Tag: David Lammy

  • David Lammy – 2026 Speech at the Global Partnerships Conference

    David Lammy – 2026 Speech at the Global Partnerships Conference

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 19 May 2026.

    First, let me thank the fantastic panellists that we’ve just heard speak so powerfully over the past few hours on this important issue: Shifting the Power. 

    Whether on the border of Sudan as Foreign Secretary, visiting Sri Lanka as Deputy Prime Minister or welcoming Global South leaders to the UK from across the world what’s clear is that the 1997 style approach to international development no longer works.  

    Global South partners feel the overlapping crises, the shocks and the creaking of the system the hardest.  

    We are living through a “Great Remaking”. In a changing international order, many powers are shaping this multipolar age, and so our status quo is not fit for purpose.  

    We are changing our approach. Moving from the paternalism of the past to the partnerships of the future and championing the reforms required across the system.  

    Making it fairer, more impactful and unblocking the finance needed to turbocharge development and climate action. 

    It’s fantastic to see that under my dear colleague Yvette Cooper and the wonderful Baroness Chapman this work has only grown in importance – look at us all here today. But as we’ve just heard, there is much more we must do together. 

    Why shifting power matters 

    As an international community, too often we have failed in our primary task: to work in genuine partnership. Not focussed on handouts. But on shared growth. 

    We know that when those most greatly affected shape the solutions, decisions carry greater legitimacy, outcomes endure, and our collective impact is stronger. 

    As the Foreign Secretary outlined earlier, we have a responsibility to make this right, but also an interest in doing so.  

    As Deputy Prime Minister, I know all too well that growth, tackling the climate crisis, and the health of our citizens cannot be separated from international shocks and crises. 

    Because as we’ve seen all too clearly in recent years, instabilities and crises across the world have a direct impact on us here at home. From the effects of COVID-19, which continue of course to reverberate, to the floods and extreme weather that damage our towns and cities, all of it costing billions of pounds. To the impacts of global economic shocks on the cost of living. If we are to shift course, we must see a genuine shift in approach; and a genuine shift in power. 

    Principles for modern partnerships 

    We’ve heard loud and clear over these two plenary sessions a rallying cry for a central organising principle: that countries’ and communities’ own aspirations, plans and priorities must be at the heart of development cooperation.  

    What are the three key things we have heard we can collectively do to turn this principle into practice? 

    Supporting country-led development 

    First, we must work alongside partners as they set their own agendas, aligning our support and finance behind their aspirations for their own development.  

    It means coordinating behind country platforms, where countries choose them, to align support with national priorities. 

    It means co-creating, co-designing and co-deciding solutions as best and standard practice, where partners determine what, where and how development resources are used.  

    That’s why the UK wholeheartedly endorses the Call to Action to all development actors to accelerate support for locally led development, and we encourage you to join us. 

    Taking a whole society approach 

    Second, that we need to take a whole of society approach. From government to the private sector to philanthropy to civil society, including the most marginalised voices. To support the changes that countries and communities want to see. 

    This Government has always believed in a feminist approach to international development and foreign policy. Women and girls – in all their diversity – and women’s rights organisations as drivers of change and progress, essential to growth, peace and stability.  

    That’s why I commend the work of Yvette Cooper. With her leadership, the UK has made this a standalone foreign policy priority. 

    Building self-sufficiency and economic resilience 

    And finally, to deliver this, we must support partners in building self-sufficiency and fiscal resilience. 

    We need to redouble our efforts to ensure countries can mobilise their own finance, spend well, borrow responsibly and manage shocks effectively, to build sustainable economies.  

    Control over finances is control over sovereignty. 

    This means tackling illicit finance and corruption. Which I see as one of the great progressive causes of our times.  

    Illicit financial flows are estimated to total between 800 billion dollars and 2 trillion dollars every year, that’s around 2–5% of global GDP.  

    This is money that should be in the hands of citizens, ordinary people supporting their public services. 

    Instead, it lines the pockets of kleptocrats, their cronies and funds their luxury homes in capitals like this one, here in London. 

    Together we must move beyond an agenda simply focussed on transparency and end the era of impunity for those exploiting developing nations for their own ill-gotten gains. 

    It also means mobilising more private capital and the City of London is a hub of green finance and we want it to become a hub of global development finance too.  

    So we are working with senior leaders from across the investment community to address practical barriers to scaling investment in developing countries. 

    This, to me, exemplifies a move towards building genuine partnerships, new coalitions that deliver growth and opportunity for citizens here and abroad. 

    Reforming the international system 

    But none of this will be enough if we don’t also work together to change the global development system.  

    You will have heard from many leaders and those championing reform initiatives over the course of today; and it is clear there are already some key areas of momentum. 

    Greater Global South representation 

    First, that we must address the injustice at the heart of the system for ensuring Global South voice, that’s representative has influence and a meaningful seat at the table. 

