that they cannot achieve success.

    This is one of the biggest barriers to social mobility today.

    So one of the top priorities of a future Labour Government will be to address these areas of ‘double disadvantage’.

    The double whammy of a poor background and a poor school – creating a cycle of poverty that can exclude generation after generation.

    We started to address this in government. Our academies had an average intake of 30% of pupils on free school meals – well above the national average of 18%, and six times the average intake in academies set up by the Tory-led Government.

    The research conducted by ATL into increased numbers of pupils on free school meals highlights the increase in poverty, as families across the country are feeling the squeeze.

    So double disadvantage is a growing problem.

    It is important we don’t lose focus on healthy school meals, including breakfast clubs as routes to increasing attainment.

    And it is important we understand why free school meals have a low take up in some areas – if there is more to do to address issues around stigma.

    We need innovative solutions to tackle cyclical poverty – the priority should be to develop educational best practice and target at these areas of double disadvantage.

    Too often the Government focuses its energy on pet projects which don’t raise standards in areas of real disadvantage.

    While Labour’s academies focussed on some of the poorest communities, by contrast, the Free Schools and Academies being set up under the Tory-led Government are often in areas with already outstanding schools, and higher levels of wealth.

    The priority for new schools should be areas with a shortage of places. In particular, more primary schools to address the growing crisis in primary places.

    The Government is failing to deal with this urgent shortage. Across England we need nearly half a million more primary places – the equivalent of building an extra 2,000 primary schools between now and the General Election.

    All the Government has done so far is promise an extra 100 new Free Schools, many of which will be secondaries and many not in areas with the greatest need for places.

    This shortfall is being felt on the ground. In Barking and Dagenham, the council are proposing to rent out an empty Woolworth’s store and a warehouse from MFI to house temporary classes.

    Brighton Council is looking at pupils being taught at a football stadium, in a bingo hall or in redundant churches.

    And at Ladybarn Primary School here in Manchester a surge in pupil numbers means that pupils have to eat their lunch in shifts, with the first wave sitting down to their lunch at 11.15am. Many then have to have a second meal in the afternoon because they get hungry again.

    It is irresponsible that while pushing through the biggest cuts to education spending since the 1950s, the Government decided to spend half its capital allocation in the Autumn Statement on Free Schools. We believe all the capital should be spent on meeting basic need on the ground.

    Even more importantly, if we are to address this double disadvantage, we have to encourage more teachers to teach in tough schools in poor neighbourhoods. The exact opposite of what will happen under the Government’s regional pay plans.

    If regional pay means pay cuts for teachers in the poorest parts of England how does that help tackle disadvantage? I urge the Government to think again.

    Part of the answer to addressing the double disadvantage is to develop stronger progress measures – so parents and communities better understand how schools develop children, not just churn out results.

    A school that is progressing is more likely to attract quality teachers and quality leaders.

    And we need to challenge teachers and schools to continually improve.

    For poor performing schools, the focus must be on improving attainment and raising basic standards. For satisfactory schools, the focus must be on developing innovative approaches which go the extra mile. And for good or outstanding schools, the challenge is for them to take on extra responsibility to raise standards amongst other schools in their community.

    By the same token, a teacher should be able to demonstrate how they have improved their practice every year – year after year. And the Government’s teaching standards should reflect that – so a newly qualified teacher is not treated in the same way as a professional of many years standing.

    My education mission is to improve the quality of teaching and learning. That is the key to unlocking systematic improvements in our school system.

    And that is my aim – system wide improvement. Not a policy that works for a few children in a few schools but systemic reform that delivers better outcomes for all children in all schools.

    I know part of the answer is to foster a culture of good behaviour, where teachers and other pupils are respected, bullying is not tolerated and an ethos of learning is celebrated.

    I want to pay tribute to the pupils from the Magna Carta School who spoke to you yesterday on the issue of homophobic bullying in schools.

    Schools should be safe and secure environments in which all young people embark on their journey of personal development and fulfilment, in becoming people who think for themselves and act for others.

    Schools should give children and young people the space in which they are educated of the dangers of discrimination and in which diversity is celebrated.

    Yet for too many young people, going to school is an all too different experience.

    While there has been some great progress since I was at school, homophobic bullying still blights the lives of too many young people.

    Where homophobic bullying goes on, discrimination and harassment prevail. Learning and development are stifled.

    As a young man at school, I was unable to share the truth about my sexual orientation openly. In fact I only shared it with a single friend.

    I would have hoped that by today, other young people in my situation would not have had to share the reservations that I had.

    That they would not have to face discrimination and stigma for their sexual orientation.

    Sadly, despite progress in overcoming discrimination of this kind, we must all redouble our efforts to tackle homophobic bullying in schools and across society as different forms of homophobia – verbal, emotional and physical – continue.

    I want to commend the excellent work of Stonewall through their ‘Education For All’ campaign. Working with trade union partners, they play a crucial role in supporting teachers and schools to confront the homophobic bullying in schools.

    But even today, there are still very few “out” teachers, especially heads. I want to pay tribute to the courage of those who are out and the positive role ATL and the other teacher unions have played on LGBT equality.

    We have made great progress in institutions like Parliament, with far more MPs and Peers open today about their sexuality. While I respect people’s right to privacy, it is a mark on our society if teachers feel unable to be open.

    The tragic story of Dominic and Roger Crouch brings home the loss that can occur when discrimination prevails in our schools.

    Dominic Crouch committed suicide following reports of homophobic bullying at school. Responding to the death of a child, a father’s worst nightmare, Roger campaigned to highlight the issue of homophobic bullying in schools. Roger was recognised as the Hero of 2011 by the gay rights charity Stonewall. However, the consequences of Dominic’s bullying did not stop at his own death. In November of last year Roger, unable to cope, took his own life.

    I highlight the experience of the Crouch family to illustrate the consequences of the forces of ignorance. We must all take forward the powerful message of the pupils from the Magna Carta school to confront homophobia, in all its forms.

    So I want to pay tribute to Charlotte Hewitt, Molly Russell, Hannah Wells, Cara Houghton and Duncan Lewry for their fantastic work to address homophobic bullying in schools. Their video carries a powerful message and warrants the commendation that they received from the Prime Minister. In taking on this project, these young people have shown excellent examples of leadership and we should all commend their efforts. We have to do far more to address bullying in schools of all kinds.

