![PRESS RELEASE : FCDO statement on DPRK ballistic missile launches [April 2026]](https://www.ukpol.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/newfco-150x150.png)
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 19 April 2026.
An FCDO spokesperson said:
DPRK’s ballistic missile launches on 19 April are another breach of UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs), destabilising regional peace and security.
The UK continues to urge DPRK to stop provocations, to engage in meaningful diplomacy and return to dialogue.
STORY
Britain has called for an immediate cessation of hostilities in South Sudan, warning that continued fighting is worsening an already severe humanitarian crisis and putting more civilians at risk. In a statement to the UN Security Council, UK Deputy Permanent Representative Archie Young said the violence between the main parties to the peace agreement was causing fresh displacement, serious human rights abuses and further destruction in places including Akobo.
The UK said South Sudan’s leaders must meet their obligations under international law, protect civilians and allow humanitarian aid to reach those in need without obstruction. Young also pointed to reported abuses including conflict related sexual violence and the recruitment of children, saying the crisis could only be resolved through an inclusive political process involving all key parties, including the Sudan People’s Liberation Army in Opposition led by First Vice President Riek Machar.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 17 April 2026.
Statement by Ambassador Archie Young, UK Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on South Sudan.
Thank you, President.
I congratulate SRSG Gbeho on her appointment and thank her and USG Fletcher for their briefings and clear steps. I also pay tribute to her predecessor, the late Fink Haysom, for his extraordinary contribution to the United Nations and the cause of peace.
In the context of this fragile and deteriorating situation, I will make three points.
First, calling for the protection of civilians; second, on the importance of an inclusive political dialogue; and third, on the critical role of the UN peacekeeping mission.
As we have heard very clearly from the briefers today, the continued fighting between the two main parties to the peace agreement is displacing civilians and compounding an already acute humanitarian crisis.
The Secretary-General’s reporting highlights serious human rights violations and abuses, including conflict‑related sexual violence and the recruitment of children.
In Akobo civilians have been killed, hundreds of thousands displaced and infrastructure destroyed, exacerbating the suffering of the South Sudanese people. We call on South Sudan’s leaders to comply with their obligations under international law, including the protection of civilians and to allow unhindered humanitarian access to reach those in need.
Second, the United Kingdom recognises that the only solution to the current crisis in South Sudan is through the immediate cessation of hostilities and a return to inclusive dialogue with all stakeholders, including the Sudan People’s Liberation Army in Opposition, led by First Vice President Riek Machar.
We welcome the appointment of AU Special Envoy President Kikwete and the close cooperation between the UN, AU, IGAD and other stakeholders including the Troika to support a resolution to the current crisis.
We strongly urge the transitional government and other parties to fully engage with these efforts and heed the appeals from the international community to return to the political process.
Third, we underscore and praise the vital role played by the UN peacekeeping mission in South Sudan. It is regrettable that the South Sudanese authorities have continued to obstruct the mission’s ability to deliver its mandate in full.
This prevents the mission delivering necessary tasks including the protection of civilians and supporting humanitarian assistance in volatile and hard-to-reach areas. We call on the transitional government to cooperate fully with UNMISS.
As this Council considers the mandate for the mission, we will need to ensure it is credible, deliverable and responsive to conditions on the ground.
Thank you.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 16 April 2026.
Minister for the Middle East in Lebanon on first visit since regional escalation and pledges new humanitarian funding.
On the first UK ministerial visit to Lebanon since regional escalation, Minister for the Middle East Hamish Falconer has today (16 April) reaffirmed UK support for the country and announced over £20m in fresh humanitarian funding.
During the one-day visit to Beirut, the Minister met with Lebanese leaders to discuss efforts to deliver regional stability and security.
He reiterated the urgent need for the ceasefire to extend to Lebanon and expressed support for recent direct negotiations with Israel as the best path to enduring stability and security for both sides.
In a major increase in aid to the country, Minister Falconer announced new support for the Government of Lebanon’s crisis response and saw the humanitarian projects the UK will be funding. The projects are delivering life-saving aid and support to some of the most vulnerable families affected by conflict, including those who have been forced to leave their homes as a result of missile strikes.
