Tag: Speeches

  • Chris Heaton-Harris – 2023 Speech at the 25 Years On : Global and Local Reflections on the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement Conference

    Chris Heaton-Harris – 2023 Speech at the 25 Years On : Global and Local Reflections on the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement Conference

    The speech made by Chris Heaton-Harris, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in London on 27 March 2023.

    Good afternoon everyone, thank you to the FCDO and the Irish Department of Foreign Affairs for arranging this afternoon’s conference.

    It is an honour to have the opportunity to be with you this afternoon, to mark this historic 25th anniversary of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, reflect on the transformation in Northern Ireland since its signing and to look ahead to the coming 25 years.

    The signing of the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement on 10 April 1998 brought an end to 30 years of armed conflict, securing the peace that Northern Ireland’s people enjoy in their everyday lives today and helping to move towards a more reconciled society.

    The peace it has brought is undoubtedly an enormous achievement. But no less remarkable is what has been built upon that peaceful foundation. It has had a transformative effect on Northern Ireland’s economy and enabled the building of a more vibrant society.

    The UK Government remains steadfast in its commitment to protecting and upholding the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in all its dimensions. We are sincerely determined to build on the progress we have made this past 25 years.

    Of course, this progress was delivered through collaboration, with a common determination to make life better for everyone in Northern Ireland. No one party, government, individual or organisation owned the journey to the Agreement, nor the journey of Northern Ireland since.

    Instead, it was the collective endeavour of many, including the Northern Ireland parties, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition as well as the Irish and US governments, that resulted in the Agreement.

    For our part, the UK Government is committed to delivering real progress for the whole community in Northern Ireland, since the Agreement was signed.

    I know that the Irish Government is also just as committed to the Agreement as we are. To this day, the partnership and friendship between our countries has been vital in protecting the foundation of peace and prosperity the Agreement brings.

    My firm commitment as Secretary of State is to support and champion that precious relationship, through which we have achieved so much with our closest neighbour.

    I also wish to acknowledge the contribution that the United States, Finland, South Africa and Canada have made to the Agreement and to supporting disarmament and reconciliation in Northern Ireland.

    In recent weeks we have proven our commitment to the Agreement through listening to and heeding the concerns among the people of Northern Ireland with the Protocol, replacing it with a radical, legally binding new Windsor Framework. A Framework that restores the delicate balance struck by the Agreement.

    And it remains my sincere hope that we will soon see the Strand One institutions established by the Agreement in operation again in its 25th anniversary year, demonstrating the benefits of a local Executive and Assembly and of Northern Ireland’s place within the Union.

    It is not just peace that the Agreement has given Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland has built upon that peaceful foundation, to deliver increasing prosperity for its people.

    Northern Ireland boasts a world-leading screen and film production industry, Game of Thrones, The Northman, that has already contributed over £1 billion to the NI Economy.

    The fintech, cyber security and engineering sectors are going from strength-to-strength in the Northern Ireland of today. The Northern Ireland cyber security sector alone employs 2,300 people and contributes £161m per year to the local economy.

    It is also a testament to Northern Ireland’s increasing global reach that over one third of cyber security firms in Northern Ireland are headquartered in the US.

    However, there remains more to be done to fully deliver on the promise of the Agreement, by providing for a better future for everyone and further spreading and deepening economic prosperity in Northern Ireland.

    Northern Ireland’s journey towards greater prosperity and reconciliation continues to this day. The 25th anniversary of this remarkable achievement affords us an opportunity to restate our commitment to upholding the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement and to building upon its peaceful foundation to create a brighter future for Northern Ireland.

    I look forward to working with you all to achieve it in the years to come.

  • Keir Starmer – 2023 Speech on Reducing Crime

    Keir Starmer – 2023 Speech on Reducing Crime

    The speech made by Sir Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in Port Vale on 23 March 2023.

    It’s good to be here in Burslem, the “mother town” of the Potteries. Where the spades first hit the ground in the construction of the great Trent and Mersey Canal. A fact which of course gives its name to Port Vale.

    Though for me, if I’m honest, this is better known as the ground where Arsenal came really close to losing the double in 1998. No really – you can look it up. Two draws in the cup and a very close penalty shoot-out somewhere over there. I went out to look at the pitch to see where those penalties were taken from.

    But we’re here today on more serious business. The launch of Labour’s second national mission – to make our streets safe, and stop criminals getting away without punishment.

    Now, if you think that sounds basic, something which should be guaranteed in a country like ours, then let me tell you: you’re right.

    Nothing is more important – more fundamental – to a democracy like ours. The rule of law is the foundation for everything.

    Margaret Thatcher called it the “first duty of government” – and she was right. An expression of individual liberty – our rights and responsibilities, but also of justice, of fairness, of equality – one rule for all.

    That’s the principle I’ve been proud to serve all my adult life. As a human rights lawyer, fighting for families with young children, trying to escape mould-infested accommodation, or for freedom of speech in the McLibel case.

    With the Police Service of Northern Ireland, advising them how to bring communities together, to make the Good Friday agreement work. And at the Crown Prosecution Service, as the Director of Public Prosecutions – the same principle.

    Everyone protected, everyone respected. No-one denied the law. No-one above the law. Not the murderers of Stephen Lawrence – who, for a time, thought they were, not Al-Qaeda terrorists. Not MPs, Labour or Conservative, gaming the expenses system to line their pockets. I prosecuted them all and I’m proud of that. One rule for all.

    That’s why I found the pandemic parties in Downing Street under Boris Johnson so reprehensible. The circus of the last few days – a reminder of his total disrespect for a national sacrifice. That’s why I said I’d resign, if I’d broken those same rules.

    I just couldn’t have looked the British people in the eye and asked for their trust. Those values are too important to me. The core of my politics today. So if the Tories want to attack me for being a human rights lawyer, attack the values I’ve stood up for my whole life, I say fine.

    That only shows how far they’ve fallen, and how little they understand working people.

    Because whatever the crime: anti-social behaviour, hate crime, serious violence, it’s always working people who pay the heaviest price.

    Working class communities who have to live under its shadow.

    That’s why tackling crime – law and order – will always be so important for my Labour Party.

    Fighting crime is a Labour cause.

    I grew up working class in a small town, I know how important it is to feel safe in your community.

    If you don’t have a big house and garden, the streets are where your kids play, your community is your family, your neighbours – your eyes and ears. You have to feel a sense of trust, of confidence, of security. It’s what gives you roots. A precondition of hope. The firm ground your aspirations can be built on.

