Tag: Speeches

  • Arlene Foster – 2016 Speech at DUP Spring Conference

    arlenefoster

    Below is the text of the speech made by Arlene Foster, the First Minister of Northern Ireland, at the DUP Spring Conference held in March 2016.

    Mr Chairman, I am absolutely delighted to be here in Limavady today as we move towards the start of the most important election campaign in years.

    It is good to be back and see this beautiful constituency which has served these last 15 years as a pathfinder for DUP success.

    And so it will be again this year. ​

    This is an historic moment for this party and for this country. We are starting a campaign that will determine the direction of Northern Ireland for decades to come, shape our future and – importantly – determine who will be the First Minister to chart this course.

    There can be no better place to start than in the constituency of my friend and colleague Gregory Campbell. For the first time in many years, Gregory will not be fighting the Assembly election but I am absolutely certain he will be with us each and every step of the way.

    I am also delighted that former Ulster Unionist Councillor Raymond Farrell has travelled from Fermanagh to be with us today. I am even more delighted that Raymond is fully supporting the DUP election campaign in Fermanagh and South Tyrone.

    Thank you Councillor Farrell, and we look forward to having your support in the weeks ahead.

    We gather here today in Limavady on the cusp of a new era for this party and new opportunities for Northern Ireland.

    I took on this job at an important moment in Northern Ireland’s history.

    Our country has changed beyond all recognition from the society I grew up in not too many years ago. There is so much that has been achieved but there is still so much more to do.

    We all know from the despicable attack on a prison officer in East Belfast yesterday that we must always be vigilant against those who would seek to take us back to the past.

    But one thing is absolutely clear, no matter how hard they try, no matter what depths they stoop to, they will never ever win.

    Northern Ireland has changed for the better. You don’t need me to tell you this you just need to watch the news or read the papers or look around in your own communities.

    We have begun the long slow process of rebuilding from the lost decades of the seventies, eighties and nineties.

    Twenty years ago who would have believed that Northern Ireland would become better known for golfers than guns? Who would have believed that our cities would be thronged by tour buses? Who would have believed that we could attract top businesses from across the globe to provide jobs for our young people and who would have believed we could attract world class sporting events to places people once feared to travel?

    These changes did not come about easily or by accident but because we were prepared to take tough decisions.

    Things are better and Northern Ireland is moving in the right direction, but we cannot be complacent. It took strong leadership to get us this far and it will take even stronger leadership to stay the course and see this journey through.

    You will not believe it but I’m old enough to remember what it used to be like! But I am also young enough to see through the next phase of the transformation of our society.

    I have seen the changes first hand. And I have spoken to others too.

    When I was elected leader of this party last December, I made it my first priority to get out and listen to what people had to say. Since then I have continued to travelall across Northern Ireland to hear from the people who make this country so great.

    Today, I want to talk to you about what the community has told me over the last ten weeks and to set our stall out for the election on the fifth of May.

    I want to build on the strong foundations laid down by my predecessors Ian Paisley and Peter Robinson – Northern Ireland is much better off for their vision and strength of leadership.

    The evening I was endorsed by our party executive andelected as party leader, I made it clear that while the fundamental values of the DUP would not change, I would want to make my own mark on this party.

    Ten weeks on, that process of change and renewal continues.

    I want to repay the faith that has been shown in me and do all in my power to help this Country and our peoplereach new heights.

    As a mother, I understand the pressures and worries of families when it comes to relying on a strong health system, balancing the family budget, hoping there are real job opportunities.

    As a politician, I am uniquely placed to help unite unionism and put an end to the decades of division we have seen.

    But if we want to continue to lead the people of Northern Ireland, we must first make sure our own house is in order.

    That’s why I want our party to set the standards in public life and not just to meet them. I want our members to know they are listened to and valued, and I want the public to get the best value from our political system.

    If, in the months and years to come, that means taking difficult decisions to help restore confidence in the political system, I will take those decisions.

    My plan for a stronger future for Northern Ireland comes from what I’ve heard, not just from party members but the wider community. It is their voice as much as mine that needs to be heard in the corridors of power, the Executive room and in the Assembly chamber. Before we can ask people to be on our side we must prove to them that we are on their side too.

    In just six weeks I have travelled from Bessbrook to Ballymoney, Ballynahinch to Bushmills, Cookstown to Coleraine, Dungannon to Larne, from Omagh to Bangor, Limavady to Lisburn, Enniskillen to Portadown to Ballymena and to north, south, east and west Belfast – and all places in between.

    I’ve been to party meetings and business breakfasts,visited schools and commercial premises and spoke to literally thousands of people.

    I’ve been lucky to have met people in every walk of life right across Northern Ireland.

    They are the bedrock of this country and why I have so much optimism for the future.

    The welcome I have received everywhere I have gone has been truly humbling.

    I started the tour to listen and to learn and finished more inspired and motivated than ever before.

    Many of the people I met have very different experiences of life but almost all share the same Northern Ireland values. Those values are belief in hard work, belief in family, in helping our neighbours, compassion for those who are less well off, and pride in our country.

    These are the values I was brought up with and have lived by all of my life.

    I may be the leader of the DUP and now First Minister but my story is really no different than that of so many people across Northern Ireland.

    Some of the most inspirational visits of all have been to primary schools to meet children who have been untouched by the Troubles and with boundless imagination for the future. Children who have not yet been sullied by the past or have grown tired of political stalemate.

    What more can any of us ask than for the next generation to have a better chance and a better start in life than the last?

    My vision for our future is simple.

    I want to build a stronger Northern Ireland.

    It’s easy to spout words –but it takes strong leadership to see it through.

    When our election campaign starts I will set out my detailed plan for Northern Ireland. But today I want to set out my priorities for the next Assembly term.

    They are shaped by what I have heard over the last six weeks but also by what I have known growing up in this community, all of my life.

    As a politician I know that there are some legacy issues that will not be easily or quickly addressed, but as a mother I know that we have to get on and sort the everyday problems that face ourselves, our friends and our neighbours.

    And what matters to people is not always what they are bombarded by on TV screens, on the radio or in the papers – it is what makes a difference to their everyday lives.

    They care about the public services they receive. They know that more money isn’t always the answer to every problem but they also know it takes money to run our schools and our hospitals.

    They care about the health service. My mother is over eighty years of age. I know how important it is to be able to see a doctor when you need to and to get treated within a reasonable time. People want to know that the NHS will be there when they need it.

    They care about being able to get a decent job for themselves and their children, so they can grow up in Northern Ireland and not have to move elsewhere. They care about having enough left from the pay cheque tolook after their families and they want to see government spending money wisely before they are asked to pay more.

    I know how much you want your children to have a good start in life and a fair chance from the education system. You want a good home and safe neighbourhoods in which to live and you want to see your local areas improved.

    These are aspirations we all share and I want to see them delivered for everyone in Northern Ireland.

    There is a renewed sense of pride in Northern Ireland – and not just from people from a traditional unionist background.

    Despite all of the pain and the hurt, I feel a genuinedesire in the community to put the past behind us. People tell me they want a peace process that works but they want to make sure that it is fair and balanced.

    They are prepared to move on from the past but they are not prepared to allow those who terrorised this country for over thirty years to rewrite it.

    They are optimistic about the future, but frustrated that progress has been slow.

    The Northern Ireland people are proud, they are strong and excited that we are on a new path.

    And when I go to the United States next weekend yes it will be to tell them that political progress has been made. We are a great place to invest and create jobs because a lower rate of Corporation Tax is being introduced – but more than anything, it will be to tell them to come to Northern Ireland to meet our people and share in our strong future.

    I want to lead a stronger Northern Ireland and continue on the path to make it a safer place for all of our people.

    Today I want to set out the five key priorities which will be at the very heart of my plan for a stronger Northern Ireland.

    Firstly, I want to continue creating more jobs and increase incomes.
    In the last five years we have promoted over 40,000 jobs though foreign direct investment, business start ups and local support.
    With the reduction of Corporation Tax to 12.5% from April 2018 I believe we can create tens of thousands ofjobs by 2020.

    Secondly, I want to protect family budgets.
    Due to the tough decisions taken by DUP Finance Ministers, Northern Ireland continues to have the lowest household taxes anywhere in the UK.
    We pay half as much as people in England and around 60% of the average in Scotland. That means people living here get to keep more of their hard earned money than anywhere else in the United Kingdom.
    In this next Assembly term I want to continue protectinghousehold budgets, ensuring we don’t raise a penny more in household taxes than is needed.

    Thirdly, I will prioritise spending on the health service.
    I believe the single most important role for government in Northern Ireland is to provide the best possible health service for all of our people. That’s why our Health Ministers have employed 1200 more nurses and almost 300 more consultants. At the same time, we have tackled waste and saved £800m.
    To build on this work will involve a significant cross party agreement on reform but will also require prioritising funding. That’s why in the next five years we will increase the health budget by at least £1 billion to employ more doctors and nurses and to reduce waiting times.

    Fourthly, I want to raise standards in education for everyone.
    We rightly take pride in the best of our education system,which produces better exam results than anywhere else in the UK. But we must make sure that every child is given a chance in life and the best possible education.
    I want to build an education system which does not play favourites but is fair to every sector, every school and every child.

    And fifthly I want to invest in infrastructure for the future.
    That means building new schools, new roads and new hospitals so that Northern Ireland is prepared for the future.
    I want to see real investment in local communities and neighbourhoods so that everyone can take pride in where they live and improve their quality of life.
    I don’t pretend that government can solve all of our problems. In fact a government that tries to do too much will inevitably fall short: that is why I am clear about our priorities and our direction.

    As I indicated earlier, when the election proper gets under way I will set out my detailed plan for the next five years. We will also launch a series of policy documents detailing how we will deliver on our ambitions.

    But I need the strongest mandate to implement our plan to build a stronger, safer, more stable Northern Ireland.

    That is why I am asking for the support of people from right across Northern Ireland, from people who have always loyally supported us and from people who are prepared to give us a chance.

    I can’t promise the earth but I will promise to be as good as my word.

    If I’m asked a simple question, I will give a simple answer. I will not change course to court popularity but will always remain resolute to ensure I do what I believe is best for Northern Ireland.

    That may not always win me friends but I hope it will always win me respect.

    It is on this basis that I will put myself forward to be returned as First Minister at the next election.

    At the heart of this election is an important choice for the community.

    108 MLAs will be elected but in reality the next first Minister will either be me or Martin McGuinness. Your vote will decide. It’s that simple.

    We have come too far to now turn to the untried and untested. There is too much at risk.

    This is a time for political leaders, who have stood the test of time.

    It is the time for those who have made their name by having achievements of their own.

    It is time for those who are rooted in the community and have withstood the political battles to come out stronger.

    My record shows I can work with anyone in the best interests of Northern Ireland but make no mistake Martin McGuinness and I have very different visions of the future of this country.

    I want to work with our national government to bring about a better future, not against it.

    I want to make sure that we remember the past, not rewrite it.

    And I want to make sure that we have a fair and balanced peace process, not one where some are more equal than others.

    It is a choice between his vision of taking this Province out of the United Kingdom and my vision to strengthen the Union.

    What Northern Ireland needs now, more than ever, is strong unionist leadership.

    We need to move forward to a stronger future and not go back to the past.

    We must not allow all that has been achieved to be set back.

    Northern Ireland needs stability, not instability.

    We need a party with a plan and not half a dozen with competing and conflicting visions for the future.

    That is what the DUP under my leadership will offer on the fifth of May.

    Division and instability would be disastrous for Northern Ireland and would put at risk everything that has been achieved.