The Minister also expressed thanks to healthcare workers and first responders during a meeting with them. He reiterated that both must be protected by all sides and that attacks on staff doing these vital roles are unacceptable.
The £20.5m package includes vital assistance to displaced people and those in hard-to-reach areas. It includes funding for the Lebanese Red Cross’ rescue and medical teams, ensures shelters support women and girls and provides a boost to critical national crisis response systems. It forms part of a wider package for support to Lebanon and follows the £9.5m the UK government announced earlier this year to respond to the humanitarian crisis.
Minister for the Middle East Hamish Falconer said:
Conflict in the Middle East benefits no one. The UK is working with partners to de-escalate and pursue a political solution.
People in Lebanon are again suffering a conflict they did not choose, with displacement robbing families of security and dignity. The UK is increasing support for those most in need, reflecting our commitment to regional stability.
In Beirut I met leaders and welcomed direct Israel–Lebanon talks. We need an end to hostilities. This government will work with Lebanon and international partners to deliver vital aid and support a durable resolution. In Antalya, I will reinforce de-escalation efforts regionally.
The visit came as the country continues to face the impact of conflict between Hizballah and Israel, which has displaced over a million civilians in Lebanon and caused widespread death and destruction.
The Minister met with Lebanon’s President, Speaker of Parliament, Prime Minister, and Foreign Minister to emphasise the UK’s support for an urgent end to hostilities in Lebanon. He welcomed the Government of Lebanon’s leadership during the humanitarian crisis, as well as direct talks with Israel and their decision to ban all Hizballah’s military activities.
Following his visit to Lebanon, the Minister will represent the UK at the Antalya Diplomatic Forum, with a focus on shaping diplomacy and foreign policy for the future.
He will take part in a panel session outlining the importance of stability in Syria and will meet with several Middle Eastern counterparts to discuss the need for immediate de-escalation in the region and the freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz.
The UK remains committed to supporting efforts to deliver peace and stability across the region, including calling for the immediate and unconditional reopening of the Strait and respect for the fundamental principles of freedom of navigation and the law of the sea to be upheld.
Notes to Editors:
The funding announced today includes:
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 16 April 2026.
Ambassador Holland updates on recent Russian activity in the Atlantic, speaking on behalf of Norway, the Netherlands and the UK.
Thank you, Mr Chair. Norway and the Netherlands have also aligned with this statement.
The United Kingdom has tabled this current issue today to put on record in this Council an update given by the UK Defence Secretary on 9 April 2026 regarding Russian activity in the Atlantic. I am doing so to provide this information to all States in the spirit of transparency and risk reduction, and to highlight our readiness to respond to activity which threatens our security.
As stated by my Defence Secretary, the UK – in partnership with Norway and other Allies – has responded to increased Russian activity in the Atlantic, north of the UK.
This operation involved a Russian Akula Class Submarine and a concurrent deployment of two Specialised Submarines from GUGI, Russia’s Main Directorate for Deep-Sea Research. These GUGI units – including the Spy ship YANTAR – are vessels directed by Russia to conduct hybrid warfare activities against the UK and its Allies, specifically around Critical Undersea Infrastructure.
They are designed to survey underwater infrastructure during peacetime, and be prepared to sabotage it in conflict. This deployment operated across the North Atlantic including in UK and Allied Exclusive Economic Zones.
In response to the activity of the Russian submarines, the UK deployed our Armed Forces to track and deter any malign activity by these vessels.
A Royal Navy warship and Royal Air Force P8 aircraft, alongside Allies’, ensured the Russian submarines were monitored 24/7. The Akula Submarine subsequently returned home having been closely tracked throughout, and we continued to monitor the two GUGI submarines.
Our Armed Forces left them with no doubt that they were being monitored, that their movements were not covert as had been planned, and that their operations had been exposed.
Those GUGI submarines have now returned home, and this operation – which lasted more than a month – has now concluded.
I want to thank all the Allies involved, including Norway, with whom we have cooperated closely throughout.
Chair, we have publicised this operation to make it clear that we are watching and that we see these operations over the Critical Undersea Infrastructure of the UK and our Allies.