    First, teachers should have specific training on anti-bullying skills as part of their initial teacher training.

    Second, schools must adopt a zero tolerance approach, with a particular focus on discrimination.

    Third, every school should have a charter – posted visibly in classrooms and corridors which explains what kind of behaviour is unacceptable.

    All of us have a responsibility to challenge bullying, and we have to ensure a culture that supports those teachers and pupils who stand up to bullies.

    I know too that violence and bullying isn’t something that just affects pupils.

    I was shocked to see the research which ATL produced showing that a third of teachers had experienced some kind of physical violence.

    While there is a responsibility on school leaders to address this problem, there is a clearly a wider issue here.

    Schools can often be the only ‘safe haven’ for young people.

    Parents can be a huge influence on their children. They are the ultimate force for change.

    When parents take a strong interest in their child’s development, it can be the difference between good and bad behaviour, the difference between good and bad attainment, and the difference between a life of success, or a chaotic and troubled future.

    So Labour will look at the whole issue of parenting and childcare as we conduct our policy review process.

    Tackling intergenerational failure – poverty, illiteracy, worklessness, substance abuse and criminality will be the key marker of our success as a society.

    I am privileged to have had the opportunity to spend a lot of time visiting schools and meeting with teachers, seeing the fantastic work that goes on in many class rooms. One of the things that has struck me from talking to teachers is the need to look again at how teachers are supported in strengthening and developing themselves to improve the educational outcomes in their classrooms.

    Raising performance does not come about by talking down the teaching profession.

    Michael Gove has got it wrong by focusing on a minority of poorly performing teachers. Of course, not everyone has what it takes to be a teacher. And I have said that I will always support head teachers in getting rid of those who do not make the mark. But in weighting the debate so heavily towards the minority, the Education Secretary risks undermining the profession.

    Improvement and change come about by fostering learning within the teaching profession and by taking the profession with you, not by pitching yourself against it. When I was a minister, the London Challenge showed what can be achieved through effective partnership work and working with the profession. Ofsted reported in 2010 that the London Challenge has continued to improve outcomes for pupils in London’s primary and secondary schools at a faster rate than England overall.

    And whilst we should be cautious about applying an approach across the country that has worked in London, there are lessons we can learn.

    The Sutton Trust has found that English schools could improve their low position in international league tables in Reading and Mathematics and become one of the top five education performers in the world within 10 years if the performance of the country’s least effective teachers was brought up to the national average.

    In schools across England, there are leaders in all levels of schools and in all types of schools who are using the creative space afforded to them to be innovative in collaborating with colleagues within their school and across schools. These ‘energy creators’ are pioneering innovation and leading the charge for system improvement.

    I am interested in seeing how we can learn more from collaborative models, such as those at North Liverpool Academy, where large classes are taught by three teachers, promoting peer-to-peer planning, delivery and evaluation. I am frequently told by teachers that there needs to be a greater emphasis on peer-to-peer learning, both within and between schools. I will be interested in hearing from you today on your thoughts on the best ways for taking forward this agenda.

    I want to recognise the excellent work of Teach First, celebrating its 10th anniversary this year, and the impact that it has had on both raising performance and the status of the teaching profession. What makes their initiative so impressive is not just the excellent graduates coming through over the past 10 years but the emphasis that Teach First places on producing graduates who share in the responsibility of raising outcomes across their own schools and their community of schools in which they work. I met recently with Teaching Leaders who similarly share this outlook and who are doing fantastic work with middle leaders in schools.

    Both individual teachers and schools can and must play a role in driving system wide improvement.

    It’s useful here to look at the criteria, set out by education expert Judith Little, in identifying what makes a good school. She argues that we can tell a good school- one that delivers educational progress and improved outcomes for all children- where the following criteria are evident:

    – where teachers talk about teaching;

    – where teachers observe each other’s practice;

    – where teachers plan, monitor and evaluate their work together;

    – and where teachers teach each other.

    Collaboration amongst teachers – within and between schools – is the key to achieving this. And whilst there are examples of this occurring organically, there is a need to systematically address how the education system promotes collaboration and innovation here.

    As Mary highlighted in her speech yesterday, we know that the highest performing countries place far greater emphasis on peer-to-peer learning in the Continued Professional Development of teachers. So as well as learning from good practice at home, there are valuable lessons from abroad.

    For example in Japan, the following components shape their pedagogy:

    – a very sharp focus on lesson planning (minute by minute);

    – joint planning between teachers across schools;

    – joint reflection and refinement;

    – repeat ‘performance of lessons’; and

    – public demonstration of successful lessons

    So we need to look at how high performing jurisdictions like Japan have achieved success and ask what we can do to improve the Continuing Professional Development of our teachers.

    And that I why I have asked Sir Tim Brighouse – who many of you will know – to review CPD for teachers in the country. Tim is a distinguished educationalist who has championed the voice of teachers. I know that Tim is very well placed to provide evidence-based recommendations on the best way forward for system wide improvement.

    And as it is right that we must continue to strive for improvements in teaching, it is also right that we continue to work to raise the status of support staff in our schools.

    I recently shared a platform with Mary, when I launched the idea of establishing an ‘Office for Educational Improvement’. The idea is to create an educational equivalent of the Office for Budgetary Responsibility to act as an independent clearing house for evidence-based education policy. Chairing the event, the Editor of the Times Education Supplement, Gerard Kelly, challenged Mary and I to be guided by evidence on support staff. I want to take on this challenge here today.

    I have to say, support staff can play a vitally important role in school improvement but this is dependent on the role and function that they fulfil.

    Recent research from the Institute of Education reports that an under-performing child who spends more time with a Teaching Assistant and thus receives less attention from teachers will not progress as well as they should. Teaching Assistants can and should play an important role in the classroom but they must not become the primary educators for SEN children or those who are falling behind.

    In Government, Labour delivered a step change in our education system, through a programme of investment and reform. We invested in huge numbers of Teaching Assistants and in support staff in schools. And we were right to do so. It is right too that we consider the evidence to look at how support staff, as we do with teachers, can be most effective in raising the educational outcomes of all children.