    I have more respect for those who stand their ground than those who blow with the wind and will seek to be all things to all men.

    On Election Day the people of Northern Ireland will be faced with a simple choice.

    I may not be on the ballot across the Province but a vote for our DUP candidates all across the country will return a unionist First Minister.

    People who vote for the DUP in East Belfast or East Antrim are voting for me to be the First Minister every bit as much as people who are living in Enniskillen.

    Northern Ireland needs strong leadership.

    That’s why your success will give me the opportunity to deliver on my plan to strengthen Northern Ireland.

    People seem to assume that this election is a foregone conclusion and that it has been decided even before a vote has been cast.

    Nothing could be further from the truth.

    Politics in Northern Ireland is tough and brutal. This election campaign will be no different.

    Make no mistake, this election is very close.

    A swing of only two votes in every hundred from the DUP to Sinn Fein would see Martin McGuinness become the next First Minister.

    Their real agenda in the May election is to shred and split unionist votes.

    They didn’t make the breakthrough they wanted in the South and will do all they can to take Northern Ireland.

    They will seek to capitalise on a new and untested leader of the SDLP and on the complacency of some unionists.

    That would be bad for unionism and bad for Northern Ireland.

    It would take Northern Ireland in the wrong direction and send out the wrong message at this crucial time.

    For many, including myself, power sharing with Sinn Fein is difficult but it is a price worth paying to keep Northern Ireland Moving Forward.

    But if you think it is difficult now just imagine what it would be like with a Sinn Fein First Minister and the Executive dominated by republicans.

    That’s why we must stand our ground and fight for every vote.

    And it’s not just to stop a Sinn Fein First Minister, I want the mandate to promote my positive agenda for the future.

    But we can only deliver it if we get the support of the people at the ballot box.

    The next two months will determine the fate and fortunes of this party and of this country for decades to come.

    Every vote in every seat will matter.

    The stakes could not be higher. Not a single vote has yet been cast. The outcome will be for the people of Northern Ireland alone to decide. We serve at their pleasure and only with their consent.

    If motivation were needed just imagine what our forefathers a century ago fought for and endured.

    Let ours be the generation that brought unionism back together and gave unionism new hope for the future.

    Let ours be the generation that made 2016 the year the people of Northern Ireland made clear our place within the United Kingdom is settled for decades to come.

    Last December, you did me the honour of electing me as leader. Today I am asking you to go out to fight for every vote and for every seat.

    This party is the only party that can provide strong leadership for a better future.

    A momentous choice faces the people of Northern Ireland.

    To win this election we need your help.

    We must remind people of the choice they face and take our plan to every city, every town and every villageacross the Province and up and down every lane way on the map and a few that are not!

    When you meet them on the doorsteps tell them what is at stake on the fifth of May.

    Remind them that their vote matters and their vote will determine if Martin McGuinness or myself wake up as First Minister on the sixth of May.

    Tell them about our plan for the future of Northern Ireland.

    Tell them how close this election really is.

    And when you have done all of that, ask them for their precious vote on election day.

    We need strong leadership if we are to build a stronger Northern Ireland that is a better and safer place to live.

    I look forward to seeing you all on the campaign trail. Let us go out and make sure we can commemorate the sacrifice of 1916 and celebrate the centenary of Northern Ireland with unionism still in the driving seat.

    Thank you.

  • Ed Miliband – 2016 Speech on the EU Referendum

    edmiliband

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Miliband, the former Leader of the Opposition, on 22 March 2016.

    I want to start by echoing Alan’s words about the terror we have seen unfolding in Brussels.

    All my thoughts are with the victims and their families.

    It is a terrible reminder of the threats we face and the whole of our party will be feeling the deepest solidarity with the people of Belgium.

    I am speaking out today because of the importance of the EU referendum.

    I am doing so because I know some Labour voters feel ambivalent about it.

    Because this was a referendum called by David Cameron.

    Because the EU, like any institution, is not perfect and needs reform.

    And because there are so many other issues that concern us about the future of the country.

    We may not have sought this referendum, we may not have chosen its timing but this debate is too important to be one conducted between the centre-right, the right and the further-right.

    My speech today will be followed after Easter by our leader Jeremy Corbyn.

    And today I want to explain why this referendum should matter to us as Labour supporters and to every progressive in Britain.

    This is not a debate about whether we support David Cameron or who will lead the Tory Party after him.

    It is a debate about the future of our country.

    I want to send a very clear message to the nine million people who voted Labour at the last election:

    I believe the change you voted for and still want to see in Britain can only be achieved by us remaining in the European Union.

    And leaving would irreparably set back the cause of Labour politics.

    So I urge you to vote for Remain on June 23rd.

    And I want to say to all members of our party that we cannot sit this one out.

    We cannot sit it out when this choice is so fundamental to helping build the kind of country we want.

    We cannot sit it out when the decision of Labour voters will be so crucial to the outcome of this referendum.

    We are united, we can speak with one voice, and we need to do so.

    By contrast, the last few days have shown the Conservative Party is divided, disunited and at each other’s throats.

    But that makes it all the more important that we set out our case on Europe.

    The civil war in the Conservative Party cannot and must not obscure the central question in this referendum:

    Are we more likely to secure social justice and progressive change inside the EU or outside?

    The answer is resoundingly that we should vote Remain.

    This is my case:

    First, the problems of the 21st century need co-operation across borders more than ever.

    Second, yes, the EU needs to change to make it the more progressive union it needs to be – but that cannot be an argument for leaving.

    Third, we need to expose the real agenda of most of those who would Leave –a direct route to a more unequal, unfair, unjust Britain.

    My argument begins with the most basic of all Labour principles.

    It unites Keir Hardie and Tony Blair, Clement Attlee and Jeremy Corbyn.

    At heart our principle as a party is one of collectivism: the idea that we achieve more together than we can alone.

    It says it on our party card.

    It is true in Britain as we think about our great achievements produced by collective struggle and collective advance: trade unions, workers’ rights, the NHS, the minimum wage.

    And it has always been the case that we have applied that principle internationally too: from the Spanish civil war, to the fight against the Nazis, to post war reconstruction.

    But the unique thing about the 21st century is that this principle of international co-operation applies to so many more of the problems we face.

    Think of any of the great challenges we care about in Britain 2016, and I will tell you why it is essential we stay in the EU.

    Tackling inequality is the cause that brought me and so many of us into the Labour Party.

    Then think about the different ways we need to tackle it.

    We need to trade across borders to ensure good jobs and keep prices low.

    That’s why we need to be in the European Union.

    We need to make companies pay their taxes but one country can’t do it alone.

    That’s why we need to be in the European Union.

    We need to guarantee basic rights for workers but one country will find it much harder to do it on its own.

    In a world where countries can be played off against each other, we need to co-ordinate across borders to make it happen.

    That’s why we need to be in the European Union.

    And don’t just take my word for it, look at the rights that have been delivered: four weeks paid holiday, better maternity leave, the 48 hour week.

    It didn’t happen by chance, it happened because of our collective power in the European Union.

    We need to cope with the threat of global stagnation, not with continued austerity but a different response.

    But once again one country cannot do it on its own.

    That’s why we need to be in the European Union.

    Then take the most important threat of all; climate change.

    It just isn’t realistic to think one country can do this on its own.

    Britain is about one per cent of global emissions, the EU ten per cent.

    Far from us being smaller, weaker and less significant in the EU the opposite is true.

    We walk taller, prouder and have more influence inside not outside.

    Membership of the EU has cleaned up our beaches, improved our water supplies and without the EU we would not even be debating the silent killer that is air pollution.

    It is only EU legislation that is forcing any action from this government.

    And then take the wider world in which we live.

    The high ideals that led to the setting up of the EU after two world wars – are more relevant than ever

    How do we deal with global threats and challenges?

    Only by acting together not alone.

    So mine is an argument rooted deep in Labour values of solidarity and co-operation.

    And it is not based on the idea that our country doesn’t need to change – far from it.

    We need to tackle inequality, turn away from austerity, make companies pay their taxes, confront the threat of climate change, and work internationally for a just world.

    But the best way, indeed the only way we can effectively do it is by remaining in and not leaving the European Union.

    The EU is an essential tool to tackle the great injustices of the 21st century.

    But as I said at the outset, the EU is not perfect.

    Some people on the Left look at what has happened in the European Union in recent years and see quite a lot they don’t like: austerity, the remoteness of some EU institutions, the response to the migration crisis, the proposed trade agreement with the US.

    Some Labour voters worry about free movement of workers.

    And in particular, what it means for them.

    Let me confront head on both sets of concerns.

    To the first set of concerns, I say, let’s not take the flaws in the implementation of a great principle and conclude that cooperation between countries is somehow the problem.

    Because it isn’t.

    The idea that we could confront the great causes of the 21st century outside the European Union is simply a fantasy.

    We can’t end centre-right austerity across Europe on our own.

    We can’t tackle climate change on our own.

    We can’t make companies pay their taxes on our own.

    We can’t solve the refugee crisis on our own.

    We can’t confront any of the great injustices on our own.

    Nothing in our values, our history, our beliefs tells us otherwise.

    I ask you – how would we explain to our Socialist partners in France, Germany, Sweden, Spain that we had decided to abandon our principles of internationalism and go our own way?

    The Labour party with our proud history.

    They would look at us with disbelief and dismay.

    They would ask why we are abandoning them and their attempt to build a centre-left Europe.

    And they would be right to do so.

    The answer is not to leave or hedge our bets, but instead implement a compelling progressive reform agenda for Britain and Europe.

    We know the areas where we need change.

    We must champion the opening up of EU institutions.

    We must make the EU the powerhouse for tackling corporate tax avoidance.

    We should be persuaders for the EU stepping up on the environment and not shrinking back.

    And on the trade agreement with America, say ‘yes’ to trade across borders, but say ‘no’ to undemocratic, corporate dominated decision-making.

    This kind of reform agenda is not only necessary but is in my view, also possible.

    As far as the second set of worries is concerned, as a constituency MP, I hear it a lot.

    The workers brought in and used to try and undercut wages.

    The loopholes in rules which seem to mean unfair treatment.

    The exploitation of migrant workers to undermine terms and conditions.

    This is a profound issue.

    But the answer is not to leave the European Union.

    Because think about how much our workers would lose out from the end of the single market and all that means.

    And even if we were to stay within the single market, but outside the EU, the experience of Norway shows, you end up being subject to free movement anyway – but having no say over the rules.

    The real answer is to do a far better job of tackling that exploitation here at home.

    Exploitation that this Government chooses not to act on.

    Exploitation that is nothing to do with Europe and everything to do with political will.

    We can end the abuse of agency workers rules.

    We can end the rogue landlords.

    We can change the rules in Europe to counter the undermining of collective agreements.

    All this is possible.

    It doesn’t need us to leave Europe.

    It needs a government willing to make it happen.

    So the answer is reform and remain – not leave.

    And as we make our positive case, we need to be clear about the real agenda of most of those who would have us leave.

    There are honourable Labour colleagues who have been consistent advocates of Leave.

    I leave them aside in this.

    But the vast majority of those who would Leave are not trying to build a fairer, more just Britain as we understand it.

    They may play on people’s concerns about standards of living but just think of what they believe.

    They are people who are anti-regulation wherever it comes from, who are anti-workers’ rights wherever they come from, who are sceptical about laws on the environment wherever they come from.

    To be fair, that is because they have a consistent position.

    When I say that the EU is a necessary tool against the power of corporations, they shake their heads.

    They do not want to counter that corporate power.

    Iain Duncan Smith in his maiden speech as an MP lauded the opt out from the social chapter.