Our message to Russia is this: you cannot operate in secret. We are ready to meet the increased threat in the North Atlantic. The UK and our Allies are ready to respond to any threat to our Critical Undersea Infrastructure. And any attempt to damage our Critical Undersea Infrastructure would have serious consequences.
Thank you.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 16 April 2026.
Ambassador Holland says Russia’s approach to the Easter ceasefire demonstrates its contempt for peace, highlighting thousands of ceasefire violations and attempts to distort the narrative. Ukraine made a good faith commitment to a ceasefire and demonstrated its readiness to engage constructively. Russia made a different choice.
Thank you, Mr Chair.
Since this Council last met, Russia has further intensified its war against Ukraine. Its actions once again demonstrate contempt for international law, for civilian life, and for the conditions required to achieve a just and lasting peace.
In March, Russia launched an average of over 200 drones per day against Ukraine – a wartime high. Early indications suggest April is on course to match that grim record.
This relentless increase stands in contrast to Ukraine’s consistent call for a permanent ceasefire. A call the Kremlin continues to reject. In the absence of any credible signal from Russia that it was prepared to change its stance on this issue, on 31 March President Zelenskyy proposed a ceasefire over the Easter period. This was a serious offer, made in good faith, and intended to reduce harm to civilians and create space for dialogue.
Russia’s initial response was dismissive and deliberately vague. In the days that followed, the Kremlin sought to reframe the narrative, belatedly attempting to present the ceasefire as its own initiative. This manoeuvre was revealing and not just for its pettiness. Had Russia been serious about peace, it would have engaged constructively with Ukraine’s proposal from the outset. Instead, presumably to avoid being seen to acknowledge Ukraine’s approach as being constructive, it chose performance over substance, seeking to deflect scrutiny.
During the so-called “truce” period, there were thousands of violations reported, including shelling and short-range drone launches. At the same time, it is right to acknowledge one limited but notable development: the absence of long-range strike activity during the ceasefire. This should not be overstated. Regrettably, in the hours after the ceasefire ended, Russia fired nearly 100 drones. But it does underline an important point. Intensification of these attacks is a choice, and so too is restraint.
Even this limited pause demonstrates that reducing violence and creating conditions more conducive to negotiations is possible, if the political will exists. Ukraine has shown that it is prepared to take such steps. It has signalled readiness for a ceasefire that could serve as a foundation for wider talks. We urge Russia to step up and match this willingness.
For now, though, Russia, continues to reject peace, regardless of rhetoric. While speaking of negotiations, it has intensified attacks. While gesturing towards ceasefire concepts, it has violated them repeatedly. While attempting to claim the language of restraint, it has intensified its attacks on the ground. This contradiction cannot be ignored. It raises serious questions about Russia’s intentions and its credibility as a negotiating partner.
Ukraine’s position remains consistent and principled. It seeks a cessation of hostilities not as an end in itself, but as a pathway towards a broader settlement that upholds international law and secures its sovereignty. Ukraine has demonstrated readiness to engage constructively. Russia has so far made a different choice.
The path to peace begins with an immediate cessation of hostilities, respect for international law, and genuine engagement in good faith. Ukraine is ready. At present, Russia is not.
Thank you.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 13 April 2026.
Statement by Ambassador James Kariuki, UK Chargé d’Affaires to the UN, at the UN Security Council meeting on Cooperation between the UN and the European Union.
The UK shares the EU’s commitment to effective multilateralism.
With deepening global instability, close cooperation between the UN and regional organisations remains essential.
The UK supports EU-UN coordination in maintaining international peace and security, as set out in the EU-UN Strategic Partnership.
We also welcome the strengthening of our own cooperation with the EU since the 2025 UK-EU Summit, and the signing of the UK-EU Security and Defence Partnership.
We continue to build on this in pursuit of European and international security.
I will now make three points.
First, the EU makes a vital contribution to stability in our shared neighbourhood.
Like the UK, the EU has consistently championed Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which Russia continues to violate through its illegal war.
Russia must end its aggression, and any peace must be just, lasting, and consistent with the UN Charter.