    We should recognise the hard work and achievements of support staff. As Education Secretary, Ed Balls made strides towards a better deal for support staff in their terms and conditions. And whilst we didn’t achieve all that we might, progress was made. I know that many ATL members will be keen for the Government to set out its vision for support staff, an area that as yet, we have heard very little on.

    Finally, I want to turn now to touch on something your President Alice Robinson has written about in her welcome message to conference delegates.

    Accessing high quality learning opportunities should be open to all of our children. Unfortunately, this is not the reality.

    Opportunities for self-fulfilment for all our children, whatever their background

    Raising aspiration in children so that they know that they can realise their true potential through hard work.

    That is why I am in education.

    Under Labour, whilst we didn’t get everything right, we made huge strides.

    In narrowing the attainment gap between the rich and the poor

    In raising the status and quality of the teaching profession

    And through investment in Early Years which pays dividends down the road

    A Sure Start Centre in every community

    Nursery places for 3 and 4 year olds

    A guarantee of 15 hours a week childcare for the most deprived 2 year olds

    In introducing these radical policies, Labour set the terms for what became the accepted narrative. Investment in early years is better for children and better for the economy.

    Yet, despite the Prime Minister’s promises on Sure Start, he has not remained true to his word.

    Hundreds of children’s centres closing. The ring fence on funding removed. And many centres unable to employ a qualified teacher any more.

    We also see in the crisis in primary school places, a Government that is failing to respond. Favouring to concentrate on pet projects, Michael Gove is ignoring the half a million new places we will need by the next election.

    So as Labour moves forward in renewing our offer on education, we will be guided by evidence and we will focus on:

    – system wide improvement, that will improve learning outcomes for all children in all schools;

    – tackling double disadvantage to narrow the gap between the richest and poorest pupils;

    – and reforms that builds on the foundations of the best generation of teachers

    I look forward to having that debate with everyone here at ATL and with others in the education world.

    Thank you.

  • Stephen Twigg – 2012 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Twigg, the Shadow Secretary of State for Education, made at Labour Party conference on 4th October 2012.

    Thank you.

    And thank you to Dave and Joan, you inspire us all. It’s a privilege to do this job when you meet young people like Joan. She came here having claimed political asylum.

    Despite all the barriers, she became a grade A student. Conference – she is One Nation Britain.

    I learned aspiration from my Mum. A bright girl from the East End of London, she left school at 15. My Mum always told me, “That’s not going to happen to you. You’re going to university.”

    I also had great teachers. Funnily enough, one of them was called Mr Coward.

    Mr Coward gave me the courage to become the first pupil from Southgate Comprehensive to go to Oxford. He shows the power of a great teacher.

    I say this to Michael Gove – stop running down our teachers and young people. Celebrate their ambition instead.

    I love doing this job, but I couldn’t do it without the support of the frontbench team.

    So thank you to Sharon, Kevin, Karen and Lisa in the Commons and Bev and Maggie in the Lords.

    And thanks to my Policy Commission co-chair, the GMB’s one and only Mary Turner. Thanks Mary.

    Our central challenge is how to get our economy growing.

    We’re not the biggest nation. So for a country like ours, it’s smart to be smart.

    Education isn’t just a moral right, it is an economic good too.

    The Tories claim they want high standards. But they’ve put standards at risk. The biggest cuts to education since the ‘50s, and teacher numbers falling.

    Young people held back. Like the thousands who lost out, when their GCSE English was downgraded.

    Michael Gove washed his hands of responsibility.

    So much for “we’re all in this together”. His message to young people is – you’re on your own.

    It’s no wonder that One Nation Conservatives don’t agree with him. Ken Baker, the former Education Secretary says Labour is right on vocational education, and the Conservative MP Graham Stuart says Michael Gove’s new exams are ill conceived and incoherent.

    We know Michael Gove is wrong, but even Conservatives think he’s extreme and out of touch.

    He claims to be in favour of rigour. But he is totally outdated. Rote learning and regurgitating facts. An exam system from the 1950s.

    We believe young people need both knowledge and skills. The rigour of the future, not the past.

    As well as the basics, we need creative subjects like music, design and art.

    And practical subjects like engineering and IT. But what do the Tories do? They focus only on the Ebacc and say the engineering diploma, a course designed by Rolls Royce, is worthless.

    How out of date can you get?

    And how does removing the right to work experience help young people get ready for a job? Now more than ever, young people need quality work experience.

    In primary school, companies should provide ‘work discovery’ programmes and in secondary school, every young person should get work experience linked to their studies not just two weeks of photocopying.

    Labour will meet the challenge of every young person staying on until 18.

    As Ed said on Tuesday, there is already a clear path for those who do A Levels and then go to university.

    But we need a clear path for the forgotten 50 per cent.

    So we will create a new, gold standard vocational qualification – the Technical Baccalaureate.

    Michael Gove wants narrow, elitist education. We are the party of One Nation education.

    Instead of going back to O-levels, we will look forward. Instead of coming up with a plan on the back of an envelope, we will engage the experts – in business and education.

    So I am delighted to announce today that Professor Chris Husbands, from the Institute of Education will be chairing a taskforce to take forward these ideas.

    Every young person must study English and Maths until 18. Incredibly, we are one of the only developed countries in the world that doesn’t require this.

    Barely one in ten pupils who are on free school meals at age 11, study English and Maths after the age of 16.

    That is a huge injustice. So I hope you will join our campaign, by signing up on the website or tweeting using the hashtag “3Rsto18”.

    We will build this One Nation Education system by raising standards for all.

    Take Joan’s school, United Learning’s Paddington Academy, set up under Labour. Five years ago, only a quarter of pupils got 5 good GCSEs. Now, three quarters do and they sent their first pupil to Cambridge.

    That’s raising aspiration for you.

    Or take Barlow Hall Primary, here in Manchester. In 2004, standards were well below average. Today, with a cutting edge Reading Recovery centre, it is a school transformed.

    We take on those who say “you can’t turn coal into diamond”.

    Michael Gove has a plan for some schools and some pupils. We have a plan for all schools and all pupils.

    I want every school to have the freedom to innovate, not just some. To shape their own curriculum. To develop specialisms. To have a longer school day.

    Alongside freedom comes responsibility – strong schools should work with weaker schools to raise performance for all.

    And all schools should ensure pupils get a minimum of two hours of PE a week, and that every pupil in every school gets a healthy meal.