    But as somebody who has worked in criminal justice for most of my life, I also know that far too often, the inequalities that still scar our society: class, race, gender; do find an expression in the very system that is supposed to protect us all, without discrimination.

    I’ve talked about this before, but the case that crystallised so much for me, was the murder of a nurse called Jane Clough. Stabbed to death in the car park of the Blackpool hospital where she worked.

    Killed – by the man awaiting trial on multiple charges of raping her, on the one morning she went to work unaccompanied. I will never forget the day her parents, John and Penny, came to my office and talked me through the awful treatment they’d received from our criminal justice system.

    It’s a moment that has shaped everything I’ve done since, everything I think about justice.

    How incomprehensible pain can only be met with practical action. And that if you have power and can do something for the powerless, you’ve got to roll up your sleeves. Work night and day. To make the changes – big and small – which can, if not put things right, then at least protect the future.

    That’s what happened that day. As I listened to John and Penny tell me Jane’s story, I knew a great injustice had been done. And I made a promise to work with them and make sure no other family would suffer the same fate.

    So together, we changed the guidelines on rape cases in court, and crucially, we forced a change in the law that gave prosecutors the right to appeal against a bail decision.

    Changes which do give extra protection to women brave enough – like Jane – to place their faith in the system and press charges. But it isn’t enough, I know that.

    In fact, it’s why I decided to come into politics. Because the more and more case files I read, the more and more I could see those ugly inequalities at work.

    You saw it in grooming scandals like Rochdale as well, how good prosecutors and decent police offices – people who hated crime – would end up looking for the “perfect victim”.

    Casting aspersions based on a way of thinking that was out of date, out of touch with the experience of the victims and communities that they needed to serve.

    “Why didn’t you come to the police straight away?”
    “Why did you go back with them?”
    “Why didn’t you put up a fight?”

    Questions and assumptions that are deeply flawed and have left vulnerable people, working class women and girls especially, ignored. Voiceless. Denied justice.

    That’s why the mission today matters to me.

    I’m proud of my previous work, proud of my record at the Crown Prosecution Service – but this is personal. Yes, it’s Labour’s plan to tackle the crime wave gnawing away at our collective sense of security – of course it is.

    But it’s also unfinished business in my life’s work to deliver justice for working people.

    Justice which, I’m sorry to say, feels quite absent as I look around Britain now. The statistics spell it out. Serious violence, rising again. Crime – way too high. The charge rate – just 5% – never lower.

    A recipe for impunity, an invitation for criminals to do whatever they want, swanning around our communities, without consequence.

    And it doesn’t stop there. Our courts are backlogged, victims trapped in a purgatory, waiting for the justice that they deserve. Anti-social behaviour is a growing blight. Knife-crime – back on the rise and not just in the inner cities.

    As you know – it’s increased in places like the Potteries as well. And then there’s the crimes that Jane Clough faced, that women face. Domestic violence – still rife. Sexual offences – higher than ever.

    Do you know – today, 300 women in Britain will be raped. But of those 300 rapes, just three cases will see someone charged. Honestly, I had to get my team to check those figures. I couldn’t believe them. But this is Britain right now.

    Yet from the Government – silence. No urgency, no reform, no big agenda – nothing. I could say it’s the usual Tory sticking plaster politics – and it is. But this is complacency on another level.

    It’s like they can’t see the Britain they’ve created, and maybe that’s it. Their kids don’t go to the same schools. Nobody fly-tips on their streets. The threat of violence doesn’t stalk their communities.

    They don’t see the problems, and so they’re complacent about the need for solutions. Asking outdated questions, making flawed assumptions, about victims, policing, crime, everything. Out of touch with the realities of modern Britain. They should try and walk in your shoes for a day or two.

    Come speak to the teenage girls here at The College in Stoke-on-Trent, who told me they’re afraid to walk down their high street in broad daylight, because they know they’ll get harassed. Or the women’s refuge I visited in Birmingham and see the bruises, not just on arms and bodies, but in the souls of the women I met there. The family that wrote to me, hiding, terrified that their father will come back to hurt them again, waiting since 2018 for their day in court.

    This is the Britain they’ve created – and they should look it in the eye. Working people don’t feel safe. I won’t take any lectures from them on this, I won’t have our commitment to justice called into question, and I won’t stop until working people feel protected.

    This is our mission, Labour will make Britain’s streets safe.

    And we will do so, as with all our missions, by bringing people together with purpose and intent, by embracing the challenge that comes with clear accountability, and setting out four clear, measurable goals.

    One, as I announced on Tuesday, we will restore confidence in every police force to its highest ever level.

    Two – we will halve incidents of knife crime.

    Three – we will reverse the collapse in the proportion of crime solved.

    And four – by solving more crime, by reducing the number of victims who drop out of the system, we will halve the levels of violence against women and girls.

    None of this will be easy – clearly. As I say about all our missions – they should invite a sharp intake of breath. After this week, nobody can doubt the scale of our ambition, nor its urgency. Or for that matter, how comprehensively the Tories have thrown in the towel. But equally – it’s obvious that these targets require partnerships, not just across government, but between politics and people.

    It’s not just about the police and criminal justice systems. It’s about education, media, health, community services, online regulation, tackling the evils our young boys are exposed to – that follow them in their pockets, everywhere they go.

    So yes, change has to come from all of us – it’s going to be a long, hard road. But there are some steps we need to take together now. Urgent priorities that my Labour Government would respond to immediately.

    So let me take each of our targets one by one, starting, as I did on Tuesday, with confidence in the police.

    Because the horror of what we’ve seen reported about the Metropolitan Police this week cannot be understated. I know there are good officers in the Met, as of course there are across the whole country. But the actions of that force, collectively and individually have tarnished the reputation of policing everywhere.

    Our policing by consent model – a precious model – is now hanging by a thread.

    And look – the confidence levels of police across the country are on a downward trend as well. Nearly every person I meet has at least one story, an interaction with the police where something just wasn’t followed up. Calls unanswered. Opportunities to share evidence – missed. And so people give up. They stop bothering. Crime – becomes decriminalised.

    Now, I know, as Louise Casey pointed out, that austerity has had a pernicious effect. I ran the Crown Prosecution Service in the early stages of austerity – I had a front row seat for the chaos: the lack of planning and vision which came with the cuts.

    I accept – like every public service, the police have been failed by this Government. But there must always be a plan – you’ve got to find a way to modernise, got to keep up with the way crime is changing, retain a visible presence on our streets. And there can never be any defence for the institutional failings. The racism, misogyny and homophobia that we have seen in the Met.

