Tag: Foreign Office

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 28 October 2022.

UK, EU, Belgium, Finland, Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden join Palestinian farmers in olive harvesting in Kufr Ni’mah village near Ramallah.

Heads of Mission and representatives from the UK, EU, Belgium, Finland, Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden visited Kufr Ni’mah village in the Ramallah district today. They took part in the olive harvest, which began this month and which has significant cultural and economic importance for Palestinians.

According to UN OCHA, nearly half of cultivated Palestinian agricultural land in the West Bank is planted with 10 million olive trees. An estimated 100,000 families in the West Bank rely on olive oil for primary or secondary sources of income according to the West Bank Protection Consortium.

Participants heard from locals, the West Bank Protection Consortium and Première Urgence Internationale about settler violence in the Ramallah district, which is getting worse for farmers each year and which often peaks during the Olive Harvest season. In the discussion, participants reiterated their continued opposition to Israel’s settlement policy and concern over the increasing rates of settler violence.

British Consul General Diane Corner said: “The Olive Harvest is a special time for Palestinians. It is central to their economy, their culture and their heritage. Sadly, persistent settler violence continues to be a major concern. As the occupying power, the Israeli authorities should ensure settlers who are responsible for crimes against Palestinians are held to account and should protect Palestinians against such violence.”

During the visit, Heads of Mission and diplomats were briefed on recent settler attacks against Palestinians across the West Bank and in the Ramallah district in particular. Settler violence is at record levels – the UN has recorded the highest monthly average of settler attacks since it began tracking incidents in 2005.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Explanation of Vote by Ambassador James Kariuki on the renewal of the UN Verification Mission in Colombia’s mandate.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Statement delivered on behalf of 46 Member States at the Joint Panel Discussion of the 1st and 4th Committees on Challenges to Space Security and Sustainability.

Thank you to the Co-Chairs of the First and Fourth Committees,

I am pleased to make this intervention on behalf of the following countries and groups: Albania, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, EU, Finland, France, Georgia, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Montenegro, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Republic of Korea, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United States, Ukraine and my own country the United Kingdom.

At the outset, we thank you for organising this timely discussion of our efforts to ensure the security and long-term sustainability of outer space activities. Our thanks also to the panellists for their contributions.

There is an important distinction between discussions in the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva and the Disarmament Commission here in New York on national security activities, and those at COPUOS in Vienna on peaceful uses of outer space, which is mirrored in the UN General Assembly between its First and Fourth Committees. On the other hand, as resolution 76/55 that convened this meeting recognises, both UNGA Committees and their subsidiary bodies have vital and complementary roles to play in ensuring that human activity in outer space is safe, secure and sustainable so that space systems can continue to deliver benefits to humanity into the future. For example, the deliberate destruction of space systems can have major impacts not only on security but also on the space environment, and create unnecessary hazards to human spaceflight, as well as a broad range of other space missions. We therefore welcome the coming together today to discuss issues of joint interest to the two Committees.

Since the last joint meeting of the First and Fourth Committees in October 2019, we have come a long way in raising awareness about space security and threats to space systems. At that last meeting, many of us called for the start of a new, inclusive conversation on how

to address threats to space systems. That call led the following year to General Assembly resolution 75/36 (Reducing space threats through norms, rules and principles of responsible behaviour), and the resultant Secretary-General’s report of August 2021.

That was followed by General Assembly resolution 76/231, which established an Open- Ended Working Group to take those ideas forward.

Our countries are pleased with how the work of the OEWG has started. We warmly commend the Chair, Mr Hellmut Lagos of Chile, for the inclusive, transparent and creative way in which

he has steered it. Discussions in the meetings so far have shown the widespread, cross- regional interest in space security, from both space-faring and not yet space-faring countries.

We believe that these discussions are already making a positive contribution to our common goal of preventing an arms race in outer space and promoting transparency and confidence between States.

In particular, we welcomed the overwhelming recognition and affirmation during those discussions that international law, including the UN Charter, applies in relation to activities in outer space. These binding international rules provide the foundation for activities in the space domain, but there is a clear need to work towards greater specificity and collective understanding on how they apply to certain conduct. We affirm the applicability of international humanitarian law in space and note that this affirmation does not, in itself, permit or encourage the resort to force. Rather, it reminds States that certain conduct is never lawful, even during armed conflict.