    Boris Johnson has repeatedly said he wanted to create a narrow relationship with Europe simply focussed on the single market.

    Nigel Farage opposes protections for workers not simply because of Europe but because of what he believes.

    Now these people may differ in some respects but they are united in their vision of a free market, low regulated, race to the bottom offshore Britain.

    They believe low tax, low regulation is the way we succeed.

    You can hear it in their speeches and see it in their agenda and even read it in their articles in the Daily Telegraph.

    Think of the vision of Boris Johnson, Nigel Farage, Iain Duncan-Smith for the country.

    It is not my vision, it is not your vision and it is not the vision of nine million Labour voters either.

    If Britain left the European Union, it would not serve a progressive, optimistic agenda.

    It would serve a reactionary, pessimistic agenda.

    Tax avoiders want to divide country from country to drive down tax rates.

    Polluters want to turn country against country in a race to the bottom on standards.

    Russia and those who disagree with us want to divide Europe.

    Outside the EU that is what we would be exposed to.

    Our strategic influence would be diminished, our country would be weaker and our capacity to achieve fairness and justice would be shrunken.

    And in the end this is about the character of our country.

    The fundamental question being asked now in Europe as in America is are we stronger as a nation when we build bridges or build walls?

    Are we a people who choose to face our problems linking arms with our friends or hunkering down on our own?

    Where the little Englanders look at the channel and see a moat, Britain’s success has been built for centuries by those who saw not a moat but sea lanes, shipping, the means of bringing our peoples together not dividing them.

    That is what my parents found when they got refuge here.

    They built a life for themselves and their family.

    They made a contribution to the country.

    Theirs was a life built from optimism out of the darkness and pessimism of the second world war.

    And I believe we are the optimists in this campaign.

    Optimists that we can conquer problems of inequality together.

    That we can tackle climate change together.

    That we can build social justice together.

    That we can tackle the threats the world faces together.

    Our opponents are not the optimists.

    They share one thing in common

    They are the pessimists.

    Pessimists that we can work with others to build a better Britain.

    Pessimists that these great causes like inequality and climate change can be tackled.

    Pessimists that a more hopeful, internationalist future lies ahead.

    We have always been the optimists.

    So my message to you is to go out and win this referendum heart and soul.

    Let’s recognise that we cannot put our feet up and see what happens

    We cannot as party members be spectators or bystanders in this campaign.

    Let’s understand the obvious fact: that those who turn up and vote will decide this referendum

    Let’s be for remain not with apathy but enthusiasm.

    Let’s win this referendum not simply with the arguments for remain but the arguments for how we want to change Britain and change Europe.

    I want a more equal, a more just future.

    We can only get it by remaining in the European Union.

    Let’s vote to remain and then let’s elect a Labour government that can change Britain and change Europe.

  • Anthony Eden – 1955 Speech on Re-Election of William Morrison as Speaker

    anthonyeden

    Below is the text of the speech made by Anthony Eden, the then Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 7 June 1955.

    Mr. Speaker-Elect, in accordance with time-honoured custom in the House, it is my privilege to be the first to voice our congratulations to you on the signal honour, the greatest honour that the House corporately can bestow on any man, which has this afternoon been repeated in acknowledgment of your services. I do so with great pleasure, not only on my own behalf but on behalf of all my right hon. and hon. Friends on this side of the House. Perhaps I may also say that I do it with all the greater fervour as the first Englishman who has ventured to intrude at all in this afternoon’s ceremony.
    As the House does this act of congratulations to you, in truth we all feel that we are congratulating ourselves. As the last Parliament developed, we all felt to an increasing degree how much we owed to your guidance. Your ease of dignity, the clarity of your decision, the width of your experience, and certainly not least the native wit of Scotland placed us many times under an obligation to you. I am sure that the whole House feels fortunate indeed that you should be here and willing to preside once more over our proceedings.

    I think it was said that Mr. Speaker’s principal duties were to guard minority parties and even guard the rights of individual Members. About that I have no doubt that you will be zealous, even against the wishes of the Executive. That is as it should be. But there is something even wider than the rights of individual Members which you guard and cherish for us, and that is the character of the House. Each new Parliament develops its own personality. As we do that, as most certainly we shall, I believe that we shall have in mind that this new Parliament, like so many that have gone before it, in what it achieves and how it achieves it is showing leadership to all the free institutions throughout the world.

    It is perhaps at this time that special responsibility which we all value most and which I know, Mr. Speaker-Elect, you have so well understood in the past and will so cheerfully guard in the future. I feel every confidence that under your tolerant, wise and experienced guidance the House will receive all the help which it is in the power of the Chair to give. In all sincerity, we wish you good fortune and good health in the discharge of your duties.

  • Anthony Eden – 1955 Statement on Becoming Prime Minister

    anthonyeden

    Below is the text of the speech made by Anthony Eden in the House of Commons on 6 April 1955.

    I must, first, try to acknowledge the very generous words which have been used by the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition and all those who have spoken in the House this afternoon—in well-deserved terms—about my right hon. Friend the Member for Woodford (Sir W. Churchill). The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Walthamstow, West (Mr. Attlee) rightly said that this is not the time for us to appraise my right hon. Friend’s work. For one thing, he is, fortunately, still among us; and we all know quite well that whenever he returns to us from his holiday he will still be the dominating figure among us.

    But while we admit that this is not the time for such an appraisal, perhaps the House would permit me a very few words on this subject, because for more than sixteen years we have been so intimately associated in political work, and, as it so happens, I have never spoken about this before. As I reflect over those years, and think of them in the terms of what we yet have to do, certain lessons seem to me to stand out for us in the message of what we have done.

    First, I think, in work, was my right hon. Friend’s absolute refusal, as his War Cabinet colleagues knew so well, to allow any obstacles, however formidable, to daunt his determination to engage upon some task. With that, courage; and the courage which expresses itself not only in the first enthusiastic burst of fervour but which is also enduring, perhaps the rarer gift of the two.

    Although my right hon. Friend has perhaps the widest and most varied interests in life of any man we are likely to know—and that is true—I still think that his great passion was the political life and that he brought to the service of it a most complete vision. No man I have ever known could so make one understand the range of a problem and, at the same time, go straight to its core. I believe that in statesmanship that will be the attribute which many who knew him would place first among his many gifts.

    Apart from these things, in spirit there was the magnanimity, most agreeable of virtues; and, let us be frank about it, not one which we politicians find it always easy to practise, although we should all like to do so. In part, perhaps, this was easier with him, because I think he always thought of problems not in abstract terms but in human values; and that was one of the things which endeared him to all this House.

    Finally, as has been so well said, there was the humour—the humour based on the incomparable command of the English language, which was so often our delight, not least at Question Time. I am sure that my right hon. Friend will be deeply moved by the things which right hon. and hon. Gentlemen have said of him this afternoon, for he loves this House—loves it in companionship and in conflict.

    The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition and others have been kind in their welcome to me. I enjoyed very much the Melbourne reflections. The right hon. Gentleman, with his deep knowledge of history, will not, however, have forgotten that Melbourne, although always talking of leaving office, contrived to stay there for a very long time indeed. But I have no desire, I beg him to believe, to emulate that in its entirety. For the rest, I can only say to the right hon. Gentleman and to the Father of the House, too, that I have been deeply touched by what has been said this afternoon and that, for my part, I will do all I can to serve our country.

  • Anthony Eden – 1961 Maiden Speech in the House of Lords

    anthonyeden

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Anthony Eden in the House of Lords on 18 October 1961.

    My Lords, I hope that it will not be thought presumptuous in a newcomer if I say with what interest and pleasure I have listened to a number of the speeches in the debate in the last two days. My noble friend the Foreign Secretary, whose speech has just been referred to by the noble Lord opposite, gave us yesterday a survey of the international scene which I thought remarkable for its clarity and candour, two qualities eminently desirable in a Foreign Secretary. Also, I thought that, in the record he gave us of his stewardship, there was little that we could question. In fact, with his account I found myself almost always in close agreement.
    I also enjoyed yesterday, not for the first time in my political experience, a speech by the noble Lord, Lord Morrison of Lambeth, who seemed, as I recall, to be in characteristic form, and in a vein with which I am bound to admit I have not always been in agreement. Then to-day we have had the noble Marquess, Lord Lansdowne, who has given us a lucid report on the hazardous and useful journey which he made, and on the tragic circumstances which surrounded the last hours of Mr. Hammarskjoeld’s life and his lamentable death, as we all felt it to be.

    For the few moments during which I shall venture to detain your Lordships, I should like to come back to the European scene. It is about thirteen years ago that I stood where I am standing now, or a few paces to the left, to endorse, on behalf of the Opposition, the proposal made by the Labour Government of the day to take action on behalf of the Berlin Air-lift, a decision which I then thought, and still think, was both courageous and wise and, I agree with the noble Viscount the Leader of the Opposition, one for which the Labour Government were entitled to full credit.

    To-day, we once again discuss Berlin, as perhaps we could not have done, had the Labour Government not acted as they did then. But, of course, it is not only the fate of this great city with which we are concerned, any more than it was only the fate of that city with which we were concerned thirteen years ago, or only the fate of Danzig with which we were concerned in 1939. The Soviet purpose is to gain possession of West Berlin, either directly or through their satellite Government in East Germany; and to do this they will employ threats, cajoleries and blandishments, hoping to prise the Western Allies out of the city, or to scare them into making concessions which will further weaken their position.

    The Russians do not want war, as Hitler wanted war; but they want Berlin, or at any rate so large a measure of control in Berlin that it cannot live the kind of life which, by agreement, when the war was settled, it should live—its own life. Of course the Soviets have a great confidence in themselves, which could be dangerous to the world, and dangerous to them. It is based on a belief in their superior strength, and this may be exaggerated. The offer, already referred to, which was made in a speech yesterday at the Communist Congress in Moscow, of a respite in the settlement of the differences about Berlin and at the same time the announcement that they were to explode a 50-megaton bomb, is characteristic of a sense of overweening power. But for us, for the West, it remains an inescapable truth that if the Soviets, or their satellites were allowed to take over West Berlin, however much appearances might be saved, they would then be free to pass on to other demands, which would follow thick and fast and strong. And where should we then stop them?

    We must not burden our policy with make-believe. What is at issue is not the future of Berlin, but the unity of the will and purpose of the Western Alliance and its ability quietly but firmly to say “No” to unreasonable demands. We have done so before on occasions, and it has not always been without effect. We did so about Austria; we did so when the Western Powers created N.A.T.O.—also an achievement, so far as this country is concerned, of a previous Labour Government. To hold to the essentials of our positions in Berlin does not mean that we must refuse to talk—certainly not. But for discussion to be possible there must be something to negotiate, and so far all the Soviets have done is to grab and then show a willingness to talk about the next stage in their plan. That is not negotiation. It is to ask the West to ignore violent deeds and to enter into discussion as though they had not been done. I do not think that is possible. To accept such a course would be to connive at a progressive deterioration of international relations. At each backward step the West would be so much the weaker. That way lies disaster.

    This country, as my noble friend Lord Strang said last night, is not entirely a free agent in these matters. We have obligations. We played our part in the creation of N.A.T.O.; we played our part in bringing Western Germany into N.A.T.O., for which I accept, and do not regret, a personal responsibility. The N.A.T.O. partnership is the strongest political deterrent which exists to Communist world domination. But we must not think for a moment that the outcome of events in Berlin will be without its influence upon N.A.T.O. Germany’s N.A.T.O. partners have expressed opinions, as have Governments of all Parties in this country, about the future unity of Germany. They cannot go back on those decisions except by agreement.