    That’s is why our mission will focus on confidence – it will push us to do the hard yards, to tackle the wider sense of impunity in society. Unblock our courts and lower crime meaningfully, without perverse incentives on charge or prosecution rates.

    Confidence is everything. It’s what effective, visible, open-minded policing can provide to the communities it serves, and, as we’ve seen this week, it’s what bad policing destroys.

    So let me make it very clear: the next Labour Government will modernise British policing.

    We will raise standards, overhaul training, modernise misconduct and vetting procedures, and we will root out institutional discrimination wherever we find it. I’ve seen what is possible with the Police Service of Northern Ireland – and had a hand in it.

    And that word – “service” that captures what needs to be done.

    Policing must change: must start thinking of itself as a public service, must stand with communities, not above them, respect their values. Because if we can get Catholics to serve in Northern Ireland, integrate nationalist communities there into policing, then there can be no justification for any special pleading from the Met in London, or any police force.

    Policing must start to serve women and minorities – no more excuses.

    And look – modernising the police is also the first step we must take on halving violence against women and girls. You can’t defeat misogyny without robust policing, but you can’t have robust policing without defeating misogyny.

    That’s what modern policing looks like, what serving your community looks like.

    So we’ll put specialist domestic abuse workers in the control rooms of every police force responding to 999 calls, supporting victims of abuse.

    We’ll get a specialist rape unit in every police force. And we’ll also set up dedicated rape courts – the current prosecution rates are a disgrace. We all know how hard it is for women to come forward, that the criminal justice system only ever sees the tip of the iceberg on sexual violence.

    And that the experience of going to court – the way victims are treated – just doesn’t work. I’ve been pushing for action on this for nearly 10 years.

    In 2014 I spent nine months with Doreen Lawrence taking evidence and testimony from victims. In 2016 I wrote a Private Members Victims Bill that had cross-party support. The only reason it’s not on the statute book is that we don’t have a government capable of looking this problem in the eye.

    But mark my words, a Labour Government is coming – and we will bring forward a proper victims law.

    And something else that Louise Casey made crystal clear is crucial to restoring confidence. Visible neighbourhood policing. We need reform to get more police on the beat – fighting the virus that is anti-social behaviour.

    Fly-tipping, off-road biking in rural area, drugs – now some people call this low-level – I don’t want to hear those words.

    There’s a family in my constituency – every night cannabis smoke creeps in from the street outside into their children’s bedroom – aged four and six. That’s not low level – it’s ruining their lives.

    So we won’t pull any punches on this. Everyone protected, everyone respected – that’s what justice means.
    And the Tories are soft on it. Soft on anti-social behaviour, soft on the crime that most affects working class communities. Only Labour will protect them.

    We’ll get 13,000 extra police on our streets, bring in new Respect orders – anti-social behaviour orders with teeth, and we’ll get clever with fixed penalty notices.

    If you want to commit vandalism or dump your rubbish on our streets, then you’d better be prepared to clean up your own mess. Because with Labour in power – that is exactly what you will be doing. Cleaner streets are safer streets.

    But the reality of today’s society, as any parent knows is that our children need protecting in their homes as well as on their streets. You can’t fight behaviour that is learned online, spread online, glorified online, armed only with the tools of the past.

    Take knife crime. We know so much of this is about prevention, about pulling young boys back before they get in too deep. It’s about good youth work, neighbourhood policing, mental health support – in every school. We’ll do all that.

    It’s about smart legislation as well. About making the criminal exploitation of children illegal, and using that to target the county line gangs who exploit kids to do their dirty work. But it’s also about standing up to the big tech companies. Seriously – how can we ignore the fact a child can go onto the internet and buy a machete as easily as a football?

    It’s exactly the same thing with the social media algorithms that bombard young minds with misogyny. Both are social evils, both an example of where greed comes above good. So my message to the big tech companies is this – the free ride is over. If you make money from the sale of weapons, or the radicalisation of people online, then we will find ways to make you accountable.

    You wouldn’t get away with it on the streets and you won’t get away with it online.

    But look – the fight against online hate, shows the scale of the challenge we face.

    As I’ve said before, about all our missions, change must come from all of us. Success depends on unlocking the pride and purpose that is in every community.

    This is a new way of governing. But it can be done.

    From my experience, in Northern Ireland and elsewhere – I draw strength. From the unbelievable campaigners I’ve met, from my friends Doreen Lawrence, the Cloughs, Mina Smallman and more – I draw inspiration.

    And from the people of this country – communities like this, I draw belief. Change can happen – and it can happen quickly. People forget – it was only in the 1980s when the physical punishment of children in schools was banned, and a huge cultural change has followed.

    So why can’t we imagine a society where violence against women is stamped out everywhere? Why can’t the future citizens of our country look back at this generation as the one which turned the page on misogyny, which protected our children and made our streets safe?

    I promise you this. If we pull together – we can do this. And I will give it everything.

    Because this mission – crime and justice – is my life’s work.

    I’ve made it central to my Labour Party. Because it’s central to the lives of working people.

    For the confidence they need in their community, to push on and hope for a better future. The foundation for a better Britain.

    Where working people succeed, aspiration is rewarded, children are protected and crime is punished.

    A Britain where families once again feel safe on their streets.

    The basis for a country that gets its hope, its future and its confidence – back.

    Thank you.

  • Keir Starmer – 2023 Statement on the Baroness Casey Report

    Keir Starmer – 2023 Statement on the Baroness Casey Report

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 21 March 2023.

    This week I will announce details of Labour’s national mission on crime, one of five missions to give Britain its future back.

    These missions are about long-term plans to tackle long-term problems.

    And for those on the receiving end, there is no problem that has such a profound daily impact on their life as crime.

    From the antisocial behaviour that blights too many neighbourhoods and town centres.

    To the knife crime that is rising again.

    And violence against women and girls that is shamefully high.

    So in light of the shocking report by Baroness Casey today, I want to bring forward the announcement of part of that mission.

    Today I can announce that part of our crime mission will be:

    To raise confidence in every police force to its highest level.

    I know this will be difficult, but like our other missions, it is ambitious, serious and measurable.

    Every day across our country, we know brave police officers put their safety on the line to protect us all.

    Risking their safety for ours.

    I know that, because in my role as Director of Public Prosecutions I worked with many of them to bring criminals to justice.

    We owe them our thanks.

    But we also have to face the reality that public confidence in policing has been shaken to its core in recent years.

    By the hollowing out of neighbourhood policing.

    The collapse in the charge and prosecution rates.

    The delays in bringing criminals to justice.

    And, as we have seen today, evidence of serious failures on standards.