For years, the debate on PAROS was deadlocked between the viewpoint that one single comprehensive legally-binding instrument was needed and another that this was not realistic. We believe we are moving beyond that. While many States consider legally-binding instruments to be the ultimate goal of our work, it is increasingly recognised that they are not the only measure at our disposal. As the Secretary-General said in his 2021 report, “possible solutions to outer space security can involve a combination of binding and voluntary norms, rules and principles…. It is encouraging that Member States reaffirm that voluntary norms, rules and principles, including non-binding transparency and confidence-building measures, can form the basis for legal measures. It is hoped that work in each of these areas can continue to be pursued in a progressive, sustained and complementary manner.”

Voluntary and collectively established norms of responsible behaviour, combined with enhanced mutual understanding, dialogue and transparency, and sharing of space domain awareness, will help to reduce risks of misunderstanding and unintended escalation.

Furthermore, there is increasing recognition that the development and implementation of behavioural norms – such as the work to establish the commitment made by an increasing number of States not to conduct destructive, direct-ascent anti-satellite missile testing – can be valuable steps towards the eventual negotiation of legally binding instruments. Historically, this is the path international space law has followed: the international community began by developing non-binding principles and norms and then treaties followed thereafter. By demonstrating the effectiveness of voluntary measures over time, we can gradually build up our confidence to translate these into legally binding rules. This is an important step. In a contested and competitive world, it is vital that we can trust in the rules that we make – that they are practically implementable, and that States will comply with them.

This is why ongoing national implementation efforts and development of best practices concerning the 21 Long-Term Sustainability Guidelines adopted by COPUOS in 2019 are so important. The nearly decade-long effort to arrive at an agreed preamble and 21 guidelines represents a significant evolution in the development of voluntary measures to ensure the safe and sustainable use of space for all countries. The pursuit of this work by COPUOS represents an opportunity for long-lasting progress through ongoing dialogue and practical implementation.

We see the LTS Working Group and the Open-Ended Working Group as distinct, but complementary. Taken together, they will enhance the overall safety, sustainability and security of outer space.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Statement by Ambassador Barbara Woodward at the Security Council briefing on Ukraine and Biological Weapons.

Thank you President, and thank you Mr Ebo for your very clear briefing. I’d like to start by reaffirming the United Kingdom’s deep commitment to the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention.

On 24 February, Russia invaded Ukraine, an act of aggression in clear violation of international law, which the United Nations General Assembly voted overwhelmingly to condemn.

Since then, the Russian Federation has repeatedly spread disinformation, including wild claims involving dirty bombs, chemical weapons, and offensive biological research.

How much more of this nonsense do we have to endure?

As we’ve heard, Russia’s allegations were given a full hearing last month, according to the processes set out under Article 5 of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention.

89 States Parties attended that meeting, and listened as Russia delivered nothing but misrepresentations of assorted public documents and copy-and-pasted images from Wikipedia.

The response from the other States Parties was clear and overwhelming:

that Russia must end its aggression and disinformation campaign against Ukraine; and
that Russia must stop demonising legitimate peaceful scientific and technical cooperation, which all BTWC States Parties have a right to participate in under Article 10 of the Convention, and which is rightly valued by many States Parties.
That process has now concluded. Russia’s claims have been heard, considered, and rejected. The bar has not been met for further investigation and proposals for further action would be a waste of this Council’s time. This Council is a serious body and risks being brought into disrepute by Russia’s actions.

There are plenty of issues that demand our attention but Russia is clogging up the agenda with conspiracy theories.

Instead of attempting to smear Ukraine, Russia should focus on its own obligations, including the UN Charter, and end this war.

Thank you President.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Statement by Fergus Eckersley, UK Political Coordinator at the UN, at the Security Council briefing on Abyei and UNISFA.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Ambassador Bush commends efforts by OSCE’s Parliamentary Assembly, and stresses that parliamentarians play a crucial role in ensuring sustained support for Ukraine.