In the Western Balkans, the EU plays a vital role through the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue and contributing to stability and security in Bosnia and Herzegovina through EUFOR ALTHEA.
Second, EU-UN cooperation contributes to peace and security well beyond Europe. We welcome the EU’s commitment to the protection of civilians, the Women, Peace and Security agenda, and climate-related security.
In the Middle East, the UK and the EU welcome the current ceasefire as an important step back from escalation and an opportunity to create space for diplomacy.
The EU and its Member States have been a consistent voice of support for freedom of navigation and the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
In Sudan, the EU is a valued partner for UN efforts to alleviate the humanitarian crisis and bring an end to the conflict.
The Berlin Conference on 15 April, co-hosted by the UK, EU, Germany and others, will be an opportunity to reinforce international focus and drive practical action.
We also welcome the EU’s diplomatic and humanitarian engagement in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and work on governance, resilience, and peacebuilding in Africa and beyond.
Third, President, we welcome the commitment shown by the EU and its Member States to the UN as an institution, including through the UN 80 reform process.
We share the goal of a reformed UN that is effective and representative.
A UN that advances international peace and security, sustainable development, and human rights.
We are proud to count the EU as a key partner in this cause.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 13 April 2026.
UK Statement for the Interactive Dialogue on Human Rights Defenders. Not delivered due to time constraints.
Thank you Mr Vice President,
The United Kingdom welcomes the Special Rapporteur’s report on the challenges human rights defenders face. We also wish to commend her tireless efforts throughout her term to promote the work of human rights defenders.
The UK recognises the essential role human rights defenders play in promoting and protecting human rights. The report demonstrates their bravery and resilience as they carry out this work.
However those defending human rights face increasing attacks, including killings and disappearances. These reprisals are taking place in a context of shrinking civic space and democratic backsliding globally. The UK unequivocally condemns such actions.
The UK therefore welcomes the Special Rapporteur’s recommendation to strengthen protection mechanisms. The UK is proud to be funding the new Lighthouse Fund, which is providing protection support to human rights defenders and civil society organisations.
Madam Special Rapporteur, how can the United Nations system best strengthen accountability and protection mechanisms for human rights defenders?
Thank you.
The speech made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, in London on 9 April 2026.
Here this evening we’ve had a chance to talk together at a very turbulent time. At a time when I’ve had the privilege of being the Foreign Secretary for seven months, months that feel as though time has really sped up, at a time when there are conflicts and crises happening all over the world.
A time when these are not just remote events in distant lands, but upheavals that reverberate here at home, impacting directly on the cost of living for families right across the UK.
So I want to reflect a bit tonight on how UK foreign policy needs to respond to the scale and the pace of the turbulence that affects us all.
But let me start first with the current crisis in the Middle East. Because the news on Tuesday night that a ceasefire agreement had been reached between the US, Israel and Iran was very welcome.
A vital step to delivering some security and stability for the region, to get international shipping moving again, the global economy moving again, and to easing the pressures on the cost of living here at home. But there is so much work still to do.
We took a very different view from the United States and Israel at the start of this conflict. When their action got underway, we faced a choice, and we considered those issues carefully: the need for a clear plan, the risks of escalation, the potential economic consequences, and the lawful basis for any action.
And we made the choice not to provide support for the initial strikes or to get drawn into offensive action.
That was the decision Prime Minister Keir Starmer took – calm and clear and guided by UK interests and UK values.
A different party in power with a different Prime Minister in Downing Street might have taken a different decision. And governments are judged by the decisions they make and the instincts that guide them in moments of grave crisis.
And so, in those crucial hours on the morning of the 28th February, when other parties were demanding to know why we were not taking part in the strikes on Iran, this government stayed calm and held firm.
Because we have learned the lessons from the recent past, especially from Iraq, and no matter what the pressure from other parties or other countries, we do not believe it is right to outsource our foreign policy to anyone.
That is what the British public should rightly expect of their leaders, to take independent decisions according to the UK national interest and UK values.
And so, we have not engaged in offensive action, but what we have done is provide defensive support to our partners in the Gulf who faced reckless Iranian attacks.