    Because when it comes to a fight between Jamie Oliver and Michael Gove, I know whose side I’m on.

    So, all schools with extra rights, and extra responsibilities. One mission: raise standards for all.

    What about free schools? On the one hand, some of them are good.

    School 21 in Newham. Popular with parents. They use groundbreaking techniques to raise standards for some of the poorest children.

    Labour can’t be against schools that drive up standards and narrow the gap in life chances.

    But there are serious problems with Michael Gove’s centralised Free Schools programme.

    He thinks the way to build new schools is to throw darts at a map. So while there’s a crisis in primary school places, Free Schools are built in areas with spare places.

    And unlike Labour’s academies, there’s no focus on under-performance or social and economic need.

    I say – engage with local parents and communities, and you won’t end up with the chaos and waste of schools that don’t open or are half empty.

    Instead of decisions made in Whitehall, we will restore a partnership between local and central government and end the practice that stops good local authorities setting up new schools.

    And whatever the type of school, whether academies, co-op schools or community schools, we will put local communities and parents back in the driving seat.

    We know what Michael Gove really wants – profit-making schools. Let me be clear: I will never allow profit-making schools.

    But the key to One Nation Education is not the type of school but what happens in the classroom. Our education system is only as good as its staff.

    Michael Gove insults teachers – calls them “whingers” – and on his watch 10,000 have left the profession.

    We should celebrate the school workforce – not just teachers and heads, but the caretakers, the teaching assistants, the dinner ladies. They are heroes.

    The best countries in the world for education see teaching as an elite profession for top graduates.

    Take teacher recruitment. In England we consider it a success when we fill every vacancy.

    But in Finland and South Korea, there are 10 applicants for every place.

    We have the best generation of teachers ever. But it can be even better.

    We will have a New Deal for Teachers.

    Labour supported Teach First to bring top graduates into teaching.

    I want the number of Teach First recruits to double from 1,000 a year to 2,000 and then further still, so it becomes one of the main routes into teaching.

    I want to develop ‘teacher taster’ sessions for those who want more of a feel for the job and a new National College for Teaching Excellence.

    Teachers need to be rewarded appropriately so we can attract the best candidates, especially in subjects like maths, sciences and IT which are harder to recruit.

    This Government wants to reduce salaries for teachers in poorer areas. How ridiculous.

    Instead I want to look at ideas like helping pay back your tuition fees, if you go to teach in a poorer area. Something for something.

    Teachers should be given more opportunity to collaborate and develop subject knowledge.

    Funding should be more flexible, so a teacher can do a master’s degree if they want.

    One way to improve teaching is to remove poor teachers. I want a teacher to have the same status as a doctor, but that means incompetent teachers must be removed.

    So. A New Deal for Teachers. New rewards, and new entitlements to training.

    And with the responsibility to improve year on year.

    It’s heartbreaking to see the damage the Tories are doing to our education system.

    It’s not enough to criticise. We have to show we will make a difference.

    We’d help the teenagers whose GCSEs were downgraded.

    We’d help the parents who can’t get their child into primary school.

    We’d help the forgotten 50 per cent.

    One Nation Education.

    Excellence for all.

    The comprehensive ideal realised.

    Live your dreams, realise your potential.

    Wherever you come from, whatever your background – that is our mission.

    Thank you.

  • Stephen Twigg – 2012 Speech to Stonewall Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Twigg, the Shadow Education Secretary, to the Stonewall Conference held at the British Library in London on 5th July 2012.

    Good morning everyone. It is great to be here and to have the opportunity to address you on the very important issues of how we tackle homophobia and homophobic bullying in our schools. Schools- and the education system more broadly- have made very real progress in tackling discrimination and bullying in its many forms since I was at school. I will leave it to you to judge how long ago that was. As a young gay man at school, I was unable to share the truth about my sexual orientation openly. In fact I only shared it with a single friend, even though I knew for years that I was gay. I am pleased to learn about the brilliant work that is being done by schools, local authorities, trade unions, businesses and third sector organisations to ensure that young LGBT people feel that they can be more open than I felt I could be.

    Television and the media can be powerful beacons for exposing discrimination and addressing homophobic bullying in society. I want to pay tribute to programmes like Hollyoaks that has tackled this issue head on.

    Whilst schools play a very important role, which I will come on to, the media – and increasingly social media- can be influential in combating the discrimination that scars the lives of too many young people. It is fantastic to have Mark Thompson with us today and to hear his thoughts on how the media takes forward its responsibility.

    I welcome today’s publication of the Schools Report 2012. This is a very important contribution to this debate. As Labour’s education spokesman, I have the pleasure of being able to spend a good deal of time visiting schools and colleges right across the country.

    Schools should be safe environments, conducive to learning, enquiry and discovery. They should be spaces for young people to develop as individuals.

    Places where we celebrate culture and diversity within our society, at home and around the world. Schools are the vehicles by which children embark on their own journey of destiny and fulfilment.

    But we know that this vision is not one that is offered to all young people and today’s report highlights that, whilst progress has been made, as Ben rightly points out in his introduction to the School Report 2012, today’s findings leave little room for complacency. More than half of the 1600 young people surveyed for this study reported experience of homophobic bullying. Of those, over 2 in 5 have attempted or thought about taking their own life as a direct consequence. These findings show just how far we still have to go in realising the vision for all children, in all of our schools that I have just set out.

    To strike a more positive note, there are real improvements. Levels of homophobic bullying down 10% since Stonewall’s 2007 School Report. The number of schools that say homophobic bullying is wrong has more than doubled.

    A testament to all of those people and organisations that have taken the initiative and led from the front. We may finally be moving out of the long dark shadow cast by Section 28. I want to pick out a couple of examples of schools that are doing exactly this.

    I want to pay tribute to the pupils at the Magna Carta School in Surrey. Charlotte Hewitt, Molly Russell, Hannah Wells, Cara Houghton and Duncan Lewry produced, as part of their creative and media diploma, a short film to expose the reality facing those on the receiving end of homophobic bullying. ‘Homophobia: Our Closeted Education’ won praise from the Prime Minister. In taking on this project, these young people have shown excellent examples of leadership and we should all commend their efforts.