Madam President, thank you for your address and welcome back to the Permanent Council.

It was a great honour for the United Kingdom to host the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s Annual Session this year. I was proud to join Professor Ibrahim and Dr Elliott on the panel for preventing and prosecuting war crimes, and speak to the UK’s support for the Murad Code. I look forward to continued engagement on this important initiative, which will help to ensure justice for survivors of sexual violence.

I also congratulate you and OSCE parliamentarians on the successful adoption of the Birmingham Declaration, which was approved with overwhelming support. We strongly endorse the Declaration’s core tenet – that Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, facilitated by the Belarusian regime, constitutes a gross violation of the fundamentals of international law, as well as a severe breach of the OSCE’s commitments and principles. It jeopardizes the security architecture of Europe and the whole OSCE region.

In response to my Russian colleague’s tired accusations on access in July, may I remind them that it is Russia’s actions alone that led to their exclusion.

Unfortunately, since the Annual Session we have seen the Kremlin’s war rage on. In the last few weeks alone we have witnessed Russian military attacks on both civilians and critical infrastructure in Kyiv and across Ukraine, with the intention of cutting off Ukrainian people from energy, heating, and water. Sham referenda have been cynically deployed to facilitate attempted illegal land grabs. And the Russian military’s bombing of Ukraine’s agricultural and transport infrastructure continues to exacerbate global food insecurity.

Not content with attacking another State, the Russian Government continues to inflict misery upon its own population. As the latest Moscow Mechanism report found, the Russian government continues to wage a systematic and repressive war against the freedoms of its own people. This has included cracking down on independent media and restricting civil society activities, all of which also serve to quell any internal dissent against its external aggression.

So what role should the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly play in all of this?

As you said, Madam President, during an interesting side event at the Warsaw Human Dimension Conference, the role of Civil Society Organisations is key in all OSCE participating States. You noted the importance of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly working with civil society organisations and that OSCE Parliamentarians should use their privileged positions wisely, to reach out to others and to influence beyond their own Parliaments.

We agree that parliamentarians have a crucial role to play in harnessing their considerable political leverage to ensure sustained support for Ukraine. This includes pursuing accountability for war crimes and pushing for humanitarian, economic and military assistance to Ukraine. It also includes forcefully defending OSCE principles in all available fora, and supporting diplomatic efforts to secure a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, with full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders. I would also like to thank the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly and its members for their ongoing efforts in this regard.

Beyond the war, parliamentarians play a key role in continuing to support participating States to implement their OSCE principles and commitments. This includes defending human rights and democratic institutions, sharing knowledge and expertise on security challenges and military transparency, and performing the necessary checks and balances to hold our executives to account. I welcome the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly’s vital work in these areas.

In conclusion – and ahead of your Autumn Meeting in Warsaw next month – the UK offers its full support to you and the Parliamentary Assembly and we look forward to continued co-operation and collaboration in 2023 and beyond.

 

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 27 October 2022.

Ambassador Bush marks eight months since Russia’s illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine, which has caused immense suffering, destruction and loss.

Thank you Mr Chair. The start of this week marked eight months of Russia’s illegal and unprovoked invasion of Ukraine. Eight months of suffering, destruction and loss, at the hands of Russian Forces and President Putin. Eight months of Russia’s failure to subjugate the Ukrainian people and their democracy. Eight months of Russian government lies and disinformation.

Just this weekend, the Russian government baselessly tried to claim that Ukraine was planning actions to escalate the conflict in Ukraine through the use of a dirty bomb. There is no reason to suggest that Ukraine would use such a device in its own territory, against its own people and Russia has provided no evidence to support its claims.

As Ukraine has reconfirmed in the last few days, it has no nuclear weapons, no dirty bombs and no plans to acquire any. The IAEA has unambiguously stated they have no proliferation concerns and as reiterated today, Ukraine has offered to open its sites for further inspection.

Russia has a history of making false claims to provide a pretext or cover for its own actions. Russia has demonstrated its disregard for global nuclear security through its illegal takeover of the Ukrainian nuclear power plant at Zaporizhzhia, and Russia is the only State which has repeatedly raised the prospect of nuclear weapons use during the course of its illegal invasion.