That is why British jets have been in the skies defending countries who played no role in this conflict and where hundreds of thousands of British citizens live and visit.
I want to pay tribute to our RAF pilots and UK service personnel for all they are doing to keep people safe.
We provided basing support to the US against the Iranian ballistic missile launchers that were pointed at the Gulf and at international shipping in the Strait.
And alongside that international defensive action in our national interest, here at home we’ve worked to support UK households under pressure, including cuts to energy bills and extending the freeze on fuel duty, to provide reassurance and security at a difficult time.
And we have been working internationally, both for a swift resolution of the conflict and for a plan for what comes after.
While we were not involved in the start of this conflict, we will work together to support a sustainable end to it.
Most important of all for us, that means the restoration of freedom of navigation, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, and getting the global economy moving once more.
Because the attacks on international shipping in the Gulf, the effective closure of the Strait has been deeply damaging for the world – blocking fertilizer for Africa, liquified natural gas for Asia, and jet fuel for the world.
The trading routes for Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Oman, all hijacked by Iran so that they can hold the global economy hostage.
But this is an international shipping route. It’s a transit route for the high seas. No country can close those routes, and it goes against the fundamental principles of the law of the sea.
And here in Britain, the importance of this runs deep in our history, because we’re an island nation, a maritime economy. 95% of our trade is carried by sea. 40% of our food is imported.
And it was Victorian Britain that pioneered the freedom of the seas, the maritime law that made piracy a crime of universal jurisdiction.
And today we know, more than ever, that freedom of navigation is the underpinning of global trade, and it matters for every sea, every ocean, every strait, every country has a stake in this. Every industry is affected by it.
So that is why last week, I convened more than 40 nations from every continent across the globe, all adamant that freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz must be restored.
It’s why today I met with the International Maritime Organization to discuss what the first steps should be now the ceasefire is in place. And it’s why we are supporting and promoting their practical proposals to start moving the ships that are stranded in the Strait and the 20,000 stranded seafarers. It is both a humanitarian and an economic first step.
And then we need the full and unconditional reopening of the Strait as a central part, not just of the current ceasefire, but the long-term future for the region. Because the fundamental freedoms of the seas must not be unilaterally withdrawn or sold off to individual bidders.
And nor can there be any place for tolls on an international waterway. Freedom of navigation means navigation must be free.
The international consensus that Britain helped build more than 100 years ago in support of maritime freedoms, we will champion again now.
So there is so much more work to do to build a sustainable settlement which delivers security for the region. And let me be clear, it must include Lebanon.
The escalation of airstrikes in Lebanon by Israel yesterday was deeply damaging, with the humanitarian consequences of this conflict, with hundreds of thousands of people displaced, hundreds of people killed.
But also, for the security prospects for the region and for the people of Lebanon and the people of Israel too, we will not achieve a durable peace settlement in the Middle East, if in Lebanon, the crisis endures.
Regional stability and security also requires that Iran must no longer pose a threat to international shipping or to its neighbours. And we’ve long been clear Iran cannot be allowed to develop a nuclear weapon.
And we’ve got no illusion about the nature of the Iranian regime, as we saw earlier this year in its brutal repression of its own people and the threats projected through its proxies around the world, including Hezbollah.
An Iran that is contained is an Iran that can no longer hurt our interests, allies or prosperity or people, so where threats remain, the goal must be to move from conflict to containment with coordinated international action and diplomacy to prevent rearmament supply chains.
And we also won’t forget that regional security requires progress on the Gaza ceasefire and the 20-point plan, an end to annexation threats and settler violence in the West Bank, and a realistic political horizon for the two-state solution. That is the only way to ensure security for Israelis and Palestinians alike.
Events in the Middle East weigh heavily on us, and it might be tempting or even comforting to think that the Iran crisis is a once in a generation shock.
But this is the third time in six years that international events have sent economic tidal waves around the globe, hitting Britain’s shores. The COVID pandemic, the invasion of Ukraine, and now the Iran conflict.
Instability and volatility are becoming increasingly chronic, and turbulence is now the new normal. National security and economic prosperity have become increasingly intertwined.