    Including with the Met – the failure to root out police officers who themselves had committed the most terrible and unthinkable crimes.

    There will be police forces, outside of London, who might shrug their shoulders and say – this isn’t us.

    But I have worked in criminal justice for decades and I say to them: wake up.

    The findings in the Casey report are a warning for every police force.

    Confidence must be restored.

    Policing by consent depends on trust.

    When that breaks down, policing becomes harder and crime thrives.

    And of course, there is a special focus today on the Metropolitan Police following Casey’s devastating report.

    She catalogues, in grim detail, the culture, attitudes and practices of a police force that has lost its way.

    She pulls no punches in exposing a police force where:

    – Poor management and basic lack of workforce planning

    – Predatory and unacceptable behaviour have been allowed to flourish.

    – Londoners let down with the huge loss of neighbourhood policing.

    – Public protection failures that have put women and girls at greater risk.

    Across the force she found: institutional racism, institutional misogyny and institutional homophobia.

    Page after page, the report provides both a detailed diagnosis of what’s gone wrong and a blueprint for radical reform.

    The strength of its findings require an immediate and urgent response.

    Without that, confidence in policing cannot be restored.

    The fight against crime will be weakened.

    People will continue to feel let down and fearful.

    A government that I lead would accept the findings of the report in full.

    We would work, not just with the Met, but with policing institutions and forces across the country to ensure that deep reforms and changes are made.

    The new Met Commissioner Mark Rowley has our support in the work he has now begun to turn it around.

    But he must go further and faster. And he will have our support in doing that.

    I know that there are officers right across the Met who are desperate to see these improvements put into place and action taken to rebuild the confidence of Londoners.

    But mark my words: I will be relentless in demanding progress and change.

    The reforms needed, will be, as the report suggests, “on a par” with the “transformation of the Royal Ulster Constabulary to the Police Service of Northern Ireland”.

    Note that word “service”.

    Having played my part in that transformation, I know how serious a job it is to make that sort of deep cultural change to an institution.

    It requires extraordinary leadership, an iron will to make real change.

    It means being ruthless on weeding out those who will not change or are changing too slowly.

    It means tough disciplinary standards – swift action on those who continue to act against the new values of the organisation.

    A proper partnership between government and the police service to get the job done.

    And above all it means changing the police from a force to a service – with public service values at its heart.

    From standing above communities, to standing with them.

    That is the route to radical change and it needs a total commitment from the police to achieve it.

    That’s why I will expect radical change in the Met – no excuses.

    London is a diverse city – that is its beauty.

    And if we can get Catholics to serve in Northern Ireland, reach out across communities there, then I will not accept any special pleading that the Met cannot represent modern London.

    But I have to say: you cannot separate the failings laid out in black and white today from the political choices that have led us here.

    The report makes clear, there has been a ‘hands off’ approach to policing since 2011.

    This approach has been accompanied by haphazard cuts.

    People feeling that law enforcement has effectively withdrawn from swathes of the country.

    Accountability has been destroyed.

    Progress halted and then slammed into reverse.

    After 13 years of Tory government, policing is yet another public service that is collapsing.

    No longer serving those who rely on it, sacrificed to a Tory hands-off ideology that has failed.

    And until we change course, we will carry on down this path of decline.

    Successive Conservative prime ministers have diminished the fight against crime and done nothing to reform the police.

    In short: they have been negligent.

    It remains extraordinary that, even now after the terrible examples of violence against women from police officers, there are no mandatory national rules for police forces on vetting.

    It is left to 43 different police forces to do their own thing.

    I would put an end this situation and in Labour’s first term we would:

    – Bring in national standards for all police forces to include mandatory vetting, training and disciplinary procedures

    – Bring in a stronger accountability regime to turn around failing forces.

    – Rebuild neighbourhood policing with 13,000 more police.

    – Get specialist 999 call handlers, trained in domestic violence, in every police control room.

    – Set up a dedicated, specialist rape unit in every Police force in the country.

    But throughout my whole career, I have seen reports come and go.

    Moments like this, missed.

    The biggest danger today is that this becomes just another report rather than the beginning of real, lasting change.

    It cannot be an occasion for even more words and too little action.

    There needs to be a reckoning.

    And there needs to be change.

    A change for Londoners.

    A change for those good police officers, who are fed up of being let down by a negligent Government.

    And change for the public who deserve a police service that they can have confidence in.

    The British policing model which we should cherish began here in London nearly two hundred years ago.

    Unlike most forces across the world our police are guardians not guards, rooted in the powerful tradition of policing by consent where the police are the public and the public are the police.

    But that vital tradition is in peril.

    And without the biggest overhaul in policing since the force began, I fear for its future.

    We must rebuild confidence.

    Today is a day for action.

  • Rachel Maclean – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    Rachel Maclean – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    The speech made by Rachel Maclean, the Minister of State at the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, in the House of Commons on 24 March 2023.

    It is a great pleasure to be at the Dispatch Box today to set out the Government’s full support for the Bill, which makes important changes to tackle so-called family voting. We have had an excellent debate, and it is a pleasure to see so much cross-party support for legislation of this kind. All of us are here because of the integrity of our democratic process. It is lovely to have consensus on issues such as this, as we sometimes do, particularly on Fridays.

    The Bill seeks to enhance the integrity of voting at elections and to safeguard our democracy against those who would harm it, and I therefore welcome the progress that it has made in both Houses. Today gives us an excellent chance to see it speed its way towards the statute book. The new offence will be a hugely important addition to the various other measures, arising from the Elections Act 2022, that the Government are implementing to protect our electoral system against those who would undermine it.

    As other Members have mentioned, the Government tabled a number of amendments to the Bill during its Committee stage in the other place in order to address issues with its specific drafting. Those amendments were designed to prevent the offence from criminalising innocent behaviour, particularly when two people are at a polling booth, so that only the one intending to influence the other is caught. The original drafting would have inadvertently caused the victim of the coercion to have also committed an offence. The amendments were also designed to secure exceptions for companions of disabled electors so that they could continue to be able to provide assistance if necessary. They were agreed to in the other place, and no further amendments have been tabled in either House.

    It gives me great pleasure to thank all the parliamentarians who have engaged with the Bill, both in this place and the other place. I thank my noble Friend Lord Hayward, who I can see in the Gallery. He has been instrumental in driving forward the legislation by sharing his knowledge and experience on electoral matters and sponsoring the Bill in the other place. I am hugely grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough (Paul Bristow) for his expertise and for setting out so well—both today and in his Westminster Hall debate—the need for this important piece of legislation.