    The hope in the minds of many in West Germany is that their country will one day have reunity. It is a perfectly legitimate hope and one that successive Governments in this country have many times endorsed. It would not be loyal to extinguish it; nor would it be wise. We must guard against a tendency to speak as though British Ministers were uncommitted in these matters; as though they could in some way arbitrate. That is not their position. If we did not stand by our N.A.T.O. partners we should commit an injustice and a blunder, because we could not then complain if West Germany were to seek other means to gain German unity. Another Rapallo is not an impossibility, and it had better not be our fault.

    For these reasons, my Lords, I submit that if there is to be a negotiated settlement, as I should like to see it. about the future of Berlin, it will have to contain some contribution from the Soviet side, of which hitherto, so far as I know, there has been no sign. The Soviets and their East German satellites have, in fact, already achieved a part of their purpose and have been scarcely challenged doing it. They have closed the mercy gate, which is a harsh deed. It is a deed contrary to the spirit, and I think the letter, of the Four-Power Agreement which we made at the end of the war. They are building a wall, a cruel wall, which in truth condemns them, because it is a prison wall, forbidding those behind it to reach physically to freedom. If I am right in my assumption that to build this wall is contrary to the international engagements we four Powers entered into, then this topic, I suggest, should be on the agenda when a Conference is held which includes the Soviet Power.

    The most important contribution the Soviets could make to-day, if they would, to a discussion would be to show a willingness to take decisions to allow East Germany a freer opportunity to lead her own life, and to put an end to that callous rampart they have just built. In other words, what we ask for is self-determination, which the Russians so often preach but forbid ruthlessly in the territories they control.

    The fact that such a settlement is so difficult for us to believe possible shows how far Moscow was challenged in taking forward positions to suit her policy. To stand firm over this issue of Berlin is not to invite war; it is the surest way to avert it. If we are firm, as I can see the Government have every intention of being firm, then we shall get negotiation. But we cannot accept a series of diktats, one after the other, nor the taint of being hostages, as I understand we have recently been described. The resumption of these atomic tests by Soviet Russia was intended to intimidate. There is no argument about that; they have told us so themselves. It was to shock the Western Powers into negotiation on Germany and on disarmament, presumably on Russian terms; and in this context Berlin and nuclear testing are closely linked. That is the reason why, though we will negotiate, and should, in certain conditions, the free world cannot yield to atomic blackmail and survive.

    Soviet Russia really ought not to object if we maintain the position that negotiations can take place only on the basis of existing engagements and mutual respect. Their literature is for ever complaining of the weakness which they allege the Government’s of France and Britain showed towards Hitler’s Germany in the years immediately before the war. They roundly condemn appeasement; they indict Munich in all their propaganda. It is surely rather illogical that they should now invite us to be appeasers in our turn, and bitterly revile the Governments of the West if, having learned their lesson, they are not prepared to negotiate a Munich over Berlin.

    When Her Majesty’s Government are considering whether or not there is a basis of negotiation, I should like to suggest to my noble friend a test which they might apply: it is whether the agreement for which they are working will serve only to relax tension for a while, or whether it is in the true interests of lasting peace. We must not perpetrate an injustice in order to get a little present ease; and the Government have to consider whether their decision gives peace, not just for an hour or a day or two, but in their children’s time. That is the difference between appeasement and peace. A long trail of concessions can only lead to war. I suggest to the Government four signposts as guides in these uncertain times though I admit how difficult they can be to follow: to stand by our Allies; to fulfil our obligations; to repudiate threats; and to probe for negotiation, while being beware of appeasement as I have tried to define it.

    My Lords, even as it is to-day the pressure upon Communist Powers is world-wide and continuous. Berlin is, at the moment, the focal point, but there are others. In Iran every method of intimidation and subversion, as it seems, is being unscrupulously employed. There the purpose is strategic and economic; the approach to the Persian Gulf, and the control of oil, to disrupt the economies of the other nations. In South-East Asia, particularly in South Vietnam, the area that strategically matters the most, fresh efforts are now apparently being made by extensive guerrilla activities to undermine the Government of the day; while in Tibet the conquerors are established, merciless and unchallenged.

    There is no reason to suppose that these pressures will subside. On the contrary, we must expect them to gather force as the Kremlin glories in the new power to intimidate, which its breach of the agreement to suspend nuclear testing is gaining for it. It may seem surprising that this action, which must to some extent imperil the future of the human race, has been so little condemned by what is usually called neutral opinion. I think the explanation is that its brutality—because it is brutal—was deliberate at that particular time in order to create fear, and in that it largely succeeded. The threat of nuclear war is for Moscow an instrument of policy.

    These events seem to me to show that the Free World is in a position of the utmost danger. I said a year ago that our peril was greater than at any time since 1939. Some thought that alarmist, though I do not think anybody would think so now. Yet we are still not realising the nature of the effort which is called for from us if we are to survive against a challenge of so much ruthlessness and power. Here I am not criticising any particular Government of any country, but posing the problem as it besets the Free World. Our methods do not yet match our needs. Admittedly, machinery is no substitute for will; but unless you have the machinery even the most purposeful will cannot achieve results.

    Many of your Lordships had experience during the war of the work of the Joint Chiefs-of-Staff. Without that organisation there would have been, as many noble Lords know, confusion and disarray; Allies playing their own hands in different parts of the world, often without understanding of the interests of others, sometimes regardless of them. That is exactly what has been happening often—only too often—between the politically free nations in the post-war world. We need a closer and more effective unity if we are sometimes to mould events and not only to pursue them.

    We have had two examples in the last few months of the consequence of not being prepared and agreed in advance for eventualities which were not very difficult to foresee. One was the building of the wall in Berlin, which I have just mentioned. The second has been recent events in the Congo, where opinion among the Western Powers seems to have been at odds and their actions uncoordinated, even within the United Nations. I do not want to argue about what the policy of the United Nations in the Congo should be, only to say this. While it seems to me a course of wisdom to encourage confederation in the Congo. I do not believe that it is defensible to try to impose federation by force.

    But however that may be, would not our policy in the Congo have been more influential if, even in the last few months, we and the United States and our other N.A.T.O. allies could have acted in unity? And should we not have had a better chance to do so if an international political General Staff had been at work to prepare joint plans in advance, as was done in war time, against a contingency which could be foreseen? I admit that to create such a political General Staff involves an act of will, overriding old jealousies and old prejudices which still exist between allies in the Free World, in what are nominally peace conditions. I therefore find it encouraging that this intention has received most support so far in the United States of America.

    In conclusion, my Lords, there is just one aspect of our affairs which, since I am now out of the stream of active politics, I think I can mention without being either patronising or partisan. There is another way in which this country can influence the international scene: by the image of its purpose which it creates in the minds of other people. I do not think we can, any of us, be altogether happy about that portrait just now. That is partly because of the theme of recurrent economic crises which have been endemic since the war and which, when they are temporarily surmounted, are so easily forgotten. Immediately after the war they seemed more readily acceptable. After the prodigous national effort that our country had made, and the unstinted expenditure of our resources, they seemed excusable. But now nothing would so much increase the authority of my noble friend the Foreign Secretary as the conviction in the world that we have put these recurrent spells of economic weakness behind us for good.

    I have no doubt that we can realise this, but only by a national effort in which every member of the community plays his part with a will to see the business through. This is something more important than the politics of any Party; it is our national survival as a great Power. If we can approach our economic problems in a spirit such as we have so often evoked in the past in the face of our country’s danger, selflessly, but with determination, we can solve them. We have to succeed, if our deliberations are to count for anything and if our country’s influence is to hold sway for justice and for peace.

  • Herbert Asquith – 1908 Statement on a Monument to Henry Campbell-Bannerman

    herbertasquith

    Below is the text of the speech made by Herbert Asquith, the then Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 18 May 1908.

    Three weeks ago this House paid to the memory of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman the special tribute of affection and reverence which was due from us to one who was not only the head of His Majesty’s Government, but the Leader and father of the House of Commons.

    To-day I am confident that, by adopting with unanimity the Resolution which has just been read from the Chair, the House, on behalf of the whole nation, will express its desire that the eminent services to the State of our late Prime Minister should be commemorated by a monument to be set up at the public expense in Westminster Abbey.

    This form of recognition, which, I need not say, goes a long way back in our history, though for a time it fell into abeyance, has now been followed for many years past in the case of men who have held the highest office under the Crown. It was adopted in regard to Sir Robert Peel, Lord Palmerston, Lord Beaconsfield, Mr. Gladstone, and Lord Salisbury.

    We propose to-day, with, I believe, the heartfelt concurrence of the whole people, to add the name of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman to that illustrious roll. The mere mention of the names I have just enumerated, calling up, as each of them does, to our minds the personality and the achievements of the great man by whom it was borne, can hardly fail to cause us to reflect from what an amplitude of resources and with what an infinite diversity of gifts this country of ours is served.

    We are under no temptation upon occasions like this to enter into comparisons or contrasts between this man and that. We do not attempt, we ought not to attempt, to anticipate the judgment of posterity, and to weigh, in any nicely-adjusted balance, the relative quota of their several contributions to the common stock of counsel and policy. We forget for the moment even the controversies in which they took part, the strife and the tumult in which so much of their days and nights were spent, the ebb and flow of their party and political fortunes.

    We remember only, in gratitude and with honour, that each of them in his turn gave all that ho had to the public service, and did what in him lay, in his day and generation, to leave his country greater and happier than he found it. That is their title, the best and the only title, to perpetual commemoration within the walls of the Abbey which is consecrated to our immortal dead, and it is a title which was worthily won for himself by the leader whom we have lost.

  • Herbert Asquith – 1908 Statement on the Death of Henry Campbell-Bannerman

    herbertasquith

    Below is the text of the speech made by Herbert Asquith, the then Prime Minister, in the House of Commons on 27 April 1908.

    Mr. Speaker, many of us, Sir, have come here fresh from the service in Westminster Abbey, where, amidst the monuments and memories of great men, the nation took its last farewell of all that was mortal in our late Prime Minister.

    Sir, there is not a man whom I am addressing now who does not feel that our tribute to the dead would be incomplete if this House, of which, by seniority, he was the father, and which for more that two years he has led, were not to offer to his memory to-day its own special mark of reverence and affection. I shall therefore, Sir, propose before I sit down that we should lay aside for to-day the urgent business which has brought us together, and that the House do at once adjourn until to-morrow.

    It is within a few months of forty years since Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took his seat in this Chamber. Mr. Gladstone had just entered upon his first Premiership in the plenitude of his powers and of his authority. A new House, elected upon an extended suffrage, had brought to Westminster new men, new ideas—as some thought—a new era. Among the new-comers there were probably few, judged by the superficial tests which are commonly applied, who seemed less obviously destined than Mr. Campbell, as he then was, for ultimate leadership. There have been men who, in the cruel phrase of the ancient historian, were universally judged to be fit for the highest place only until they attained and held it. Our late Prime Minister belonged to that rarer class whose fitness for such a place, until they attain and held it, is never adequately understood.

    It is true that he reached office much earlier in his Parliamentary career than is the case with most politicians. In successive Governments, at the War Office, at the Admiralty, at the Irish Office, and at the War Office again, he rendered devoted and admirable, if little advertised, service to the State.

    It is no secret, and it is sufficient proof that he himself had no ambition for leadership, that when he was for the second time a Cabinet Minister, he aspired, Sir, to be seated in your chair. But though he had too modest an estimate of himself to desire, and still less to seek, the first place in the State, it fell to him, after years of much storm and stress by a title which no one disputed; and he filled it with an ever-growing recognition in all quarters of his unique qualifications.