    To take another example. Earlier this week I visited Royal Wootton Bassett Academy to learn about their excellent Every Child Matters programme. The school sets aside 5 days per year for pupils to learn about social issues.

    I joined Year 9 students to hear Eva Clarke a Holocaust Survivor give her very powerful testimony and make explicit connections with prejudice and bigotry today.

    I welcome that schools are taking the initiative and structuring their curriculums to educate young people on what it is to be a citizen in today’s society.

    And in a few minutes we will learn the winner of this year’s Stonewall Education Equality Index. I look forward to presenting this important award.

    I want to say a few words now on changes in the education landscape and how these are likely to impact on our efforts to combat homophobia in schools.

    I believe in a broad curriculum, grounded in rigour and one that allows flexibility for schools. Labour in government introduced citizenship to the secondary curriculum. I am a passionate believer that schools have an important role in fostering young people who have high standards in Numeracy and Literacy, and in creating citizens and the civic leaders of the future. We are often presented with a false choice by the current government on this.

    It’s rigour and standards versus a rounded education, they say. I say, yes to rigour and high standards, for all children in all schools. And yes, to a curriculum that enables schools, whatever the type of school, to equip children with a rounded education, one that challenges prejudice and celebrates diversity.

    I see from the workshops planned for the breakout sessions that you will hear for yourselves excellent examples of schools, primary and secondary, using the flexibilities within their curriculum to do exactly this. I am excited by schools like School 21, being set up in Newham, and Reddish Vale Technology college, where I visited recently, that are taking innovative approaches to embedding PSHE and citizenship education within their curriculum. There are many tools being deployed in our schools.

    The use of extended projects that require independent enquiry and investigation across subject areas. Scheduled debating time built into the school day. Speaking and listening skills should be at the core of a 21st century curriculum. School volunteering projects, working with community partners to take action in local communities. Theatre and the arts as a means for expression and celebration. These are just some of the exciting initiatives that schools are taking.

    I regret that the Government looks set to backtrack on this agenda on citizenship, in pursuit of an education system guided by a rose tinted view of what worked in the past. But I know that there is a great deal of good will and desire from within the school system and that many schools will use the flexibilities afforded to them to maintain a broad, rich and inclusive curriculum.

    The schools landscape is changing very rapidly in England. The school system will be a very different one at the next General Election to the one that the Government inherited in May 2010.

    We are seeing an unprecedented centralisation with the proliferation of academies and introduction of free schools. This presents big questions on how schools, and other agencies in education, work together to continue to raise standards for all children in all schools.

    Traditionally, local authorities have been an integral part of the school system. Now that more than half of all secondary schools in England are academies, we are seeing a fragmentation in the school system. I welcome the opportunity for more innovation in our schools. However, it is not desirable nor is it feasible for so many schools to be accountable only to the Secretary of State. It creates a democratic deficit.

    Schools should not operate as independent islands. I am a true believer in both autonomy and collaboration. There is so much potential in greater collaboration between schools and between teachers in different schools. We have the best generation of teachers ever and we must build on this.

    So we must look carefully at the impact of this fragmentation on raising standards. But also, on how schools and agencies can respond to promote collaboration more broadly. We know that many teachers have not had sufficient training on how to address homophobic bullying. The report today highlights this. Where voids have been created, I welcome the work that is being done to fill them by Stonewall, trade unions and others.

    I have launched a consultation looking into these questions around, what has been termed ‘the middle tier’, in the school system to see how best we address concerns about democratic accountability and how schools can work in partnership and I would welcome submissions from you here today.

    The School Report sets out challenges for schools, the DfE and Ofsted. It also makes recommendations for local authorities and Academy Chains. It is vital that these proposals are adopted.

    In closing, let me again pay tribute to Stonewall and its crucial Education for All programme. I’m delighted that Wes Streeting has joined the Stonewall Team to lead this important work. I hope that today’s report will be a strong reminder to us all that yes progress has been made and we are right to champion this success. But also to show that there is no room for complacency and that it is incumbent upon us all to challenge homophobic bullying and discrimination wherever it rears its head.

  • Stephen Twigg – 1997 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by the new MP for Enfield Southgate, Stephen Twigg, in the House of Commons on 16th May 1997.

    It is a great privilege to have the opportunity to make my maiden speech so early in the parliamentary Session, and I am delighted to be here as the first ever Labour Member of Parliament for the constituency of Enfield, Southgate. I hope to be the first in a long line of Labour Members of Parliament elected by the people of Enfield, Southgate, where I was born and brought up.

    During my lifetime, there have been just two Members of Parliament for the constituency before me. Michael Portillo was elected in a by-election in 1984. Shortly after his election to Parliament, he visited Southgate school, where I was then a sixth former. Although our politics were miles apart, Michael Portillo impressed me then as an articulate, charismatic and candid politician. Since then, he has provided more than 12 years of professional service to the people of Enfield, Southgate. During the general election campaign, on our rare encounters, he was always courteous and charming, and on the night of the election count his dignity in defeat earned him widespread and well-deserved respect. I am sure that, if he chooses to do so, he will continue to play an important role in the public life of this country.

    Mr. Portillo succeeded Sir Anthony Berry, who was tragically killed in the Brighton conference bombing in 1984. Sir Anthony Berry represented the people of Enfield, Southgate for more than 20 years in the House and is still remembered with great respect and affection by many of my constituents. In his maiden speech here in 1965, Sir Anthony warned of the dangers of the introduction of comprehensive education in Enfield. As a product of Southgate comprehensive school, I have to say that I think that many of his fears have proved to be unfounded.

    Enfield, Southgate is a wonderful and diverse local constituency. We embrace both the busy, urban life of Palmers Green and the north circular road, and the rural tranquillity of Hadley Wood and the green belt. Much of my constituency is a collection of villages—Southgate Green, Oakwood, Grange Park and Winchmore Hill, which has been spared a drive-through McDonald’s because of the determined opposition of local people and the good sense of our local Labour-controlled council.

    Southgate’s diversity is a great strength. It is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious community. Only this week, I had the privilege to lay the foundation stone for the new Hindu community centre of the Darji Mitra Mandal. There is a large Jewish community, as well as significant numbers of Christians, Muslims and Sikhs. It will be a privilege to represent them all.