The Russian government is hoping to distract and de-sensitise the world from what is really happening on the ground in Ukraine – the continued killing and injuring of Ukrainian civilians and the targeting of critical national infrastructure by the Russian military. An adviser to Ukraine’s energy minister has reported that as much as 40% of Ukraine’s energy infrastructure has been seriously damaged, with approximately 1.5 million households left without electricity following more strikes on Saturday.

This is a concerted campaign by Russia to deplete Ukraine’s energy generating capabilities ahead of winter. Families are being forced to cook their evening meals on the side of the street, using open fires; hospitals are dependent on back-up generators, jeopadizing patient safety; parents worry how they will keep their children warm at night; police have even reported that many air raid sirens don’t have the electricity to warn of other potential airstrikes. The devastating impacts are being felt across all areas of civilian life – from education; to sanitation; to communications, through to the meeting of fundamental human needs such as warmth, food and clean water.

The Russian government and the Russian military are knowingly and systematically plunging millions into cold and darkness, weaponising energy in an attempt to crush the courage and strength of the Ukrainian people. Attacks disproportionately killing civilians, and destroying objects indispensable to the survival of civilians, are prohibited under international humanitarian law and may constitute war crimes. It is barbaric.

In Kherson, the Russian government is attempting to forcibly remove and resettle Ukrainian citizens. Mr Chair – this is not an evacuation; it is deportation. Preparing for the oncoming Ukrainian counter-attack, we have heard credible reports of the looting of an entire city by Russian forces – including emergency service vehicles and medical equipment being taken to Crimea. Russian officials and senior military officers, installed to oversee the sham referenda and attempted illegal annexation are now fleeing, leaving newly mobilised and inexperienced Russian servicepersons to their fate.

President Putin is resorting to more cruel, brutal, deadly methods. But as we have seen time and time again in these past eight months, the resilience and strength of the Ukrainian people in the face of such adversity is truly admirable. They are not alone in this struggle. The UK, with our partners, will continue to support Ukraine militarily, financially, with humanitarian assistance and through sanctions, to ensure they can protect their people, defend their country and restore territorial integrity and sovereignty to the whole of Ukraine.

As we approach winter, the unity of the international community, the outrage at Russia’s continued disdain for human life and the standing up for international rules, laws and principles must not and will not fade away. Ukraine is not only defending its right to exist as a sovereign and democratic country; Ukraine is defending the right of all peoples of all States to live in freedom, without fear of aggression from authoritarian regimes. We have so much gratitude. We stand by you now and for as long as it takes.

The press release issued by 26 October 2022.

Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki at the Security Council meeting on Ukraine.

Thank you Mr President and I thank the USG for Legal Affairs for his briefing.

This meeting represents another attempt by Russia to distract from its crimes in Ukraine and Iran and Russia’s failure to abide by their international obligations.

Russia and Iran have been caught red-handed violating resolution 2231.

Russia is now concocting an argument about process because they cannot defend their actions. We have seen them do this many times before. It is sad that this is now standard procedure for them.

Based on the evidence provided by Ukraine and significant amounts of open source reporting, our view is clear: Iran has supplied UAVs to Russia with which Russia is targeting Ukrainian civilians and civilian infrastructure and these UAVs fall under the list in Annex B paragraph 4 of UNSCR 2231.

Given no prior approval was sought or granted by the Security Council, these transfers represent violations of resolution 2231.

Unlike Russia, we are happy for our position to be verified. We have therefore expressed support for an impartial, expert investigation by the UN Secretariat, in line with its mandate under resolution 2231, so the facts can be clearly established.

As Council members are aware and as others have made clear already today, the UN 2231 Secretariat has conducted many such investigations, most recently in UAE and Saudi Arabia. So this is entirely in line with precedent and normal practice.

Russia’s claim we are trying to unduly influence the Secretariat is both absurd and hypocritical. It is Russia, in trying to sustain its disinformation which first attacked the Secretary-General and now the whole Secretariat, just for doing their jobs.

And it is Russia that has threatened to end all cooperation with the UN if the Secretariat does not do as Russia wants.