    What was the secret of the hold which in these later days he unquestionably had on the admiration and affection of men of all parties and all creeds? If, as I think was the case, he was one of those men who require to be fully known to be justly measured, may I not say that the more we knew him, both followers and opponents, the more we became aware that on the moral as on the intellectual side he had endowments, rare in themselves, still rarer in their combination? For example, he was singularly sensitive to human suffering and wrong doing, delicate and even tender in his sympathies, always disposed to despise victories won in any sphere by mere brute force, an almost passionate lover of peace. And yet we have not seen in our time a man of greater courage—courage not of the defiant or aggressive type, but calm, patient, persistent, indomitable.

    Let me, Sir, recall another apparent contrast in his nature. In politics I think he may be fairly described as an idealist in aim, and an optimist by temperament. Great causes appealed to him. He was not ashamed, even on the verge of old age, to see visions and to dream dreams. He had no misgivings as to the future of democracy. He had a single-minded and unquenchable faith in the unceasing progress and the growing unity of mankind. None the less, in the selection of means, in the daily work of tilling the political field, in the choice of this man or that for some particular task, he showed not only that practical shrewdness which came to him from his Scottish ancestors, but the outlook, the detachment, the insight of a cultured citizen of the world.

    In truth, Mr. Speaker, that which gave him the authority and affection, which, taken together, no one among his contemporaries enjoyed in an equal measure, was not one quality more than another or any union of qualities; it was the man himself. He never put himself forward, yet no one had greater tenacity of purpose. He was the least cynical of mankind, but no one had a keener eye for the humours and ironies of the political situation.

    He was a strenuous and uncompromising fighter, a strong Party man, but he harboured no resentments, and was generous to a fault in appreciation of the work of others, whether friends or foes. He met both good and evil fortune with the same unclouded brow, the same unruffled temper, the same unshakable confidence in the justice and righteousness of his cause.

    Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had hardly attained the highest place, and made himself fully known, when a domestic trial, the saddest that can come to any of us, darkened his days, and dealt what proved to be a fatal blow to his heart. But he never for a moment shirked his duty to the State. He laboured on—we here have seen it at close quarters—he laboured on under the strain of anxiety, and later, under the maiming sense of a loss that was ever fresh, always ready to respond to every public demand. And, Sir, as we knew him here, so after he was stricken down in the midst of his work, a martyr, if ever there was one, to conscience and duty, so he continued to the end.

    I can never forget the last time that I was privileged to see him, almost on the eve of his resignation. His mind was clear, his interest in the affairs of the country and of this House was undimmed; his talk was still lighted up by flashes of that homely and mellow wisdom which was peculiarly his own. Still more memorable, and not less characteristic, were the serene patience, the untroubled equanimity, the quiet trust, with which during those long and weary days, he awaited the call he knew was soon to come.

    He has gone to his rest, and to-day in this House, of which he was the senior and the most honoured Member, we may call a truce in the strife of parties, while we remember together our common loss, and pay our united homage to a gracious and cherished memory— How happy is ho born and taught That serveth not another’s will; Whose armour is his honest thought, And simple truth his utmost skill; This man is freed from servile bands Of hope to rise or fear to fall; Lord of himself, though not of lands, And, having nothing, yet hath all.

  • Herbert Asquith – 1887 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    herbertasquith

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Herbert Asquith in the House of Commons on 24 March 1887.

    MR. ASQUITH (East Fife) said, he would ask the indulgence of the House while he stated the reasons that induced him as an Englishman who represented a Scottish constituency, in the interests of Great Britain no less than in the interests of Ireland, to support the Amendment. It appeared to him that the Government were inviting them to a display of trustfulness, not to say of credulity, which might well tax the faith of the most docile and the best-disciplined majority. the Chief Secretary for Ireland had darkly hinted that when the time came for him to introduce his Bill, he would be able to unfold a terrible tale of anarchy and disorder. But up to this moment, after three nights’ hot debate, not a single responsible Minister had condescended to a single specific statement in support of the proposal of the Government. the right hon. Gentleman had contented himself first with general declamation as to the condition of Ireland, and next by appealing to the precedent of 1881. Now that appeal to precedent rested on two assumptions—first, that the state of things now was similar to the state of things existing then—a hypothesis which had been effectually-demolished by the right hon. Member for Mid Lothian (Mr. W. E. Gladstone); and, secondly, that the experiment of 1881, repeated in 1882, was so well justified by experience, so brilliantly fruitful of good results, that at this distance of time—1887—they were bound to follow it as a precedent, blindly, implicitly, without question and almost without argument. He would direct the attention of the House to that assumption. A great deal had been said about the duty of the Executive Government to enforce the law. He entirely agreed with that proposition. In his judgment it was the duty of the Executive not to inquire whether the law was good or bad, just or unjust, but to enforce it in all places, and at all times, without distinction of persons, without discrimination of cases, with undeviating uniformity, and with irresistible strength. [Ministerial cheers.] Hon. Gentleman opposite cheered that statement, but he would ask them, when, in our time, had that view of the duty of the Executive been recognized and acted upon in Ireland? Once certainly, and once only, and that was during Lord Spencer’s administration. Lord Spencer’s hand was heavy, but its pressure was even. Wherever he encountered lawlessness—among Catholics or Protestants, the Moonlighters of the South or the turbulent Orange rabble of the North—who dealt with it in one fashion, firmly, impartially, and effectively. But there was not a right hon. Gentleman now sitting on the Front Bench opposite, with two exceptions—namely, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, whatever might be the case now, was then a Member of the Liberal Party, and the Home Secretary, who had not then come to the close of that period of hibernation which separated the two stages of his remarkable political career—with those two exceptions there was not a right hon. Gentleman of Cabinet rank who was not a party, either as principal or accessory, to the most envenomed and bitter attacks upon Lord Spencer’s administration. He would quote for that statement the authority of Lord Salisbury himself, who said that under Lord Spencer’s administration the Nationalist League had grown into power and spread its branches throughout the whole of the country. Next he said that the practice of Boycotting, which up to that time had been comparatively rare, had established itself throughout the country, and, as Lord Salisbury pointed out, that was a practice with which no law, however stringent, could deal and which no Administration, however zealous, could put down. He, for one, did not believe in the plenary infallibility of Liberal Governments, and he did not think the proudest period in the history of the Liberal Party had been that in which it had frittered away in Office pledges which had been given when in Opposition; and, therefore. loyal though he was to his Party and his Leader, he did not think the fact that in 1881 the Liberal Government committed what he considered a colossal and disastrous mistake was any reason whatever why, in 1887, they should, in obedience to a Conservative Ministry, repeat that blunder. It was admitted that, looking at Ireland as a whole, there had been during the last six months less serious crime, whether open or secret, than in almost any corresponding period of her troubled history. What crime there had been was confined to a comparatively limited area in a few counties in the South and West. In those counties they found another phenomenon. It was in those counties that abatements of rent had been most generally refused. It was in those counties that evictions had been most exceptionally frequent in number, and most grave and cruel in their character. It was in those counties that the standard of rents, judged by the reductions made by the Land Commissioners in the course of the last few months, had been abnormally high. As to the prevalence of crime, having regard to these admitted facts, he said deliberately that this was a manufactured crisis. They knew by experience how a case for coercion was made out. the panic-mongers of the Press—gentlemen to whom every political combination was a conspiracy, and to whom every patriot was a rebel—were the first in the field. They had been most effectively assisted on the present occasion on the other side of the Channel by the purveyors of loyal fictions and patriotic hysterics wholesale, retail, and for exportation. The truth, whatever truth there was in the stories, was deliberately distorted and exaggerated. Atrocities were fabricated to meet the requirements of the market with punctuality and despatch; and when the home supply failed, the imagination of the inventive journalist winged its flight across the Atlantic, and he set to work to piece together the stale gossip of the drinking saloons of Now York and Chicago, and eked it out with cuttings from the obscure organs of the dynamic Press. And thus it was that, after six months of comparatively little crime, we found ourselves in the presence of this artificial crisis, and confronted once again with proposals for coercion. They were told—and it was true—that there were certain grave symptoms in the existing condition of Ireland. The National League was assorting its authority throughout the country. In many quarters the practice. of Boycotting was carried on to an extent that was inconsistent with the maintenance of law and good order. There was a disposition on the part of juries not to convict persons who ought to be punished. He made. these admissions; but he asked hon. Members to consider what was the meaning of the facts. His hon. Friend the Member for the Inverness Burghs (Mr. Finlay) declared the other night that he was going to support the measures of the Government because they were measures, not of coercion, but of emancipation—measures to enfranchise the suffering Irish tenant from the tyranny of secret societies. What secret societies? His hon. Friend did not attempt to answer that question; but it appeared that he was referring to the National League. Well, that was no more a secret society than was the Prim-rose League. It was an open association, and reports of the proceedings of all its branches appeared every week in United Ireland. There had been in Ireland and elsewhere secret societies such as the Fenian Brotherhood, the Carbonari in Italy, the Ku-Klux-Klan in the Southern States of America, and the Nihilists in Russia; but these secret societies had been called into existence by measures such as that to be submitted to the House. They had drawn the vitality which enabled them to tyrranize over and terrorize the people by such a policy as the Government were now asking the House to adopt, and in favour of which the Government were asking the House to devote the whole of its time, to the postponement of all the real Business of the nation. Once suspend the guarantees of the Constitution, and take away from the people the privilege of free criticism and of legitimate political agitation, and the consequence was to drive them to those sinister and subterranean methods, which wore destructive of peace and prosperity in every country in which they should exist. The really grave symptoms in Ireland were the existence of Boycotting and the indisposition of juries to convict prisoners. No coercive legislation could have the least effect in diminishing or removing either of those evils. With regard to Boycotting, he was content with the testimony of Lord Salisbury’. It was one of those impalpable things which legislation could not reach, and the only remedy for it was altering the conditions out of which it sprang. The indisposition of juries to convict depended, firstly, on the rooted antipathy and hostility of the class from which the jurors were drawn to the system of law that they were called upon to administer. In the next place, it depended on the unwillingness of men to give evidence against those whom they believed to be in sympathy with the aspirations of the masses of the community. He would illustrate this by the case of the Curtin family. He did not hesitate to say that the treatment to which that family had been exposed was a disgrace to Ireland and a scandal to humanity. But while they should lose no opportunity of denouncing the cruelty of which the Curtin family had been the victims, yet, when they came to practical legislation, they must consider the real meaning of what had occurred. What was the crime in the eyes of the people which the Curtin family were expiating by this terrible social ostracism? It was not that the head of the family shot and killed the leader of the band of marauders who invaded his house by night. It was because the sons and daughters went to Cork Assizes and gave evidence against the persons concerned in that crime. He was not defending or palliating that course of conduct, but they were sitting there as legislators, and not as moral censors. They had to consider what would he the result of their legislation. From actual violence and outrage, and even from open insult, the Curtin family had long since been protected. [“No, no!”] He was speaking of facts which he had personally investigated. Did hon. Members imagine that by the legislation which Her Majesty’s Government were going to propose, they would be able to transmute the social atmosphere in which those people lived and which rendered such treatment of them possible? Suppose they enlarged the powers of the magistrates; suppose they deprived the jurors of their share in the administration of the law; suppose they made punishments more severe; did they imagine that in that way they would increase the disposition of the peasantry of Ireland to come forward and give evidence? Not oven a drum-head court-martial could convict without testimony proving the guilt of the accused. The difficulty which they had to provide for was the difficulty which arose from the fact that the great mass of the population in Ireland were alienated from the law, and had no sympathy with its administration. We were not unfamiliar in this country with the very state of things which existed in Ireland. There was nothing novel in the symptoms. They had been witnessed in every country whenever the state of the law had not been in harmony with the wishes of the people. In the early part of the present century, in the days when it was the custom for the Attorney General to file, as a matter of course, information for seditious libel against political opponents, in vain did the Judges direct that juries had no alternative but to convict. In the teeth of the evidence, and in the face of the direction of the Judge, the jury acquitted the prisoner. It was truly an extraordinary thing that at this time of day the Government, dealing with a well-known form of social and political disease, should come to the House and repeat the catch-words of the Metternichs and Castlereaghs as if they were the latest discoveries of political science. They wore told that, after passing this Coercion Bill, the Government were going to give the Irish people a dose of remedial legislation. The procedure of the Government reminded him greatly of that enterprising speculator in the days of the South Sea Bubble who invited the public to subscribe their money in support of a scheme, the particulars of which were to be disclosed subsequently. History did not record that any dividends were ever paid on the capital so subscribed. He did not wish to impugn the good faith of the Government, and he dared say that they believed in the efficacy of the Land Bill which they were to introduce. At present, however, very little was known about that Bill. They knew that it was to provide for the extension to leaseholders of the benefits of the Land Act. That was a provision borrowed from the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. Parnell). It was further believed that the Bill would provide for the application of some of the equitable provisions of the Bankruptcy Act to the cases of a certain class of tenants. The road to prosperity for these tenants was in some way or other to He through the portals of the Bankruptcy Court—in truth a very encouraging prospect. Then they know that this remedial legislation was in the first instance to make its appearance in “another place.” That was a very significant fact. He was far from being disposed to intrust the Government with exceptional powers for the enforcement of the law on the chance, the very remote chance, that some day or other, this year or next, or on the advent of the Greek kalends, that august Assembly, which in the last 50 years had mangled and mutilated every proposal for the remedy of the grievances of Ireland, might be coerced or persuaded into acquiescing in an equitable solution of the Irish agrarian question. The Chancellor of the Exchequer not long ago, with what was then his habitual caution, declined to give a blank cheque to Lord Salisbury. He thought that they might profit by the right hon. Gentleman’s example; and the liberties of a nation being at stake, reasonably decline to honour this very serious draft upon their political credulity. He quite understood that there were hon. Members near him who took a very different view of the matter. Those hon. Members were compelled by the circumstances of their position to an exercise of faith which a very short time ago they would have been the first to ridicule and condemn. It was, perhaps, excusable in them, that under the stress of compromising memories—memories of the day when they were wont to declare “that force was no remedy,”—memories of the days still more recent when they denounced the wickedness of Irish landlords, and the more than Polish abominations of Castle rule—it was, perhaps, excusable in them that they should clutch at any pretext, however desperate, which might seem to reconcile their present with their past, He did not know who was the casuist of the Liberal Unionist Party. In that compact and complete organization he felt sure that a place must have been found for a director of consciences. “Whoever he was, his time must just now  be pretty well occupied. But as for the poor Separatists “the intellectual scum of what was once the Liberal Party,” they might be thankful that they had not to exercise their humble faculties in the attempt to explain how they could vote for a Coercion Bill in the hope that some day or other, in some way or other, remedial measures might be introduced. In the course which the Party opposite were about to take, were they not either going too far or not going nearly far enough? Let them consider what would be the position of Ireland, the condition of government in that country under the system which they were about to introduce—representative institutions upon the terms that the voice of the great majority of the Representatives of the people should be systematically ignored and overridden; the right of public meeting tempered by Viceregal proclamation; trial by jury with a doctored and manipulated panel; a free Press subject to be muzzled at the caprice of an official censorship; Judges and magistrates in theory independent of the Crown, but, in fact, by the tradition and practice of their office inextricably mixed up with the daily action of the Executive. What conceivable advantage could there be either to Ireland or Great Britain from the continuance of this grotesque caricature of the British Constitution? There was much virtue in government of the people, by the people, for the people. There was much also to be said for a powerful and well-equipped autocracy. But, between the two there was no logical or statesmanlike halting-place. For the hybrid system which the Government were about to set up—a system which pretended to be that which it was not, and was not that which it pretended to be—a system which could not he either resolutely repressive or frankly popular—for this half-hearted compromise there was reserved the inexorable sentence which history had in store for every form of political imposture.