    It has been a huge pleasure to hear speeches from many Members today, including my hon. Friends the Members for Darlington (Peter Gibson), for Harrow East (Bob Blackman), for Blackpool South (Scott Benton), for North Devon (Selaine Saxby), for Crewe and Nantwich (Dr Mullan) and for Old Bexley and Sidcup (Mr French). It falls to me to thank the Under-Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities, my hon. Friend the Member for North East Derbyshire (Lee Rowley), who responded for the Government in the earlier debate, and other Members who have given this legislation the benefit of their scrutiny, including my hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Robbie Moore), as well as the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon), who aided the legislation along the way—it is strange not to see him in his place; we are all poorer without him.

    Peter Gibson

    The Minister may or may not be aware that the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) is celebrating his birthday tomorrow. Will she join me and everyone else in this House in congratulating him?

    Rachel Maclean

    My hon. Friend has done me a huge service, allowing me to say a very hearty “Happy birthday” to the hon. Member for Strangford, who I also understand has tabled an early-day motion to thank Dolly Parton. I suppose it is probably quite unconventional to support an EDM from the Dispatch Box, but if you will make an exception in the spirit of the occasion, Madam Deputy Speaker, I wish the hon. Gentleman a happy birthday and hope that he is serenaded by Dolly Parton—I cannot think of anything better.

    I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham (Dr Johnson) for her contribution in Committee, and the hon. Members for Lancaster and Fleetwood (Cat Smith), for Caerphilly (Wayne David) and for Weaver Vale (Mike Amesbury) for their interest in and engagement with the Bill.

    I also thank my officials at the Department for Levelling Up, my private secretary James Selby, and the policy team—namely, Peter Richardson and Guy Daws—for their tireless work in supporting the Bill. I know how much effort they have put into ensuring that it proceeds smoothly. I am very grateful to His Majesty’s official Opposition, particularly the shadow Minister, the hon. Member for Nottingham North (Alex Norris), for all the work that they have done to support the Bill.

    The Government take the integrity of our electoral system extremely seriously. We warmly welcome the changes being made, which will make such an important contribution to strengthening the integrity of voting. The Bill will ensure that there is clarity in the law so that presiding officers have the confidence to challenge inappropriate behaviour where it occurs and to stamp down on any opportunity for coercion to take place at our elections. I therefore commend the Bill to the House.

    Paul Bristow

    With the leave of the House, I rise again—all too briefly—to thank once again my noble Friend Lord Hayward for all his efforts to get us to this stage. His passion for and dedication to this issue have been evident for some time, and it has been a real honour to stand with him and bring this piece of legislation to where it is.

    I also thank Councillors Sandy Tanner and Peter Golds, who advised me on the Bill. They are passionate about this issue and have been a vital source of advice. I thank the Minister for all her efforts, and the Ministers at DLUHC for all their support and guidance. I thank the shadow Front-Bench team and the Opposition for their support. This is a cross-party issue, and it is absolutely crucial that we make that completely clear.

    I also thank the hon. Members who served on the Bill Committee. It was quite an experience trying to go around and drum up support for it, and I thank everyone who did that and who has contributed to this debate. I thank the Clerks and officials, and the Comptroller of His Majesty’s Household, my hon. Friend the Member for Castle Point (Rebecca Harris), for their guidance.

    This is quite an historic occasion. It is my understanding that it is very rare to see a private Member’s Bill instigated in the other place become law—it has been some years since that last happened. Again, the fact that we are at the point where the Bill is likely to become law is testament to the leadership and passion shown by my noble Friend Lord Hayward. It has been a pleasure to be part of this—we are seeing an element of history. I hope that we can now protect our democracy.

  • Alex Norris – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    Alex Norris – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    The speech made by Alex Norris, the Labour MP for Nottingham North, in the House of Commons on 24 March 2023.

    I add my congratulations to Lord Haywood on initiating this important Bill in the other place and on securing its progress so far. If it is successful—I think we can have complete confidence in that success—it will be the first private Member’s Bill in several years to start in the other place and make it on to the statute book. That will be no mean achievement and I know that we will get a decisive step closer to that goal today. I also congratulate the hon. Member for Peterborough (Paul Bristow) on his leadership of this legislation in its proceedings in the Commons and on the case he has ably made for his Bill today and in previous sittings.

    Significant contributions were also made by other Conservative Members. I want to cover the point made by the hon. Members for North Devon (Selaine Saxby), for Old Bexley and Sidcup (Mr French) and for Darlington (Peter Gibson) about disability in a moment, because it is such an important point—let me associate myself with the comments they made about its importance.

    First, however, I wish to deal with something that the hon. Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman) said in an intervention. He always has interesting points to make on our democracy and how it runs, some of which I agree with and some of which I do not, as he knows. The one he made about guidance is so important—guidance is always important. We are all saying today that voting is an individual act, a “private act”, as the hon. Member for Blackpool South (Scott Benton) characterised it. If that is the case, we have to make it easy to do, so that, in general, a person would not need to solicit support because the guidance is so clear and things are obvious.

    I am less of a fan of the more complicated and novel systems of election, but sometimes there may be multiple candidates and that does get tricky. When the single transferable vote is used, people wonder whether to vote in the first column or the second column—that can get tricky. It is up to the regulators and, obviously, the leadership in this place, to make sure that that guidance is so clear. That touches on the point made by the hon. Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Dr Mullan) about the staff working in the polling stations, as we need things to be easy for them too. We cannot now have a significant range of burdens, or even tensions or anxieties, for them in respect of having to become enablers and supporters of votes; they do not want to be going anywhere near those booths either. The guidance has to be really clear, both for the individuals and for the staff we ask to administer those elections.

    I wish to make a point or two of my own, but I am pleased that there is such consensus on this issue. As the hon. Member for Peterborough said, this is fundamentally a point about clarity. No matter how well established the spirit of the Ballot Act may be, 151 years later there is a lack of clarity, and the Bill adds that clarity. Our democratic processes must be free from intimidation and—a point made by the hon. Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Dr Mullan)—free from inducement as well. That was the spirit of the Act which put into law the secret ballot that we enjoy to this day. In one fell swoop, it put an end to the egregious practices of landowners and employers influencing their workers’ or tenants’ votes.

    However, a clear and identifiable problem remains with the Act: it does not give presiding officers the right tools to fully tackle the problem of people being compelled to vote in one particular way, or indeed not at all, by others. Those practices are always unacceptable, but they do happen, and this is the moment for us to act to end them. Intimidation of this kind goes against all our democratic principles, but there is an ambiguity, which the Electoral Commission has highlighted, so the case for change is clear.