    Yvette Cooper set out earlier today how the UK is working in partnership to champion this shift across the system. Whether that’s ensuring greater voice across the debt architecture through the new Borrowers’ Platform, co-chairing the current World Bank Shareholding Review, reforming the UN Security Council to include permanent representation from the African continent, India, Germany, Brazil and Japan or ensuring the OECD DAC Reform Review keeps pace with the scale of the changes to the development partnership and finance landscape. We are proud to play our part.   

    Building a more coordinated development system 

    Second, it is clear that institutions and actors must work better as a system, to get behind the aspirations of countries and communities.  

    Working together should be the starting point, systemic and not ad hoc. 

    That means going further and faster on essential reforms to support genuine collaboration between development banks, climate funds, and other institutions. Bringing together finance, expertise, and implementation at scale.  

    Climate and development 

    Third, we must prioritise and protect the parts of the system that protect us. There is no development without climate action and no climate action without development. They are two sides of the same coin. 

    At all levels of government, the UK remains relentlessly focused on addressing this defining global challenge. The transition to a resilient, nature positive, clean powered global economy is the growth opportunity of the 21st century.   

    We will not succeed in tackling the climate and nature crisis, or delivering resilient, sustainable growth, without reforming the full development and climate ecosystem.   

    We need a climate and nature finance architecture that works faster, smarter and more effectively. We need to mobilise more finance from all sources whilst delivering a step change in access to ensure funding reaches the poorest and most vulnerable and we need to ensure funding reaches communities on the ground and that marginalised groups are at the centre of decision making.  

    This is proven to deliver stronger, more effective resilience – it needs to be at the core to shifting the power.  

    That is why we have always supported the vision of Least Development Countries to get more finance and decision-making power flowing to locally led climate action and to communities on the front line. 

    Looking ahead 

    Finally, that we must look ahead to the system we need for the future, and define that future together: 

    We as politicians, as leaders, must take greater responsibility to set out a common vision. 

    To re-inspire hope that we can tackle the collective challenges we face, for the betterment of my citizens and yours. 

    As we’ve heard today, there is much more to do on this agenda to deliver a true paradigm shift.  

    But we are committed, as partners, as reformers, to stay the course. What do we know? 

    We know that relationships grounded in old hierarchies no longer work and instead we need to base our relationships on mutual respect as equals. So how do we get there? 

    We know there is more to do. But when I look around this room, I see people, governments and organisations that are committed to do the work to realise our ambitions.  

    We are not all the same of course. We do not agree on everything. But together, we can build new coalitions which give us all a seat at the table. 

    We must take the discussions of this week and turn them into concrete actions. It is about restoring confidence that cooperation can deliver. This is what shifting the power means in practice; more trust, more legitimacy, more impact. 

    Thank you.

  • David Lammy – 2026 Statement on Youth Justice

    David Lammy – 2026 Statement on Youth Justice

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Justice, in the House of Commons on 18 May 2026.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on the youth justice system in England and Wales. I am today publishing a White Paper, with a once-in-a-generation set of reforms to build a youth justice system that intervenes early, responds more effectively and does more to turn young lives around, so that we can better protect the public. I am very grateful to the Under-Secretary of State for Justice, my hon. Friend the Member for Rother Valley (Jake Richards), and, before him, my hon. Friend the Member for Scunthorpe (Sir Nicholas Dakin), for all their hard work in getting us to this point.

    Over the past two decades, the number of children entering the youth justice system and being detained in custody has fallen dramatically. This progress is the result of real cross-party consensus, with a modern youth justice system that began under Tony Blair’s Government and was continued, during his time as Prime Minister, by Lord Cameron—he famously said he would “hug a hoodie”—who, with Lord Gove, asked me to carry out the Lammy review.

    But this success has brought a new challenge. Our youth justice system is now working with significantly fewer young people, but they are significantly more vulnerable and at significantly higher risk. Most begin their journey into crime long before they come to the attention of the police, their lives shaped by instability, by trauma and often by neglect—the kind of childhood that most of us in this House could barely imagine. Some grow up surrounded by violence, addiction and abuse, while others are moved endlessly around children’s homes or foster care placements, never staying in one place long enough to have the stability needed to feel safe, let alone the love and care that would enable them to really thrive. All those factors make them more likely to end up in the justice system. When we fail to intervene early enough, the consequences can be devastating—for those children, of course, but also for victims and entire communities, because around 80% of prolific adult offenders first enter the justice system as children.

    The risks that children face have also changed. Today’s children are navigating online harms, criminal grooming through social media and exposure to extremist content. Too often the system has struggled to keep pace: opportunities to intervene are missed, warning signs go unnoticed and agencies do not consistently share information. This means that children can slip through the cracks between services, which risks escalation, and responsibility between agencies becomes blurred. The lessons emerging from the Southport inquiry, following the tragic murders of three young children by Axel Rudakubana, a violent 17-year-old who was known to authorities, are a terrible reminder of what can happen when systems are not sufficiently co-ordinated and not sufficiently decisive in the face of escalating concerns.