  • Patrick McLoughlin – 2016 Speech to Parliament on HS2

    Patrick McLoughlin

    Below is the text of the speech made by Patrick McLoughlin, the Secretary of State for Transport, to the House of Commons on 23 March 2016.

    Madame Deputy Speaker, I beg to move that the Bill be now read a third time.

    Our railways and roads power our economy.

    It is almost 2 centuries since this House gave its backing to a pioneering railway from London to Birmingham.

    A line which changed our country.

    And on which many of our great cities still rely today.

    Of course we could leave it as it is for another 2 centuries.

    Congested and unreliable.

    And suffer the consequences in lost growth, lost jobs, and lost opportunities.

    Particularly in the midlands and the north.

    But this House has already shown that it can do much better than that.

    By backing a new high speed route alongside other transport investment in road and rail access across the country.

    In 2013 Parliament passed the High Speed Rail (Preparation) Act, paving the way for HS2.

    Backed by welcome support and cooperation from all parts of the House.

    For which I wish to thank all parties.

    We have made outstanding progress since then.

    British contractors are bidding to build the line.

    British apprentices are waiting to work on the line.

    British cities are waiting to benefit from it.

    Which is why today’s vote is so important.

    On what will be a great British railway.

    Phase One will be the bedrock of this new network.

    Phase 2a will take it further to Crewe.

    And Phase 2b onwards to Manchester and Leeds.

    Our trains are more than twice as busy as they were 20 years ago.

    And growth will continue.

    HS2 will help us cope.

    It will work, it will be quick, it will be reliable, it will be safe, and it will be clean.

    And when it is finished we will wonder why we took so long to getting around to building it.

    I know many Hon Members will want to speak so I will keep my remarks short.

    I will touch on the detail of the Bill.

    I will also set out the work that has been done on the environment.

    And then I want to describe what will come next including what we are doing to build skills and manage costs.

    First, the Bill before the House today authorises the first stage of HS2 from London to Birmingham.

    This Bill has undergone more than 2 years of intense parliamentary scrutiny since 2013.

    Even before Phase One of the Bill was introduced, the principle of HS2 was extensively debated on the floor of this House.

    In April 2014 we had the second reading of Phase One of the Bill.

    Then there was a special Select Committee.

    I want to thank all members of the Committee, particularly my hon Friend the Member for Poole, who chaired it so ably.

    I also want to pay special tribute to my hon Friends the Member for North West Norfolk and the Member for Worthing West – who, along with the Member for Poole, sat for the whole of the Committee Stage.

    The committee heard over 1,500 petitions during 160 sittings.

    It sat for over 700 hours and over 15,000 pieces of evidence were provided to it.

    It published its second special report on 22 February 2016.

    The government published its response, accepting the committee’s recommendations.

    Many of the changes made to the scheme in select committee were related to the environmental impacts.

    Building any road or rail link has impacts.

    But we will build it carefully and we will build it right.

    For example, HS2 Ltd have today started work to procure up to 7 million trees to be planted alongside the line and help blend it in with the landscape.

    Changes at select committee will mean less land take, more noise barriers, and longer tunnels.

    We have done a huge amount of work to assess environmental impacts.

    More than 50,000 pages of environmental assessment have been provided to the House.

    We have produced a Statement of reasons’ setting out why we believe it is correct to proceed with HS2.

    This information is important to ensure that the House makes its decision – to support this vital project – in light of the environmental effects.

    I expect construction of HS2 Phase One between London and Birmingham to begin next year (2017).

    To enable this HS2 Ltd have this morning announced that 9 firms have now been short-listed for the civil engineering contracts for the line.

    Those contracts alone will create over 14,000 jobs.

    And we want those jobs to be British jobs.

    This is why the HS2 skills college, with sites in Birmingham and Doncaster, will open its doors next year to train our young people to take up these opportunities.

    But it’s not just about jobs. It is also about materials too.

    HS2 will need approximately 2 million tonnes of steel over the next 10 years.

    We are already holding discussions with UK suppliers to make sure they are in the best possible position to win those contracts.

    Later this year I will set out my decisions on HS2 Phase Two.

    As this happens we must have a firm grip on costs.

    The November 2015 Spending Review confirmed a budget for the whole of HS2 of £55.7 billion at 2015 prices.

    HS2 is a major commitment of public money, but it is an investment which Britain must make. And can afford to make.

    The cost of HS2 equates to around 0.14% of UK GDP in the Spending Review period.

    Now, I respect the fact that there are those in this House who take a different view of this project.

    But this is about the future of our nation.

    A bold new piece of infrastructure that will open to passengers in just 10 years’ time.

    This is about giving strength not just to the north, but also to the Midlands.

    Today I can get a high speed train to Paris and other parts of Europe, but not to Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds or Scotland.

    This is about boosting the links to the Midlands manufacturing heartland.

    The connections to Leeds, York, the north-east and Edinburgh. To the north-west, Liverpool, Manchester and Glasgow.

    It is about making HS2 part of our national railway network – such as at Euston.

    Here we are not only building a world class high speed rail station, but we are also funding work by Network Rail to prepare a masterplan for Euston station.

    An important step forward in our vision of an integrated hub that will enhance the area.

    At Old Oak Common I have agreed to the transfer of land to the Development Corporation, paving the way for in excess of 25,000 new homes and 65,000 jobs.

    High Speed 2 is a measure of our ambition as a country.

    A measure of our willingness to look beyond the immediate to the future and to a hard-headed view of what we need to succeed as a nation.

    This is a railway which will unlock that future.

    I urge colleagues to support the Bill at third reading as they have done to date and for the carry over motion so that the Bill can continue its passage in the next session.

    I commend the Bill to the House.

  • Anne Swift – 2016 Presidential Address at NUT Conference

    nut

    Below is the text of the speech made by Anne Swift, the President of the NUT, at the party’s annual conference in Brighton on 26 March 2016.

    Conference.

    I am enormously proud to be your president and I am looking forward to meeting many of you in your associations and divisions during the coming year.

    I come from a family of trade unionists. My father was a shop steward at the Massey Ferguson tractor factory in Coventry and my mum, who is here today, was a branch secretary for the Civil and Public Services Association when she worked for British Telecom.

    My parents taught me the value of hard work and the power of collective action. A power which is seriously eroded under the present government’s anti Trade Union Bill

    My parents worked through the period in the 1970s when three-day-weeks and short time working was the norm. They both held down a number of jobs to make ends meet and ensure their family of five children didn’t go without.

    Ironically, one of the jobs my dad had was delivering fresh meat from butchers to school kitchens in rural Warwickshire. Jamie Oliver would have been delighted. How times have changed.

    I was supported by my family to go to college without the cost of crippling tuition fees and I left with no student debt. Only children of the rich can say that today, not working class families like mine.

    At this conference we will discuss a wide variety of issues and much will be said by many erudite speakers urging the Executive to take forward important campaigns. Announcements in the last two weeks have galvanised many of those campaigns and I congratulate all those who have demonstrated this week and signed the petitions calling for the government to have a referendum on academisation and to scrap the plans altogether. Well over 100,000 signatures, for each, means the issues must be considered for Parliamentary Debate – Let’s have that debate.

    With so much going on in education you will be pleased to know I am not going to try to cover everything in this speech. I will stick to what I know and leave our expert delegates to speak on other important matters. When I was teaching I worked on the calculation that you should only keep your audience sitting still for double their age in minutes; 4 year olds – 8 minutes; 5 year olds 10 and so on. So I think I should have enough time today!