    In the other place, the Government provided important reassurances about the continuation of any assistance that disabled voters may need in order to vote. That is right and proper, and I am glad that it will not be affected by the Bill. As we heard from my hon. Friend for Darlington (Peter Gibson), there was a “build-out” for this in the Elections Act 2022. Nevertheless, I think that, as far as humanly possible, we should collectively seek to render this moot by providing appropriate assistive technologies enabling disabled people to vote independently, which would remove the need for another person to be there.

    In Committee I mentioned the My Vote My Voice campaign, which aims to improve participation in voting by adults with learning disabilities and/or autism, as well as campaign groups representing deaf people, blind people, people living with Usher syndrome, and deaf-blind people more generally. They want the right technologies and support to ensure that as many people as possible—indeed, virtually everyone—can vote, and vote independently. That should be our aspiration. As I have said, the Elections Act has moved us in the right direction, but I suspect that we will need to monitor the success of its provisions and those of the Bill, and I dare say we may need to go further still in the fullness of time.

    Notwithstanding those points, the Opposition welcome the Bill and are glad to support it today. It is vital for us to have clear law in this area, with no ambiguity about what is and what is not acceptable practice at polling stations, and the Bill constitutes an important step towards ensuring that happens.

  • Peter Gibson – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    Peter Gibson – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    The speech made by Peter Gibson, the Conservative MP for Darlington, in the House of Commons on 24 March 2023.

    I commend my hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough (Paul Bristow) for ably taking up this Bill on behalf of Lord Haywood, whom I also commend for all his work, including on this Bill.

    The integrity of our elections is essential to our democracy. We must ensure that people have faith in the electoral process, and this Bill is another step towards strengthening our existing voting laws, by safeguarding the secrecy of voting in our elections. This Bill will tackle concerns about so-called “family voting”. We have a secret ballot for a reason. The fact that current rules allow someone to be accompanied into a polling booth, out of sight of the poll clerk, and potentially influenced into voting a particular way, drives a coach and horses through the whole idea of ballot secrecy. This Bill strikes me as an entirely common-sense reform.

    There should be no need for voters to go into the polling booth with someone else, unless they have gone through the formal process of requesting the assistance of a companion due to a disability or inability to read or write. I am pleased that this Bill does nothing to disenfranchise voters who may need assistance, ensuring that disabled voters and voters unable to read will continue to be entitled to assistance necessary to exercise their vote. Indeed, section 9 of the Elections Act 2022 includes provision for

    “such equipment as it is reasonable to provide for the purposes of enabling, or making it easier for…persons to vote independently”.

    That extends the very narrow and prescriptive provisions that preceded it.

    I am pleased that both the Government and the Opposition have been supporting this Bill, which will deliver measures to eliminate voter fraud and voter control. Ahead of the local elections, which we are swiftly approaching, we all have a duty, as parliamentarians, to encourage democratic participation. Having served on the Bill Committee for the 2022 Act, I welcome the measures the Government have taken to guarantee the security of the ballot. I also pay tribute to the excellent campaign being run by the Electoral Commission to make voters aware of the new requirement for photo ID in order to vote, which takes effect in May’s local elections. Finally, I am delighted to support my hon. Friend’s Bill and I look forward to it passing its Third Reading.

  • Sir John Major – 2023 Comments at Warrington Memorial Service

    Sir John Major – 2023 Comments at Warrington Memorial Service

    The comments made by Sir John Major in Warrington on 20 March 2023.

    I feel honoured to be with you in Warrington this morning:  commemorating that dark and desperate day exactly 30 years ago …. almost to the minute.

    It was a day which affected so many – but none more so than the families and friends of Tim Parry and Johnathan Ball.

    I have never forgotten the moment I received the call from No10.  I was in my garden in Huntingdon that weekend:  a sunny, early Spring day, when children were in shopping centres up and down the country buying cards and flowers for Mothering Sunday.

    When Tim and Johnathan’s mothers waved their sons off on the morning of 20 March, 1993, they couldn’t possibly have known that what they were seeing was the last wave they would receive in return.

    What they suffered is beyond the nightmare of any parent.

    The two bombs here in Warrington brought me the closest I ever came to giving up on the Peace Process.

    I felt that if the IRA could continue to plant random bombs, in random towns, randomly killing children and other innocent men and women, whilst we were trying to find a way through to peace, there really was no hope.

    But I couldn’t give up.  I feared that – if we did – there would be even more bombs, even more children, and even more grieving families.

    And there is always hope.  As time has proved.

    But there is more.

    There is also healing, forgiveness, and turning something so unimaginably painful into something so enduringly positive.

    As Colin and Wendy Parry did at the Peace Centre here in Warrington.

    Established in memory of Tim and Johnathan, they created a meeting place and education centre, bringing together people from different religions to gain a better understanding of each other’s beliefs and cultures.

    Many friendships – from historically opposing factions – have been forged and kept.

    And hope got a helping hand.

    The Peace Centre has also provided support and professional counselling to all victims of terrorism here in the UK – most recently to the families affected by the Manchester Arena bombing.

    Since 1993, Colin and Wendy have devoted themselves to this cause.  Selfless and tireless in their determination to honour Tim’s memory, by helping others who have fallen victim to the same senseless violence that ended their own son’s life in this very place – 30 years ago today.

    I cannot think of a greater legacy any parent could gift their child.

    Shortly, we will be hearing memories of Tim and Johnathan, from those who knew them best.  Tim’s nephew, Arthur, will read a poem. And the choir from Tim’s former school will sing one last song:  “Something Inside so Strong”.

    I would like to end by touching on one particular line from that:  “My light will shine so brightly it will blind you – because there’s something inside so strong”.

    Let us think about that for a moment.

    There is a light too bright to be extinguished.

    And that is hope.

    Let us hope that light will shine down on us all.

    May it provide:

    • the strength we need to sustain us in times of trauma and grief;
    • the forgiveness we must find within ourselves to heal;
    • the tolerance to understand views that are different from our own;
    • and the resolve to explore every conceivable  avenue – to turn what might seem the impossible, into the possible.

    It can be done.  It has been done.  It will be done again.

    With hope – there is always a way …..

    And, with that in-extinguishable beacon lighting our path, peace and reconciliation can and will be found.

  • James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on Pause to Judicial Reform in Israel

    James Cleverly – 2023 Statement on Pause to Judicial Reform in Israel

    The statement made by James Cleverly, the Foreign Secretary, on 27 March 2023.

    The UK welcomes the decision today by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to pause legislation to reform Israel’s judiciary.