    We must learn those lessons but also strike the right balance. The system must recognise that they are still developing and that most have huge capacity to change. We should not over-criminalise but, at the same time, avoiding criminalisation must never mean overlooking risk or failing to act. Benign neglect, however well intentioned, is still neglect. Where behaviour causes harm, timely, proportionate and effective intervention is essential to protect the public and to support children to change course.

    That principle is reflected throughout this White Paper. First, we will intervene earlier, investing an additional £46 million over the next three years in our turnaround programme, which is already showing promising results in diverting children from crime, and by strengthening the join-up with other programmes that support children on the cusp of offending. We will also strengthen and expand the use of parenting orders, which can compel parents to address their child’s behaviour, including attending counselling or guidance sessions. If they do not act, they will face penalties. We will deliver on our manifesto commitment to introduce an offence of child criminal exploitation, building on the work carried out by others, including Baroness May, and placing the focus where it belongs: on the adults who groom, the adults who coerce and the adults who profit from exploiting children. Through new youth diversion orders, we will tackle the increasing number of young people who commit terrorism offences, allowing agencies to intervene before that risk escalates.

    Where offending does happen, we will ensure that children get the right response at the right time. Diversion must be firm, fair and effective. We will fundamentally reform the youth out-of-court resolution framework, to improve consistency and public confidence so that children receive interventions that genuinely address their behaviour and cut crime. We will also pilot problem-solving youth intervention courts, laser-focused on rehabilitation and prevention. They bring together judges, youth workers and specialist support to tackle the root causes of offending, whether mental ill health, school absence, addiction or exploitation, while still demanding accountability from young offenders.

    Custody will always be necessary for the most dangerous offences, but for many children even a short spell inside can deepen their problems, exposing them to more violence and criminal influence. So we are setting an ambition to cut the number of children remanded in custody by 25% over this Parliament, alongside an intention to reduce the use of short custodial sentences, which so often are ineffective, with more than two thirds of children going on to reoffend. Instead, we will invest £5 million in intensive community placements and stronger bail support, protecting the public while giving children a genuine chance to change course.

    We will also reform the childhood criminal records regime, because mistakes made at 13 should not become a life sentence of closed doors and lost chances, not least where this prevents young people from getting a job, which is a crucial factor in helping offenders turn their lives around. We will carefully consider the age of criminal responsibility in this country, which currently sits at just 10 years old, to ensure that it still reflects a modern understanding of childhood, vulnerability and development. We will also strengthen local youth justice services so that they are better equipped to meet the needs of today’s children.

    We will soon set out detailed proposals for a new approach to youth justice service oversight, and funding arrangements so that children receive consistently high-quality support wherever they live. That includes reforming the Youth Justice Board, sharpening its focus on continuous improvement of local services and transferring some of its key functions to the Ministry of Justice, so that Ministers are fully accountable for how the system performs.

    I have been clear that custody will, where appropriate, be necessary for public safety. However, we will take further action to improve safety and education across the youth estate, while setting a clear long-term direction of travel away from large, outdated institutions and towards smaller settings that can better rehabilitate children.

    The White Paper is also about fairness. Not all children in our justice system are equal. Those in care are still far more likely to be drawn into the system. Black children remain vastly over-represented—22% of the youth custodial population, compared with 6% of 10 to 17-year-olds overall. Black children are also over-represented among victims, being around six times more likely to be victims of homicide. I warned about this disproportionality when David Cameron asked me to do the Lammy review, nearly a decade ago, and the fact it persists today should shame us all. These reforms will begin to address that, building a system that is fairer and more consistent.

    It is not a choice between punishment and rehabilitation; it is about what works: protecting the public, cutting reoffending, and stopping vulnerable children—so often victims themselves—becoming tomorrow’s dangerous adult offenders. This Government will do whatever it takes to give more children the chance of a better future, and to keep the British public safe. I commend this statement to the House.

  • David Lammy – 2026 Statement of Support for Keir Starmer

    David Lammy – 2026 Statement of Support for Keir Starmer

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 9 February 2026.

    Keir Starmer won a massive mandate 18 months ago, for five years to deliver on Labour’s manifesto that we all stood on. We should let nothing distract us from our mission to change Britain and we support the Prime Minister in doing that.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Tribute at the Manchester Synagogue Attack Vigil

    David Lammy – 2025 Tribute at the Manchester Synagogue Attack Vigil

    The tribute made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister, in Manchester on 3 October 2025.

    Friends, we must stand together today.

    We must stand in grief, in solidarity and in defiance.  