    During my election campaign, perhaps the biggest single issue on the doorstep was the future of the island of Cyprus. I warmly welcome the Government’s commitment in the Gracious Speech to seeking a just and lasting settlement in Cyprus and I look forward to giving my full and active support to those efforts.

    Perhaps the most positive feature of the recent campaign for me was the opportunity to discuss politics with large numbers of young, first-time voters in my constituency. For me, the first sign of the large swing to Labour in Enfield, Southgate came with the results of the mock elections at our three local secondary schools, Winchmore, Broomfield and Southgate. All three schools voted Labour by overwhelming majorities. That showed the way forward for the results in Enfield, Southgate.

    I have never accepted the widely held idea that young people today are apathetic and not interested in politics. I am involved in a Fabian Society research project working with young, first-time voters, talking to them about their attitudes and opinions. In my experience, young people have clear values and strong opinions. What they reject is not politics itself, but the way we do politics in this country—the style, the language and, above all, the adversarial culture. It is an adversarial culture which is best symbolised by the old way that Prime Minister’s Question Time was done. I am sure that many people will welcome the change made in the past week.

    At the election, the biggest swing to Labour was among first-time voters. This Parliament owes it to our young people to forge a new sort of politics based on consensus, dialogue and co-operation. That is why constitutional reform is so important.

    I welcome the commitments in the Gracious Speech to devolution, the incorporation of the European convention on human rights and to reform of Parliament itself. This is not some arcane, abstract debate that is of interest only to the so-called chattering classes. It is about devolving power to the people and starting to restore people’s faith in politics.

    As a Greater London Member of Parliament, I especially welcome the proposals for a new strategic authority and a directly elected mayor for London. This country is alone in the democratic world in denying its capital city a democratic voice. The removal of that voice was one of the most petty and vindictive acts of the previous Government. I look forward to a new elected authority, working alongside an elected mayor. The mayor will be a powerful champion of London’s interests, ensuring that our first-class capital city has the impact and influence that it rightly deserves. I hope that all hon. Members representing London, regardless of their party, will unite in campaigning for a yes vote in the proposed London w ide referendum.

    Constitutional reform is not some academic debating point; it has real relevance to the bread and butter concerns of our constituents. A new authority for London can start to improve the appalling state of our transport system. Greater London’s crumbling transport infrastructure is letting down the people and the economy of this great city. We need a new authority and we need a new mayor to take the lead and get London moving again. The Labour party supports a proportional voting system for the proposed new Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly. I hope that we shall also adopt a similar system for the new London authority. That will ensure that we have a credible London voice representing the diversity of opinion in our capital city.

    More widely, as my hon. Friend the Member for Great Grimsby (Mr. Mitchell) said, our manifesto proposes a commission on electoral reform for the House of Commons, followed by a referendum. Proportional representation for this House is an idea whose time has come. Electoral reform is an important democratic change, which will assist in the renewal of hope and faith in politics itself. Labour’s proposed referendum will enable the people to decide how the House is elected. It is a momentous and crucial commitment. Following the election result in Scotland, Wales and much of urban England, it is an argument that I hope the Opposition will take more seriously than they have done, both in the interests of democracy and of their party.

    This Parliament is often described as the mother of Parliaments. There is much in our parliamentary history of which we can be proud. Constitutional reform is not about tearing up our history, but about building on what is good and changing what is not. I support the Government’s proposals, both because they are good and because they will contribute to the renewal of politics and democracy in this country. Now is the time for a new, consensual politics in the United Kingdom. I look forward to playing my small part in securing those important and long-overdue reforms.

  • Stephen Timms – 2006 Speech on Pensions Commission Report

    stephentimms

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Minister of State for Pension Reform, at TUC Congress House in London on 18th January 2006.

    Thank you for inviting me here today.

    Pensions have never had such a high profile as they do today. I was pensions minister before, in 1999, and at that time pensions seemed like a fascinating and vital area of policy, but one of little interest outside quite a small circle. Today, everyone is talking about pensions, and for me that is a very important first step towards resolving the challenges which we face. And the progress is in no small part thanks to the invaluable work of the Pension Commission.

    I think its worth just pausing for a moment to reflect on what the Commission has achieved. There were three Commissioners: a former Director General of the CBI; last year’s President of the TUC; and a distinguished social policy academic from the LSE. And simply in producing for us a unanimous, well thought through report, which addresses the issues people have been raising, they have done us an enormous service.

    Their final report, building on what they had already told us in their interim report in November 2004 marks a milestone in responding to the impact of huge demographic and cultural changes going forward. Life expectancy has gone up by two or three months every year for the past quarter of a century, and the trend shows absolutely no sign of slackening off. It’s a wonderful transformation – arguably the greatest achievement of our civilisation – but its one which presents major challenges to our public and private pension systems. Our response will influence the shape of our society for decades to come.

    I welcome the important contributions to the debate which the TUC and Help the Aged have already made. We need more events like this for everyone to come together for a sensible discussion about the options. The more debate we have, the more people will have the chance to get their heads around the ideas and the challenges, and the better the prospects for building a consensus. And we need a consensus in order to achieve confidence that we will be introducing a package of reforms which will endure for the long term. And that’s key. People need to be confident that decisions they make in the next few years about saving for their retirement will still seem like sensible choices to have made when they come to draw an income on the basis of them in 20 or 30 or 40 years time.

    I would characterise the Pensions Commission report as comprising essentially four bold ideas:

    – Auto-enrolment into a national system of personal accounts;

    – Mandatory matching employer contributions amounting to 3% of salary;

    – Basic state pension linked from 2010 to earnings rather than prices;

    – A gradual increase in state pension age in line with rising life expectancy, starting in 2020 – with a rise to 66 sometime in the 2020s.

    The Commission has done a very impressive job. They have sifted a lot of evidence; they have weighed a great variety of opinions; and they have carried out a lot of impressive analysis of their own. There are big questions around all four of these recommendations, but they have produced a set of recommendations which address the concerns people have been raising and which hang together in a coherent way.

    David Blunkett and I launched the National Pensions Debate last summer. We have held events in different parts of the country to sound out views and get a sense of how people feel we should go forward. Earlier today, after a meeting with Brendan, Mervyn, Adair Turner and others, John Hutton announced the next phase of the National Pensions Debate, recognising that taking full account of public opinion – and not least trade union opinion – is going to be key to achieving a successful package of reform.