    The UK enjoys a deep and historic relationship with Israel. As the Prime Minister stressed in his meeting with PM Netanyahu last week, it is vital that the shared democratic values that underpin that relationship are upheld, and a robust system of checks and balances are preserved.

    We urge all parties to find common ground and seek a long-term compromise to this sensitive issue.

  • Louie French – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    Louie French – 2023 Speech on the Ballot Secrecy Bill

    The speech made by Louie French, the Conservative MP for Old Bexley and Sidcup, in the House of Commons on 24 March 2023.

    I rise in support of the Bill, which, as a by-election winner, holds a special place in my heart. That is not only because my noble friend, Lord Hayward, was the chair of my selection meeting, where his passion and knowledge of electoral matters was clear to all of us, but, as we have heard already, because it was during a by-election more than 150 years ago, in 1872, that a secret ballot was first used. This followed the Ballot Act 1872, which made provisions for every elector to be entitled to mark the ballot paper without being seen by anyone else.

    The principle of the secret ballot is the bedrock of our system and an essential democratic principle. It is therefore unacceptable that there are some cases that undermine that principle, namely through family voting, where, as we have heard already, a voter is accompanied by another person into or near a polling booth with the intention of influencing their vote. I welcome the fact that the Bill introduces an important and specific new offence for individuals who accompany a voter to a polling booth, or position themselves nearby with the intention of influencing a voter.

    I also welcome the fact that the Bill does not apply to, first, a companion of a disabled voter who has made the required written declaration to allow them to assist a disabled voter, and, secondly, to a child of a voter accompanying them to the polling station. I am sure that I am not the only Member in this Chamber today who, as a child, went with their parents when they voted—I can remember it well. In my case, I went with my mum, who is hugely passionate about women exercising their hard-earned right to vote, and who instilled this passion in me, which is one of the main reasons why I support the Bill. Thankfully, for me, my mother also votes for me in person, but I do not unduly influence her. [Interruption.] Or so she tells me, yes.

    As Democracy Volunteers discovered, more than 70% of those being affected by family voting were women. Further to that, I welcome the fact that the Bill also provides our brilliant polling station officers and presiding officers across the country with the clarity and support that is needed effectively to act on these issues when they occur.

    The Government are committed to protecting our democracy against those who seek to harm it, which was demonstrated by the Elections Act 2022. I welcome the fact that the provisions in the Bill complement that important work. Voter fraud remains a serious issue, particularly in parts of London and, as we have heard, particularly around postal voting, which my hon. Friend the Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman) has already highlighted. We need to come back to that matter and do all we can to stop voter fraud.

    Bob Blackman

    As a fellow London MP, my hon. Friend will know that we have multi-member constituencies, particularly for local elections. That can lead to confusion in voters’ minds. Does my hon. Friend agree that we need to ensure that the guidance tells people how many votes they have and how they should cast them?

    Mr French

    I completely agree with my hon. Friend. Some of the clarification and changes, particularly around the mayoral elections in London, will help with that clarity for voters and the voting public.

    I wish to thank my hon. Friend for steering the Bill through the House and ensuring that our democracy receives the protection that it deserves. I also applaud him for that fantastic new suit that he has worn today to deliver that. I pay tribute to Lord Hayward again for his tenacity in pursuing this issue, which is a reflection of his passion and expertise in our democracy and other electoral matters, and I am pleased to support the Bill.

  • Robert Halfon – 2023 Speech at the German Industry UK Panel Discussion on Apprenticeships and Skills

    Robert Halfon – 2023 Speech at the German Industry UK Panel Discussion on Apprenticeships and Skills

    The speech made by Robert Halfon, the Minister for Skills, Apprenticeships and Higher Education, in London on 27 March 2023.

    Introduction

    Thank you, Ambassador [Miguel Berger, German Ambassador and Patron of German Industry UK] for that introduction. I’m delighted to be here today, in such good company, to talk about my favourite subjects: apprenticeships and skills education. I want to explain why they are valuable to the United Kingdom and to me – and what we are doing to ensure their value is widely recognised.

    German technical education

    Let me start by saying that I love German technical education – whether that’s the dual system or full-time vocational schools. Presenting technical routes alongside academic ones from adolescent means there is no false hierarchy between the two. There is less snobbery about studying for a technical or vocational role, one that will advance industry and, by extension, the economy. And there is no hesitancy about showing the world of work to younger teenagers – an environment they are expected to take seriously, but where they’re also taken seriously too.

    When I visited Germany in 2018 I found it inspiring. 14 year olds on placements with local companies, getting their first taste of the real working world and the respect that comes with skilled labour. Being shown the iterative process of building their understanding and technical abilities simultaneously.

    I remember asking businessmen at the Chamber of Commerce why they were providing placements. After all, there was no financial incentive to host these youngsters.

    I was met with incredulity.

    “What do you mean, why?”

    “We must do this, it’s for the next generation!”

    So ingrained is the German sense of civic duty to pass on an understanding and respect for industry, they didn’t understand the question.

    I truly admire that meshing of business and education culture.

    “Eine Symbiose” you might say.

    A common acknowledgement that one feeds the other, and both benefit.

    The figures speak for themselves.

    More than 40% of young Germans’ highest qualification is a vocational one. And more than a third of these are Higher Technical Qualifications. Around a quarter of our young adults have a vocational qualification as their highest, with only a quarter of these being a Higher Technical Qualification.

    Just 8% of your young people are classified as not in education, employment or training. And the German vocational education system opens up many more career paths than equivalents in other OECD countries, because it’s been developed hand-in-glove with local industries for many decades. This results in your exceptionally low unemployment rate for school leavers, of just 3%. Overall youth unemployment in Germany was just 5.7% in January this year, the lowest in the EU.

    I want the United Kingdom to have a piece of this pie. I have championed apprenticeships throughout my time in Parliament – for their social good as much as what they can give to commerce. Having been Minister at the start of our skills reforms in 2016, it’s great to be back in government to see them bearing fruit.

    Apprenticeships and the Skills Revolution

    In the last half decade we have revitalised the apprenticeships system in England, alongside establishing Institutes of Technology to provide prestigious Higher Technical Qualifications. We’ve also introduced T Levels, a new high-quality Level 3 qualification for 16 year olds. With time spent in the classroom and on industry placement, these new courses emulate some aspects of your dual system. Responsibility for education is devolved to the governments of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and they too are committed to delivering high quality skills education and apprenticeships.

    Whenever I talk about skills education, I present my vision through the Ladder of Opportunity. It’s a framework for what we need to build a robust technical education system, to raise skills levels and boost economic growth. Crucially, the ladder must bring progression opportunities to the most disadvantaged in society, so they can reach the top to enjoy sustainable, skilled, high-waged employment.