The new reality we face did not begin with the war in Iran, nor will it end with a reopened Strait, and I think for too long, the UK clung to the prevailing security assumptions of the last two decades.
Our country had planned for a post-Cold War peace dividend. Instead, we have an aggressive expansionist Russia that menaces our continent.
Successive governments hoped that well managed economic globalisation would expand trade, reduce conflict, and a rising tide would lift all boats. Instead, we’ve seen instability, inequality and rising protectionism threaten economic security.
We’ve got rapid technological change creating amazing new opportunities, but also new uncertainties and vulnerabilities, with undiversified supply chains exploited for economic coercion and the interdependence that has helped make us prosperous being weaponized against us.
We’ve seen in China’s rise the most consequential economic transformation of the last century.
And all of this amidst the US changing its priorities and focus with far reaching implications for European responsibility for our own defence.
So these assumptions about benign international security, about stable globalisation, about predictable international partnerships, may have been well intentioned, but UK governments were too slow to adapt as the world changed.
Stability and security were taken for granted, and there was too much complacency about the resilience of our alliances, international institutions, and the UK’s role within them.
Which meant there were short term decisions taken over the last 15 years that corroded some of our strength and resilience; an era of complacency in which defence spending was heavily cut. And in the words of a former Conservative Defence Secretary, key capabilities hollowed out.
The energy transition was hobbled, and previous governments were careless about economic security, capabilities and the state of our partnerships, including Europe and with NATO.
We will not do that anymore.
And so that is why, since this Labour Government came to office, our foreign policy is increasingly focused on ensuring that Britain can thrive amidst this scale of upheaval and change.
It’s embodied in this Prime Minister’s calm and steady approach, putting security, both national security and economic security, much more centrally at the heart of our approach.
We are guided by our values and our national interests, but we are not outsourcing foreign policy decisions to anyone else.
And in place of complacency, a new determined diplomacy, renewing and adapting existing partnerships and building agile alliances too.
Because it is the work that we do abroad, the partnerships that we build across the world, that make us stronger here at home.
So first, that means renewing our focus on national security and overseeing the biggest increase in defence spending since the end of the Cold War, because hard power is so important, and Europe is long overdue in taking on greater responsibility for its own defence.
And that’s why we’ve made the historic commitment to spend 5% of our GDP on national security by 2035, honouring our commitment to be a leader in NATO, and our commitment to stand with Ukraine and push back against Russia, our commitment to defend Gulf allies under attack, modernising our approach to hybrid threats.
And second, just as the Chancellor has put economic stability at the heart of our domestic policy, I’m strengthening the focus on economic resilience alongside trade in our foreign policy.
Because economic security is the underpinning of prosperity in turbulent times.
So yes, we’re strengthening national capabilities like tech, R&D, and finance, sustaining and strengthening our steel industry with a landmark strategy and a goal that 50% of steel used in the UK is made in the UK. And internationally, working to secure the critical minerals that the UK needs.
And most ambitiously, working alongside allies to transform our long-term energy security, unleashing new nuclear and turbo-charging renewables. Because for a century, global energy has been based on concentrated resources, production cartels and geographic choke points
But renewable energy cannot get stuck in the Strait of Hormuz. It cannot be controlled by one or two countries.
This is a historic opportunity to reduce our dependence on volatile fossil fuels, and to seize the opportunities to lead and drive that transition globally, so no choke point can hold us back.
But thirdly, it means being confident about the values that guide us.
Now be that our humanitarian values, that mean we’re providing £15m extra during this Middle East crisis to support displaced civilians in Lebanon or supporting energy infrastructure renewal in Ukraine.
Or our respect for the rule of law, for the values that underpin the United Nations Charter, for the friendships and alliances we build and the commitments we make in the volatile global context with rising challenges from great power politics.
It might be tempting to think that international law and the role of international frameworks are out of date, and that in championing them, we somehow cherish rules over national interests.
Well, I reject that view, because we’re not just defending the status quo.
Frameworks of international rules have to be able to adapt to a fast-changing world, just as we’ve argued for changes to the way that the European Convention on Human Rights is interpreted to address challenges on migration.