    We are planning a number of public engagement events over the next couple of months, building up to a large scale national event in March – a National Pensions Day. We have just let a contract to Opinion Leader Research to organise the programme. National Pensions Day will provide an opportunity for a large number of people in different locations around the country to engage with Government, to discuss the Commission recommendations and to consider the choices we have to make in dealing with the challenges ahead. It will be a good opportunity for people to contribute to shaping a long term pensions settlement. Around these events there will also be other activity, such as a toolkit for people to hold events of their own.

    So the next, and some would say the more difficult, phase of the debate is now beginning. Before, we were focussing on a diagnosis of the problem and generating ideas. Now we must debate and test the ideas of the Pensions Commissions against criteria and objectives that will deliver a lasting settlement.

    I don’t underestimate the challenge – no-one wants to hear they will have to work longer, or pay more tax, or have to spend less to save more. But nor do they want to hear that they will face a lower standard of living relative to rest of society – which is the alternative.

    Policy changes since 1997 – and in particular the introduction of pension credit and other improvements in support for pensioners – have been successful in breaking the historic like between old age and poverty. Pensioners are now no more likely to be poor than anyone else – which is a particularly remarkable achievement after a period like the last eight years in which working incomes have been rising so quickly. That is a big leap forward for fairness and we want to maintain that progress.

    But we need to secure fairness between the generations too. It would not be right to saddle a declining number of people of working age with a disproportionate tax bill for supporting an increasing number of pensioners in the decades to come. The aim of the debate is to face up to some difficult choices like that.

    Among the Pensions Commission recommendations, the Government is ruling nothing in and ruling nothing out at this stage. We have an open mind and we continue to welcome feedback on the Commission’s proposals, and ideas on alternative ways forward.

    The work of the Pensions Commission, the national pensions debate events and our own analysis of the situation will come to fruition in the Spring, when we publish our pensions White Paper. In advance of that, and in welcoming the Pensions Commission report as providing a good basis for building the consensus that we need, John Hutton has said that the Government’s package of reform proposals will need to meet five key tests and I’d like to take a moment to outline them now.

    First, does it promote personal responsibility?

    The primary responsibility for security in old age has to rest with the individual and their families. We must enable people to provide for themselves, giving everyone the opportunity to build a decent retirement income to meet their needs and hopes.

    Second, is it fair?

    The system must protect the least well off, and – I think this is going to be critically important in the public debate – the new system will need to be fair to women and carers, correcting past inequalities. At the moment, only about 30% of women reach state pension age with a full basic state pension, compared with almost 90% of men. It will take the current system twenty years for that discrepancy to be put right. I think people are going to want us to achieve fairness much more quickly than that.

    The new system must also be fair to those who have saved – rewarding those who have contributed and incentivising those who can save to do so.

    Third, is it affordable?

    This test will be absolutely central. A near 50% rise in the number of pensioners between now and 2050 presents challenges and choices for the country about the proportion of its wealth that should be used to support retirement. Already we are spending £11 billion a year more on pensioners due to our tax and benefit changes since 1997, compared incidentally with £3 billion, which would have been the bill if we had simply put in place an earnings link for the basic state pension in 1997. The bulk of that focussed on the poorest pensioners. We must not put the long term stability of public finances at risk, and we won’t as it has been such a big prize for us since then.

    Fourth, is it simple?

    There needs to be a clear deal between citizens and the state. People need to know what the Government will do for them and they need to be clear about what is expected of them. The choices people have to make need to be clear and straightforward. That doesn’t necessarily mean the details of the system are simple, but the way it is presented has to be.

    And fifth, is it sustainable?

    Any package of reform must form the basis of an enduring national consensus – and one on which people can make decisions about their retirement planning with confidence that it won’t be pulled apart by successive Governments fiddling with the system.

    Our task now is to lay the foundations for a lasting pensions settlement. We want new arrangements that stand the test of time; that won’t be uprooted by successive Governments; that will allow people to plan ahead and make decisions with confidence – whilst being flexible enough to adapt to whatever challenges will emerge in the future.

    The Government can’t solve the pensions challenge on our own. We need all of us to work together to build a lasting settlement. I need you – for example – to feed back to us the observations of your members.

    I am optimistic about what we can achieve together over the next few months, but we need all of us to be involved and contributing to this debate.

    Thank you.

  • Stephen Timms – 2006 Speech on Public Service Pensions

    stephentimms

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Timms, the then Minister of State for Pension Reforms, at the National Union of Teachers in Mabledon Place, London, on 1st February 2006.

    I am delighted to be here.

    I very much welcome opportunities like this for a discussion on the options for future pensions policy. The more debate we have – and we had a very constructive debate about this in the House of Commons last night – the more people have the chance to get their heads around the ideas and the challenges, and the better the prospects for building a consensus.

    And I believe we need a consensus in order to achieve confidence that we will be introducing a package of reforms which will endure for the long term. And that’s key. People need to be confident that decisions they make in the next few years about saving for their retirement will still seem like sensible choices to have made when they come to draw an income on the basis of them in 20 or 30 or 40 years time.

    Pensions policy since 1997

    Pensions have never had such a high profile. This is my second stint as pensions minister, and in 1999 it was a fascinating and vital area of policy, but one of little interest outside quite a small circle. Today, everyone is talking about pensions. I am pleased about that. That level of discussion is much more appropriate given the importance of the topic.

    We have already made a range of very important changes in pensions policy since 1997 – and it has been those changes which have delivered a platform now on which we have the chance to build a pensions settlement for the long term.

    If you look at what happened to pensioner incomes in the 1980s and 1990s, many people saw big improvements. But the problem was that far too many people were completely left behind by the general improvement. It meant we were left in 1997 with hundreds of thousands of single pensioners with a total income of £69 per week through income support – and, if they had managed to save up a modest pension income of a few pounds per week on top of the state pension, that was taken off their income support pound for pound.

    And tackling that problem was our highest priority in pensions policy when we were elected in 1997, leading up to the introduction of Pension Credit in 2003. As a result, for the first time ever in a period of growth in the economy, retired people are no more likely than anyone else to be poor. It is a remarkable change – particularly – after a period like the last eight years in which working incomes have been rising so quickly. We have seen particularly large gains among older single women, and the dramatic improvement of the incomes in that group is arguably the most significant of all the big social improvements since 1997.