    I won’t take you through the whole framework, but I’ll focus on those parts that have driven our reforms and my enthusiasm for apprenticeships.

    Social justice is a key pillar of the Ladder of Opportunity, one that holds the whole thing up. I don’t know what the discourse is like in Germany, but here we can spend too much time talking about ‘social mobility’. I think this can have class connotations, suggesting that those who are ‘mobile’ can pull themselves up by their bootstraps to get on in life. Social justice is about bringing opportunities to the people who need them most.

    The most disadvantaged, who may not have done well at school, and may not have good connections at home – or even a steady homelife. People to whom the education system must bring opportunities, because no one else will. The bottom line is that no one should feel their circumstances leave them unable to improve their skills and employment prospects.

    Apprenticeships are an excellent conduit of social justice. They have a clear progression path, which can be built on to reach degree-level expert roles. Apprentices earn while they learn, without acquiring student debt. And as well as introducing learners to an industry, apprenticeships also introduce them to an employer. In Germany, 74% stay on at the firm where they did their apprenticeship. This rises 82% in manufacturing, 87% in construction, and a whopping 96% in public administration.

    I think this is an often overlooked part of apprenticeships’ unique value. For those without guidance or connections to where they want to work, it is so important. That is why we provide additional funding to employers and providers who take on apprentices who are young, have disabilities, or were cared for by the state. And this year we’ll raise the apprenticeships bursary we provide to care-leavers to £3,000, to help cover living costs that are usually met by family.

    One rung of the Ladder of Opportunity is the quality of skills education – something we set-out to raise with our reforms. In the early 2010s we had lots of people doing ‘apprenticeships’ that weren’t worth the name, devaluing the brand for both learners and employers.

    To reinvigorate apprenticeships we went back to basics. What skills were employers seeking? What training had fallen away, and what was newly needed? We worked closely with industry to answer to these questions and design new apprenticeship standards. We now have over 600, carefully constructed to meet employers’ needs. They are rigorous and challenging for learners, to build respect on all sides for the programme. As in your technical education routes, the standards are complemented by a thorough end-point assessment, where apprentices must demonstrate full competence in their role.

    Training is now delivered by registered providers that are regularly inspected to ensure quality is prioritised. And we’ve put apprenticeship funding on a sustainable footing through the Apprenticeship Levy, increasing investment to £2.7 billion by 2024-25.

    Another a key rung on the Ladder of Opportunity is to champion apprenticeships and the skills employers need. We still have to get the word out about what we’re doing and why. While some established companies have a fine tradition of nurturing apprentices (much like the civic duty I mentioned earlier) many newer businesses don’t recognise their relevance. It’s key that we engage these, so the programme can fulfil its purpose to supply people with the skills needed right now.

    We’re particularly keen to get small and medium enterprises (or SMEs) onboard, who are more likely to employ younger apprentices and those from disadvantaged areas. We’re doing this by heavily subsidising the costs of training and assessment for their first 10 apprentices, exempting those below age 25 from National Insurance employment tax, and reducing these companies’ administrative hiring burden.

    Future challenges

    I believe our skills education reforms were long-over due. Skilled workers drive productivity, a problem we have struggled to solve. Your economy remains 19% more productive than ours.

    But the need for an alert, flexible education system, that responds to the shifting jobs market, has become ever more acute. We are all part of a more competitive, global skills market. The way we work has changed, particularly in the last two years. The Fourth Industrial Revolution has already created new jobs and rendered others obsolete, making career change inevitable. The skills required today may not be the same as the skills needed tomorrow.

    We want our apprenticeship standards to keep pace with what’s required of workers. So we’ve asked the Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education to prioritise developing and reviewing the standards most crucial to meeting our future skills needs. This includes apprenticeship roles that support our target to decarbonise all sectors of the UK economy by 2050, so we can become ‘net zero’. By the end of this month [March 2023] about 15 per cent of published standards will have been revised to reflect these needs.

    We’re also keen to promote new solutions for workers wishing to change careers, and employers wishing to retrain or upskill employees to fill skills shortages. Our Skills Bootcamps are free, sector-specific courses that last up to 4 months, with a job interview at the end. In the 2021-22 financial year, 16,000 people participated in Bootcamps. They are a different approach for matching workers to skills gaps, and cover training in construction, digital, and green economy skills – such as heat pump engineering. We hope to expand these opportunities through the skills devolution measures just announced in the Spring Budget.

    Just as we’re still refining our apprenticeships programme, I know you are not resting on your heels either. A key solution for both of our countries in this new, dynamic system is reforming the careers advice we provide.

    Careers empowerment is the first rung on the Ladder of Opportunity – the first step into the world of work. We owe it to young people to arm them with good information on what they can to expect at the end of their schooling.

    I know that in Germany, job coaches from the local Agency for Employment get to know pupils in the technical lower secondary schools from age 12-14. This helps them, with the school, to build a path forward for each pupil, be that full time TVET [technical and vocational education and training] or an apprenticeship.

    I am determined that careers information here becomes quality-assured, and always includes work experience, apprenticeships and other skills options. To help students find their path in life, we need to engage with them early, as you do, clearly presenting their routes and requirements for heading onwards and upwards.

    We’re also reforming the structures that have previously siloed technical and academic education. In a couple of years students will be able to apply for apprenticeships on the same online platform as university courses. From 2025, our Lifelong Loan Entitlement will allow flexible, modular student finance that facilitates lifelong learning, to respond to the economy’s changing demands. Our broader vision is to develop a one-stop-shop, where citizens can explore all their career and training options at any point in their lives.

    Conclusion

    As you can tell, we still have a way to go to build a globally competitive UK skills education system. But we are grateful for the useful example and generosity of spirit you have shown us. Whatever waves have crashed around Britannia in the last few years, those interested in this area have never lost sight of the work to be done, and of what we can learn from our neighbours. Most recently a group of our officials visited North-Rhine Westphalia to discuss technical education implementation with the regional Chamber of Commerce.

    You’ll be hearing shortly from Sir Michael Barber, who has been advising our government on the skills reform programme. I was delighted to read recently that Sir Michael sees this is as a moment when the stars are aligning for apprenticeships. We have a Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Education Secretary (the first to hold a degree level apprenticeship) and a Skills Minister (yours truly) who genuinely want to prioritise skills education across government. I’m glad to be in the right place at the right time to see this through, and will continue to look to your country’s globally-recognised “gute Praxis” in order to do so.