    I have recently left my job as head teacher at Gladstone Road Primary School, a local authority community school in Scarborough. 820 pupils and a staff of 130 made it the largest in North Yorkshire with many challenges. I miss my colleagues, the wonderful children and the day-to-day problem solving. But what a sense of relief, as I felt the weight of the job lifted from my shoulders on the last day of the autumn term.

    But I know that you, and thousands of teachers, are still bowed down by the weight of workload, mainly generated to provide evidence for others. The accountability regime has all but sucked the joy out of teaching, in many ways, and the constant meddling by politicians has led to chaos and confusion. This has been exemplified by the recent announcements on testing for primary pupils.

    But teaching is still the best job in the world and the most worthwhile. I am constantly amazed at the spirit of teachers who take their pupils on exciting visits, put on amazing productions and bring out the best in their pupils, with a real joy and devotion to the young people.

    I have been fortunate enough to attend the Schools Prom at the Royal Albert Hall. I am proud that this magnificent showcase of young musical talent is sponsored by the NUT.

    The Government seems to forget that the music industry along with other creative arts, theatre, dance and drama, are major earners for this country and we lead the world in our cultural heritage and talent. If we focus so heavily on Maths and English to the exclusion of the arts, we will be doing our young people a great disservice, and cutting off a source of enjoyment and potential careers for the next generation.

    Our job in primary schools is to sow the seeds so that young people can be inspired to find out what they are good at and be given the means to learn all they can without being tested to destruction.

    I have a vivid memory of one of my teachers when I was a fourth year junior, a Year 6 today. My teacher, Mr Carr, had displayed on the working wall a model of a volcano, from which, when you pulled various levers and tabs, “lava erupted and fumaroles appeared.”

    This gave me a love of Geography, coupled with the opportunities given by my parents to go camping every weekend around the Midlands and the many family holidays all over England and Wales – countries not known for active volcanoes, I know; but still, these experiences and a creative teacher encouraged me to find out why places and landscapes are like they are.

    The new curriculum, despite being content-heavy, is without instructions on how to teach; at least in the foundation subjects. This makes spaces for teachers to be creative in the way the body of knowledge is taught to children, to develop the skills of the geographer, historian, scientist, etc.

    And technology can help – you only have to search for a topic on the internet and there are many generous teachers willing to share their ideas. I am very proud to belong to a community of professionals who refuse to be dogged and dispirited by the cold hand of government and the accountability regime.

    Our Union also has useful resources for curriculum design and assessment through the Year of the Curriculum and Year of Assessment, both available on the website. And I would like to thank our Education and Equalities Department for the wonderful work they do in holding a torch for education.

    When I was packing up my office to leave, I came across topic plans from the 1990s. I obviously had more time then, as I created covers using a drawing program on the BBC Acorn computer.

    They look primitive nowadays but show just how much technology has changed in the last 30 years. However, the topic plans with their interlinking of subjects could be used today.

    I firmly believe we must hold true to our principles of creativity to make what could be uninspiring bodies of knowledge come alive for our pupils. For teachers too, this chance to be creative meets a need in them and makes the job exciting and fulfilling.

    Who knows what will inspire our young people to engage with learning. We don’t even know what jobs they will be doing when they leave school – the rate of change is exponentially greater than it was when I was at school.

    I asked my eight-year-old grandson when he thought the iPad was invented. “Before I was born,” he said. It was actually released in 2010. Look how many of you are on your mobile devices, and this year we have a conference app and next year, maybe, digi-voting. One day, maybe, we will attend a virtual Annual Conference. I hope not.

    When today’s reception class children leave school they will be engaged in jobs that haven’t yet been invented. If they have jobs at all, as it is predicted that 50% of jobs will be carried out by robots by 2028. I hope that’s not true either!

    One job that is not attracting young people is teaching. Even bursaries are not doing the trick and there is evidence that where bursaries are taken up for training, the trainee does not necessarily go on to get a job in school – what a waste of up to £30,000 in bursary payments.

    With the numbers of teachers who leave in the first five years of teaching and the rising school age population, we have the perfect conditions for a shortage of teachers.

    In the NUT we have been warning of this for over two years. As late as last July, Nick Gibb, the Schools Minister was saying: “I don’t believe there is a crisis. We’re managing the challenge.”

    But the Commons Education Select Committee announced in October that it was going to investigate whether there is a crisis in recruitment. The Committee should listen to us and the evidence given by the NUT.

    The National Audit Office also severely criticised the Department for Education in a report this February, showing the Government has no real idea of the impact of its policies on teacher recruitment and retention.

    So how is the DfE responding? Are they cutting workload, reshaping accountability, paying teachers more, listening to the voice of the profession? No.

    Instead it has produced a prime-time TV advert suggesting that ‘great’ teachers can earn £65,000 a year! Complaints have been made to the Advertising Standards Authority about the misleading nature of this ad.

    Perversely, the DfE have also announced the closure of recruitment to school-based training schemes and instead decided to focus on Teach First and the National Teaching Service.

    What they fail to understand is that you can’t keep denigrating the education service, dismantling the known and trusted routes into teaching via universities and colleges, imposing unjust accountability regimes, and still expect teaching to be an attractive profession.

    I have grave doubts about the School Direct route through Teaching Alliances, which has shifted the responsibility for training students away from universities to schools. I call this the apprenticeship model of training, more usually associated with craft industries, where student teachers spend most of their time in the classroom and go to college for day release to learn about pedagogy.

    This has had a devastating impact on education departments in universities, leading to a much reduced role, the redundancy of staff and loss of expert knowledge.

    It follows a view by Government that learning on the job is preferable to time spent learning the theory which underpins practice. It has had an impact on schools who are expected to do the work formerly carried out by the university for very little funding. I am sure many of the teachers who enter the profession via this route are very able, but they have been short-changed.

    The teaching alliances have also had to fill the gap left by the demise or reduction in the role of local authorities to provide Continuing Professional Development for staff, and again this leads to increased workload as expertise is sourced from within the alliance or purchased from commercial suppliers who have designed teaching programmes or assessment packages. This has created a very lucrative ‘edu-business.’

    When I wrote this speech in February I thought that the teacher shortage, the diminution of the training available both to students and in-service teachers, along with the changes which took place prior to this Government to remove the requirement for children to be taught by a Qualified Teacher all of the time meant that schools will eventually be staffed by a few “qualified, expert teachers,” supported by other para-professionals. Well, now Nicky Morgan has come clean. In the latest white paper “Educational Excellence Everywhere” (I’m sure there is a joke to be made about the number of Es here) schools will be free to employ anyone to teach and it will be up to the head to accredit them.

    We have seen this happen in Early Years where some schools have a qualified teacher in the reception class but “practioners” in the nursery or pre-reception class. These people are skilled and can support teachers well, but, where settings are led by qualified teachers, outcomes for children are better.

    This was one of the conclusions from the Effective Provision of Pre-school Education (EPPE) research, one of the biggest longitudinal surveys from 1997 to 2004, and updated again in 2014.

    Having qualified teachers who engaged with the children in shared sustained thinking was one of the key findings. This principle is one of the aspects of the Early Years Foundation Stage and forms a characteristic of effective learning.

    Early Years settings, and all schools, need to be properly staffed by qualified teachers who can plan a play-based curriculum, centred around enquiry and fit for the age and developmental stage of the children.

    We must be alert to any reduction in this caused by funding cuts and political demands for the formalisation of early education. This battle is not yet won. The legislation allowing anyone to teach and the baseline assessment tests put play at risk.

    Save the Children has recently launched a campaign: Read on. Get on. They have asked the Government to invest in nurseries so that every nursery is led by a qualified teacher. In Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon has also announced a commitment to put qualified teachers in every nursery by 2018. They recognise that young children who are disadvantaged, particularly, need the most qualified people to work with them to enhance their life chances. Our government is going in the wrong direction.

    I attended one of our “Reading for Pleasure” conferences where it was stated that “children from a home with few or no books arrive at school with a vocabulary of approximately 3,500 words.” Contrast this with a child who owns 50 books; they have a spoken vocabulary of over 7,000 words and a great deal of knowledge about how books and reading work.

    It has been one of my greatest professional pleasures to teach children to read. The delight on a child’s face when they recognise words in different contexts and realise they can read them, and make meaning from what they read, are “golden moments”. They have achieved a difficult cognitive challenge. We must do all we can to make reading an irresistible pleasure, not a chore.

    I find it incredibly sad that in the children’s section of a well-known bookshop a whole wall is dedicated to practise work books for the English and Maths curriculum.

    Sad, too, that some schools are sending home nonsense or pseudo words for Year 1 children to learn to read. This is not reading but barking at print. And children who can read are penalised in the phonic test for trying to make a pseudo word a real word.

    I hope I live long enough to look back on this time and laugh at the absurdity, in much the same way as people of my generation recall the Initial Teaching Alphabet.

    I do not blame the schools for doing all they can. They are under pressure and accountable for every child passing the phonics test, even though an increasing number of children arrive in school with severe speech and language difficulties.

    My recommendation to Nicky Morgan is to put a speech and language therapist in every school if she seriously wants disadvantaged children to read well. That, along with increasing the number of educational psychologists and access to mental health services would go a long way to meeting the needs of our pupils and really supporting them to access education.

    However, without tackling the root causes of poverty, many children will be disadvantaged. I have witnessed the impact of austerity measures on children and families. The stress of poverty translates to anxiety in children.

    We are urged to close the gap in terms of educational outcomes, but the gap between the rich and poor has grown larger and now 3.7 million children are living in poverty, despite Government’s redefining of poverty to exclude income! And in the recent budget we were promised more years of austerity and the disgraceful targeting of the most vulnerable people in our society to suffer more cuts.

    In my school we appointed a family support advisor to help parents deal with housing issues, money management, behaviour issues and the benefit system.

    Like many schools we had a pupil support advisor – a trusted adult children could tell their fears and worries too. With funding cuts those roles will be in jeopardy

    It breaks my heart when I think of the children arriving at school hungry, without warm clothing, and some so angry at the hand life has dealt them they hit out at all around them.

    Schools cannot fix the greater societal ills – Government must play its part and yet they seem even more determined to divide society into the deserving and undeserving poor with tax breaks for the rich and cuts for the vulnerable .

    With the removal of levels from the national curriculum, the Government is relying even more heavily on test results to measure the success of schools. Campaigns such as You can’t test this highlight the absurdity of trying to capture the worth or merit of learning in a numeric test score.

    The Government is wilfully disregarding the evidence which has been collected over a number of years. During my teaching career we have had the well respected Assessment Reform Group reporting on effective assessment, and academics such as Paul Black, Dylan Wiliam and Shirley Clark have written and spoken with knowledge and authority about the place of assessment in moving learning on and providing evidence of learning.

    Measuring human endeavour – especially learning – is complex and depends on a number of variables, but the Government wants even our youngest children reduced to a score. Of all the tests, baseline must be the worst. There are so many variables, the most obvious being the age of the child. It is not good to have an August birthday!

    I also learned recently that the baseline tests have been designed so that only 2.5% of pupils can achieve top marks. So it is already a test, not of what children might be capable of, but a deficit model illustrating what they can’t do.

    The research from the NUT and ATL by Alice Bradbury and Guy Roberts Holmes – with quotes from teachers – illustrates the ridiculousness of the baseline test. It has nothing to do with assessing children to inform provision and planning, but everything to do with school and teacher accountability. The research also points out the temptation to err on the side of caution and give children a low score in the test in order to demonstrate good progress as the child moves through the system. This will affect how children are judged by subsequent teachers and Wendy Ellyatt from the Save Childhood Movement has coined the phrase “Scored for Life.”