    We have also brought forward measures to bolster confidence in occupational pensions, through the Pension Protection Fund and the Financial Assistance Scheme. We have introduced the state second pension which greatly boosts the pension savings of people on low incomes, and enables carers now for the first time to build up a second pension. And we have introduced stakeholder pensions which make it possible to save economically for people for whom it was not possible in the past.

    The Pensions Commission

    But there is much more interest in all of this today. And that change is in no small part thanks to the work of the Pensions Commission, which has thrust the debate about pensions onto the front pages of the newspapers, no longer the preserve of a handful of insiders but a debate the public at large are engaged with.

    I think it’s worth just pausing for a moment to reflect on what the Commission has achieved. There were three Commissioners: a former Director General of the CBI; last year’s President of the TUC; and a distinguished social policy academic from the LSE. And simply in producing for us a unanimous, well thought through report, which addresses the issues people have been raising, they have done us an enormous service.

    Life expectancy has gone up by two or three months every year for the past quarter of a century, and the trend shows absolutely no sign of slackening off. In 1950, average male retirement age was 67 and we spent 19% of our adult life in retirement. Today we spend almost 30%. And life expectancy is continuing to race ahead.

    It’s a wonderful transformation – arguably the greatest achievement of our civilisation – but it’s one which presents major challenges to our public and private pension systems. We need to manage the impact of demographic, social and economic challenges to support security and dignity for everyone in old age. And I believe we can.

    The Turner Commission was very clear that there is not a pensions crisis today. I agree. But they identified 9.6 million people who were not saving enough for their retirement. Failure to respond would lead to a crisis in twenty or thirty years time. We need to adapt our policies today, and our response will influence the shape of our society for decades to come.

    I would characterise the Pensions Commission report as comprising essentially four bold ideas:

    Auto-enrolment into a national system of personal accounts;

    Mandatory matching employer contributions at 3% of salary;

    Basic state pension linked from 2010 to earnings rather than prices;

    A gradual increase in state pension age in line with rising life expectancy, starting with a rise from 65 to 66 sometime in twenty years time.

    The Commission has done a very impressive job. They have sifted a lot of evidence; they have weighed a great variety of opinions; and they have carried out a lot of impressive analysis of their own. There are big questions around all four of these recommendations, but they have produced a set of recommendations which address the concerns people have been raising and which hang together in a coherent way.

    The National Pensions Debate

    David Blunkett and I launched the National Pensions Debate last summer. We have held events in different parts of the country to sound out views and get a sense of how people feel we should go forward.

    John Hutton recently announced the next phase of the National Pensions Debate. We recognise that taking full account of public opinion – not least contributions from pensioners’ organisations and trade unions – will be absolutely vital to achieving a successful package of reform.

    We are planning a number of public engagement events over the next couple of months, building up to a large scale national event in March – a National Pensions Day. We have let a contract to Opinion Leader Research to organise the programme. The Day will provide an opportunity for a large number of people in half a dozen different locations around the country to deliberate and express considered views on the choices we have to make in dealing with the challenges ahead. It will be an important contribution to shaping a long term pensions settlement. And there will be other activity, such as a toolkit for people to hold deliberation events of their own.

    I don’t underestimate the challenge. No-one wants to hear they will have to work longer, or pay more tax, or have to spend less to save more. But nor do they want to hear that they will face a lower standard of living relative to rest of society – which is the alternative.

    Among the Pensions Commission recommendations, we are ruling nothing in and ruling nothing out at this stage. We have an open mind and we continue to welcome feedback on the Commission’s proposals, and ideas on alternative ways forward.

    The work of the Pensions Commission, the National Pensions Debate and our own analysis of the situation will come to fruition in the Spring, when we publish our pensions White Paper. In advance of that, and in welcoming the Pensions Commission report as providing a good basis for building the consensus that we need, John Hutton has said that the Government’s package of reform proposals will need to meet five key tests and I’d like to take a moment to outline them now.

    First, does it promote personal responsibility?

    The primary responsibility for security in old age has to rest with the individual and their families. We must enable people to provide for themselves, giving everyone the opportunity to build a decent retirement income to meet their needs and hopes.

    Second, is it fair?

    The system must protect the least well off, and – I think this is going to be critically important in the public debate – the new system will need to be fair to women and carers, correcting past inequalities. At the moment, only about 30% of women reach state pension age with a full basic state pension, compared with almost 90% of men. It will take the current system twenty years for that discrepancy to be put right. I think people are going to want us to achieve fairness much more quickly than that.

    The new system must also be fair to those who have saved – rewarding those who have contributed, and giving an incentive for those who can save to do so.

    Third, is it affordable?

    This test will be absolutely central. We anticipate a near 50% rise in the number of pensioners between now and 2050. So what proportion of the nation’s wealth should we use to support retirement? Already we are spending £11 billion a year more on pensioners due to our tax and benefit changes since 1997, compared incidentally with £3 billion, which would have been the bill if we had simply put in place an earnings link for the basic state pension in 1997. The bulk of that extra spending has been focussed on the least well off pensioners. But in planning for the future, we certainly mustn’t put long term stability of the public finances at risk, and we won’t.

    Fourth, is it simple?

    There needs to be a clear deal between citizens and the state. People need to know what the Government will do for them and they need to be clear about what is expected of them. The choices people have to make need to be clear and straightforward. That doesn’t necessarily mean the details of the system will be simple, but the choices do have to be.

    And fifth, is it sustainable?

    Any package of reform must form the basis of an enduring national consensus – and one on which people can make decisions about their retirement planning with confidence that it won’t be pulled apart by successive Governments fiddling with the system. We want new arrangements that stand the test of time; that will allow people to plan ahead and make decisions with confidence – whilst being flexible enough to adapt to whatever challenges will emerge in the future.

    Conclusion

    The Government can’t solve the pensions challenge on our own. We need all of us to work together to build a lasting settlement. I need you – for example – to feed back to us the observations of your members.

    I am optimistic about what we can achieve over the next few months, about the prospects for securing this lasting pensions settlement, but we need all of us to be engaged and contributing to the debate in order to be successful.

    I am grateful to have this opportunity with this group today.