The role that rules-based frameworks play is vital, and respect for the rule of law is a core British value that supports our national interest, underpins our economic stability, makes us a reliable place for international investment, while the whole world spins around us and underpins our security and prosperity.
It’s in Britain’s interests to be a dependable power, a country that keeps its word, a stable base for investment and a partner of choice.
And in order to deliver on our security, our prosperity and our values, in place of complacency we need determined diplomacy that pursues those diverse partnerships and agile alliances, continuing to recognize the vital role NATO plays, but also that Europe needs to contribute more.
Strengthening our partnership with European neighbours: a landmark bilateral treaty with Germany, deeper nuclear security cooperation with France, stronger migration cooperation with Italy, stronger naval cooperation with Norway, and with the EU, a closer relationship, not just on security and defence, but on better trade terms too.
And all this, while sustaining our deep and indispensable US alliance. A strong alliance that goes back many decades, embedded through strong security and defence partnerships, including through the Five Eyes, that keep people on both sides of the Atlantic safe.
And because strong allies are honest with each other, that includes being able at times to disagree.
But as part of that, it means too moving forward to find new forms of multilateralism. New flexible groups of countries where our interests are aligned, the Joint Expeditionary Force on defence, the Calais group on migration, working with major European players through the E3 or E4 groups, the Coalition of the Willing to support Ukraine, or the work we’re doing with the US and the Quad countries to secure a ceasefire in Sudan – the worst humanitarian crisis of the 21st Century.
So more than ever before, these fast-moving events across the world are continually and directly affecting our lives, our prosperity and our security at home. And our foreign policy needs to keep up with the change and the upheaval, but also to keep calm in that fast-changing world.
To be confident in our values, purposeful in our interests, strong in our focus on security, as the bedrock on which all else is built, and agile in the alliances we build and renew for the future.
Those partnerships we build abroad make us stronger at home. That’s my mission as Foreign Secretary, and I look forward to working with all of you to deliver it.
Thank you.
The press release issued by the Foreign Office on 9 April 2026.
Statement by Jennifer MacNaughtan, UK Minister Counsellor, at the Security Council meeting on Kosovo.
The UK remains committed to supporting Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic path and development as an inclusive and multi-ethnic democracy.
As one of the first countries to recognise Kosovo’s independence, we encourage those Member States who have not yet done so to join the majority.
As the International Court of Justice made clear in its 2010 Advisory Opinion, Kosovo’s declaration of independence was not a violation of international law.
Recognition is essential for long-term stability and for unlocking Kosovo’s full potential.
We commend the peaceful conduct of the municipal and legislative elections last year, including Kosovo-Serb participation, and welcome the formation of the government.
We encourage swift progress towards the election of a President, in line with Kosovo’s Constitution.
The return of Kosovo-Serb mayors to Serb-majority municipalities in northern Kosovo is another welcome step.
We encourage them to focus on practical governance, working constructively with central institutions, and responding to the needs of all their constituents.
We continue to call on Kosovo and Serbia to implement existing agreements and resolve outstanding disagreements through the EU-facilitated Dialogue.
We welcome the establishment of the Joint Commission on Missing Persons and the EU-facilitated agreement on implementation of the Law on Foreigners, as constructive steps towards building trust and supporting stability.
More than two years on from the Banjska attack, we reiterate our call on Serbia to play its part in reducing tensions and bringing those responsible to justice, including Milan Radoičić.
We also call for accountability for the attacks against KFOR and Kosovo Police personnel in May 2023.
Finally, with growing pressure on UN budgets, resources must be directed where they deliver the greatest impact.
Conditions on the ground in Kosovo are unrecognisable from 1999.
We welcome efforts to improve the balance and focus of UNMIK reporting, and we encourage continued clarity on the Mission’s core purpose, focusing on drivers of conflict and instability.
A strategic review of UNMIK’s role, responsibilities, and funding is overdue.
The proposed 8.6% budget reduction, recommended by the Civilian Staffing Review, must deliver real efficiencies and help ensure UNMIK is agile, efficient, and fit for purpose.
I would like to end by expressing the UK’s gratitude to the Special Representative, Peter Due, and all Mission staff who have contributed to UNMIK’s work.