    My niece is the mother of a 4 year old with an August birthday. She went to parents evening recently and was distraught to hear that her little girl is behind in her phonics and has to stay in at playtime to catch up. I tried to reassure her that my great niece is doing really well and is doing exactly as she should for her age and stage of development.

    This obsession with teaching children the “basics” at an ever earlier age is damaging. Very few countries start formal learning before the age of seven, as they know a child’s brain is still not sufficiently developed to make the neural pathways needed for abstract thinking.

    Why are we being directed to teach in ways that are so harmful, rather than going with the natural grain of human development? We must resist this and campaign with our allies in the Early Years field, and parents, to show there is a better way.

    The Early Years and, I would argue for this to continue beyond the age of seven, should be centred around the development of oral language, playfulness and self-regulation – factors known to achieve better outcomes for pupils.

    We also have to bust the myth of linear progression. Anyone who has taught children knows that progress is not made in a simple upward trajectory from a given starting point. Children plateau whilst they consolidate prior learning; make leaps forward as new learning makes sense and becomes internalised; and at times regress due to various circumstances, such as prolonged absence or traumatic events. There is no evidence to show a correlation between baseline scores and later academic achievement. But the myth persists – this graph shows the standard expected linear progression and has been used as the basis of target setting and to measure the performance of schools and individual teachers. But only 1 in 10 children actually follow this path. This graph shows the variety of pathways to achieve the expected attainment at age 16. How this is going to translate to assessment without levels is anybody’s guess.

    The mass of data collected about individual pupils, aggregated together and then sliced every which way, is phenomenal. I wonder if parents know just how much information is held by Government on their children. Who knows for what purposes it might be used in the future? Did they give permission for this information to be collected and stored? Do they realise, as they did in Wales, that baseline is really a measure of their parenting?

    So, the measures used are spurious, the way information is used to hold the service to account is partial and the data is not statistically sound.

    This simplistic approach to assessing achievement is built on the sandiest of foundations. At some point the whole assessment edifice must come tumbling down.

    Let’s give it a good shake now and protect our children and profession from this dangerous and damaging nonsense.

    The impact of the new curriculum and testing arrangements is also having a detrimental effect on pupils with SEN. They are dispirited, as the tests constantly show what they can’t do and as they get older they become more aware of this. The tests will create even more children who will be designated as having additional needs because they don’t reach the bar raised arbitrarily by government.

    We have always promoted inclusion – that is, a system which includes every child whatever their strengths or disabilities. In our mainstream schools children are not included in every lesson, as they are constantly subjected to booster groups, additional support and intervention programmes.

    With an already narrowed curriculum, particularly for Year 6 children, those with SEN or a perceived SEN are taken from their art, music, P.E. lessons, and so on – all to accelerate them, to close the gap, and to try and make sure the data looks good.

    Of course children need help, support and differentiated programmes to help them achieve their best. But it should not be at the expense of a broad and balanced curriculum which engages all children, assesses them to help teachers plan the next steps and ensure they are motivated and prepared to be responsible citizens.

    Having schools which resemble exam factories are not just an anathema to us – “the blob,” as we were once referred to – but even the CBI recognises that employers want young people who are resilient, motivated, able to show initiative, work in teams and be creative.

    My school took part in the Exam Factories? research. For a long time teachers have been saying the testing culture and accountability regime is detrimental to our children. In this study, the children themselves have their say.

    In the interviews with pupils, one of my Year 5 girls, in response to the question “What is education for?” answered “To make your dreams come true.” Unfortunately, Year 6 pupils saw education as much more about getting good test and exam results.

    One of my mum’s favourite sayings, and she has many, is “All things will pass.” And this period will come to an end, eventually. We may well look back on it as an era:

    • when education was “measured by statistics and governed by numbers”;
    • when only that which is easily measured by pencil and paper tests was considered worthwhile;
    • with a focus on performativity at the expense of deep learning.
    • when education was seen as a commodity, ripe for private profit, rather than a public good;

    And a time when data was used to misinform by politicians and schools were held to account using very narrow measures.

    Our job is to hasten the demise of this period in order to protect the public education service for our pupils and teachers. We do not underestimate the scale of the task, as we recognise only too well that the Government reforms are driven by the Global Education Reform Movement.

    Learning is packaged and sold via multinational companies and educational charitable foundations. They use education to offset their tax liabilities. Education is reduced to a single indicator – e.g. an Ofsted judgement or SAT results, etc. – and presented in oversimplified form.

    But we should use data, or information as it is being called by Ofsted, to challenge the Government.

    Ask your MP –

    • What evidence is there that academies raise standards?
    • How much will it cost to convert all schools?
    • How can they guarantee a school place for every child?
    • Do they want children taught by unqualified staff?
    • How much has Baseline Assessment and other tests cost?
    • Are they happy that the market can respond to the needs of the service, rather than planning based on proper analysis of teacher supply and future pupil populations?

    The original arguments for becoming an academy – more money, freedom from local authority control, and the autonomy to provide whatever curriculum the school wanted – have largely disappeared.

    The multi-academy trusts hold more power over a school and they are much more tightly controlled than ever they were by a local authority. And the tests ensure every school has to devote large amounts of curriculum time to the content of the English and Maths programmes of study

    The Government still spins a narrative of failure in the state school system to justify ‘academisation’ as the means to raise standards in schools. But there is no compelling evidence that becoming an academy leads to a better education for children. Nicky Morgan can say it but she cannot produce any evidence.

    Indeed, research has shown that a school is six times more likely to remain ‘inadequate’ if it has become a sponsored academy than if it remains a local authority community school – with access to support, collaboration with other schools, and the sharing of good practice.

    As a number of scandals in academies have emerged, the Education Select Committee, last year, stated that oversight arrangements were not robust enough!

    Hence the arrival of the Regional Schools Commissioners, who are vying with Ofsted to pronounce on the quality of schools in their area. As if schools need another layer of accountability. Does this mean an end to Ofsted?

    One of the other weights that has been lifted from my shoulders is the dreaded Ofsted inspection. As a head teacher, I have found that there are two responses to the word Ofsted – sheer terror, or a blasé “they must take us as they find us” attitude.

    I was in the former camp. The anxiety which shrouds many schools from Monday to Wednesday is palpable. I know the feeling of glancing at the clock at lunchtime every day, waiting for the call and the relief at about one o’clock on a Wednesday knowing we weren’t going to get a visit that week.

    Maybe this says more about me and my insecurities. I know my school was and is a good school with outstanding teachers, but even so the anxiety was huge.

    I have seen good people driven out of the profession or made ill by the strain of the inspection system, based for the most part on data which is so variable and built on sand.

    Being put in an Ofsted category continues the pressure and intolerable demands which drives even more workload for the staff. No wonder so many young and early-career teachers leave, and so many staff are demoralised. But we should be careful what we wish for. The alternative may be worse.

    It is clear now that the Government are going all-out to privatise schools though the academy programme. Many ideas have been imported from the charter-school movement in America.

    And now the Secretary of State is suggesting the next Chief of Ofsted should be recruited from the USA. If the American system is so good, why don’t they top the international league tables?

    I am sure there are brilliant teachers in the US battling to provide a worthwhile education, whilst implementing systems designed by people with little knowledge of how humans learn, nor a willingness to tackle the causes of poverty which have such an impact on educational outcomes.

    As we think about the future and four more years of this administration, I am reminded of a quote from a pupil which I kept on my office wall (I am not sure where it is from).

    I’ve been sitting and wondering what the future will be like.
    It took me quite a long while. When I finished, I realised a lot of the future was gone. So a lot of the future is in the past.

    We must not sit and wonder – we must not procrastinate but activate.

    We can fight back. There are examples around the world – for instance, the Chicago teachers’ strike in 2012, and if you get a chance to see the Banner Theatre depiction of the strike you will be inspired.

    The Government has sought to break the unions, and the opportunity for ordinary people working in public services to withdraw their labour, with their anti-trade-unions Bill.

    We must remember these rights were hard won by the chain-makers, the match girls, the Tolpuddle Martyrs, and our predecessors in the NUT since we were formed in 1870.

    Many campaigns led by women, who as a group are still treated badly by governments and large corporations. It is still the case that women make up 50% of the world population and yet own less than 1% of property. The development of our women’s networks, attendance at women’s TUC and the work of our advisory groups continues to bring the issues to the fore. We know from casework that many women teachers have their careers cut short as they find themselves in capability procedures. Thank goodness for our lay officers and paid officials who represent them so ably.

    Our union recognises the dangers, understands the issues and focuses on the campaigns that will make a difference. It is essential that we stand together with our fellow professionals. We are a union that stands up for education and protects our members in their workplaces.

    We should say No to Nicky; No to forced academies, No to privatisation and No to ludicrous testing and accountability systems.

    I am delighted that we are working closely with the Association of Teachers and Lecturers. We have carried out a number of joint events and together we will have more success in our campaigns.

    In Finland, one union – the OAJ – represents educators from pre-school to university level. The Finnish government sees consultation, discussions and negotiations with the OAJ as essential to securing the education service it wants.

    It is an example of a great partnership between the profession, business and government to achieve their combined aim of an education service which produces responsible citizens. If our Government wants to model our education service on a system from overseas, it would do well to look at Finland. Closer to home, the education service in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland is looking very different to that in England.

    We should also be proud of the fact that the trade union movement is the largest volunteer group committed to looking after one another.

    Not just in our country, but the worldwide solidarity with other teachers. I have always found some of the most moving parts of our conference are when we are addressed by our brothers and sisters who are our union guests.

    It is sobering to hear stories of teacher trade unionists imprisoned for defending members, or even killed in the pursuit of their profession. Governments the world over know the power of education to free people and it is not insignificant that the denial of education to women and girls is used as a means of disempowering them.

    The bravery and courage of those who stand up for education in dangerous places is tremendously inspiring and we are right to stand in solidarity with them. So many children are denied an education and are living in terrible circumstances in warzones and as refugees. Our hearts go out to them. Lets educate the next generation to be peacemakers, respectful of others and welcoming to all.

    I truly believe that I would not have stayed in teaching and progressed in my career if it were not for the NUT.

    The opportunity to attend wonderful CPD events like the National Education Conference, meet with colleagues who give so freely of their time to support others, and the great information from headquarters based on evidence and research, make it the only union for me.

    When I began teaching 34 years ago this was a popular print on T-shirts.

    Administrator, social worker, coat finder, arbitrator, government directive reader, curriculum implementer, artistic director, form filler, language specialist, pencil sharpener, accountant, musician, fundraiser, report writer, nose wiper, public relations officer, petty cash clerk, examiner, surrogate parent, walking encyclopaedia, scapegoat… But you can just call me a teacher!

    Today we would have to add “data collector, evidence provider, e-safety enforcer…” and I am sure you could add more titles.

    We have as our strapline for this conference “creative spaces – not exam factories”. And I am pleased and delighted that a dedicated profession of teachers and support staff do their very best every day to make this the case.

    We should say “Yes to a broad, balanced and creative curriculum, Yes to assessment to plan next steps for children, Yes to qualified teachers and yes to democratic oversight of schools which focuses on support and collaboration. Are you listening Nicky?”

    All to give every child the inspiration to have dreams and the means to make them come true.

    On my office wall I had pictures of people who inspired me to go beyond my comfort zone – my heroes.

    I believe that you are heroes: not for just one day, but every day – standing up for what is right, in the cause of education in its broadest sense. Who knows who you might inspire! And what they might achieve!

    Delegates and visitors, I wish you a great conference.

    Thank you.