That is not the behaviour of a country with nothing to hide. It is the behaviour of a bully.

Colleagues, what is Russia trying to do here today?

Russia is trying to make the UN’s ability to monitor implementation of a key non-proliferation resolution subject to a new lock in the Security Council in which Russia itself has a veto.

Russia is again trying to abuse its seat on the Council to shield itself from international scrutiny.

Further open source reporting suggests that Iran intends to transfer yet more UAVs and, potentially, ballistic missiles to Russia. Any such transfers of items could constitute further violations of resolution 2231 and represent a significant escalation.

In using Iranian drones to attack civilians, as part of its invasion of Ukraine, Russia is violating the UN Charter, a Security Council resolution and may be committing war crimes. That is quite the hat-trick. These increasingly desperate attempts to distract us from these facts and undermine the system must be rejected.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 26 October 2022.

Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki at the Security Council session on the Great Lakes.

Thank you President, and I thank Special Envoy Xia for his briefing today, and welcome the participation of countries of the region in this meeting.

President, the United Kingdom remains deeply concerned by the security situation in the Great Lakes region, in particular the resurgence of violence by M23 in the last week. We call for immediate cessation of violence and the withdrawal of M23 from their current positions. All parties must respect national sovereignty and uphold the principle of territorial integrity.

We call upon countries in the region, with the support of the Special Envoy, to continue to work in close coordination with the Government of the DRC and MONUSCO to bring lasting peace to the country.

President, we have said many times that political and diplomatic efforts should have primacy over a military solution. Humanitarian considerations should also have equal priority. Military action alone will not bring peace to the Great Lakes. So we encourage the resumption of the Nairobi and Luanda processes. The UN, including through the offices of the Special Envoy, should actively support these efforts and ensure coordination with existing efforts, such as the DRC’s P-DDRCS process.

President, any military action in Eastern DRC requires careful planning, coordination with MONUSCO, adherence with international law and a clear exit plan. The EAC Force and DRC Armed Forces must substantively engage with MONUSCO on de-confliction of forces, to ensure, primarily, the protection of civilians. We trust Special Envoy Xia will support this coordination.

The United Kingdom remains concerned about the humanitarian situation in the Great Lakes region. The DRC is suffering from the world’s largest food security emergency, with 26 million people in crisis levels of food insecurity. Recent violence is adding to the 5.9 million people already displaced in the DRC. Access to those that need relief is severely limited. Coordination between military and humanitarian operations is vital and we call on all parties to facilitate humanitarian access.

In conclusion, President, we call upon countries in the region to intensify efforts to improve their regional cooperation, address shared security challenges via political and diplomatic means, improve humanitarian access, and bring an end to the violence. Thank you.

The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 25 October 2022.

Statement by Fergus Eckersley, UK Political Coordinator at the UN, at the UN Security Council briefing on chemical weapons in Syria.

Thank you President, and thank you to the High Representative.

There may be one thing that I can agree with my Russian colleague on; that sadly, we heard today no significant new developments in the briefing from the UN. We again heard instead a long list of areas where the Syrian regime continues to refuse to provide adequate information to the OPCW or to complete basic actions in accordance with its international obligations.

But this does not mean we should simply turn a blind eye and give the Syrian regime a free pass.

Syria’s refusal to cooperate with the OPCW, to address the outstanding issues with its Chemical Weapons Convention declaration, is inexcusable.

As we have said many times, the 20 outstanding issues are not academic – they include the whereabouts of several hundred tonnes of chemical warfare agents, whose destruction still cannot be verified.

And the history is not in doubt, with at least 8 chemical weapon attacks already independently attributed to the Assad regime against its own people.

Syria and Russia have long used deceit and disinformation in an attempt to deflect attention from appalling war crimes committed by the Assad regime.

Despite all this two things are clear. First, Syria’s non-compliance with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention poses a genuine and ongoing threat to international peace and security.

And second, there must be accountability for the Assad regime’s historic use of chemical weapons.

This Council must continue to address these issues despite Syrian and Russian efforts to obstruct progress.

We cannot send the signal that we tolerate the use of Chemical weapons, and we cannot allow impunity.

Thank you.