    Grief – for the innocent lives that were taken so cruelly.

    Senseless murders carried out on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish year.

    Grief that causes so much pain, so much suffering.

    Today our hearts, our thoughts, our prayers must be with the families of those who were killed. 

    And of course with this Jewish community, both here in Manchester at the Heaton Park Synagogue and right across our nation.    

    And as the Member of Parliament for Tottenham, I know that suffering in Crumpsall is the same as the pain and the worry on the frightened faces in my own constituency, in Stamford Hill. 

    In that sense the London and Manchester communities are twin communities, grieving as one. 

    And, us, the whole nation – with them. 

    That’s why we stand in solidarity – with the Jewish people.

    Because an attack like this is never felt alone.  

    Wherever they are in our country, Jewish people, our friends, our neighbours, our loved ones, are terrified by the events of yesterday.

    Of becoming targets, victims of antisemitic hate, simply for who they are. 

    But I know this about Britain’s Jewish community: 

    A community I have known all of my life.  

    You are strong, you are resilient, you will never be cowed.  

    And I want you to know today, that your country, those of all colours, all faiths and none, stand with you.  

    We stand with you against terrorism. 

    We stand with you against those who think bombs and blasts will break us. 

    And we stand against all those who would minimise, coddle or obfuscate on anti-Jewish hate. 

    We know terrorism in this country. We know it in this city, we saw it at the Arena.

    And now we have seen it in Heaton Park. 

    We all know terrorism. We all feel terrorism. I lost my childhood best friend, James Adams who was blown to smithereens on the 7/7 bombings. 

    And I vow to you, every Christian, Muslim, Jew, every Mancunian, every Brit, we will never stop fighting it. 

    That’s why we stand in defiance of those terrorists who seek to divide us.

    Who want to pit neighbour against neighbour, to weaken the bonds that bind us together.

    As one nation, one people, one United Kingdom, we cannot, we must not let them divide us.  

    On days like today, we must show who we really are, not what they want us to believe.

    But Britain’s true nature: A tolerant nation, built on mutual respect, common understanding, where people live not in fear, but in freedom.

    That is who we are, that is who we will always be and it cannot be eroded by violence.

    It cannot be erased by vile acts such as those carried out here yesterday.  

    I want to close with this thought: When I have lost loved ones in the past, Jewish friends have often used a phrase to comfort me: 

    ‘May their memory be a blessing.’ 

    Nothing will ever take away the pain of what happened here.   

    But how we respond now, how we stand together, yes, in grief and in solidarity, but also in defiance and a shared mission: Against terror, in the name of us all.

    That response honours those we have lost.

    May their memory be a blessing. 

    Not just to their families, not just to the Jewish community, but to our entire nation.  

    Always.  

    And for those that are considering marching over the weekend: 

    I ask them to reflect with all human dignity, grace and understanding, to stop and to stand back.  

  • David Lammy – 2025 Speech at Lord Chancellor Swearing In

    David Lammy – 2025 Speech at Lord Chancellor Swearing In

    The speech made by David Lammy at the Royal Courts of Justice on 1 October 2025.

    My Lords, Ladies, friends, colleagues,

    Lady Chief Justice, thank you for that generous welcome, and your kind words.

    I am deeply grateful for your leadership…

    And look forward to working alongside you…

    In the months and years ahead.

    I congratulate my colleague and friend, Ellie Reeves…

    On her appointment as Solicitor General.

    Madam Solicitor, your dedication…

    Your expertise…

    And your energy…

    Will be of enormous value to this Government…

    And to this country…

    And I know you will serve the law with distinction.

    I also want to pay tribute to my predecessor, Shabana Mahmood…

    Who achieved so much in her time in this office…

    Steering the system back onto a steadier path…

    After such difficult years.

    It is the honour of my life to be sworn in as Lord Chancellor.

    The boy from Tottenham…

    Son of parents who came to this country from Guyana…

    Part of the great Windrush generation,

    Answering the call of a country…

    That needed rebuilding after the war.

    They came here with little, but gave so much…

    Because they believed in the values of this nation:

    In fairness, freedom, and equality.

    The boy whose Mum brought up five children alone…

    Working every hour god sent…

    Just to put food on the table…

    Teaching us the meaning of service, and sacrifice.

    The boy who fried chicken in KFC…

    But who carried aspirations far bigger than his uniform…

    Though not, perhaps, quite as big as this day…

    Nor indeed, quite as big as this uniform…!

    That boy could never have imagined…

    That he would be standing here, before you today.

    It has been a long journey…

    But in many ways, it feels like coming home.

    My whole life has been about justice.

    Growing up in the shadow of the Broadwater Farm Estate…

    Justice was not abstract.

    It was real.

    Ever-present.

    Often harsh.

    Too many boys who looked like me were written off.

    Too many were told to set their sights low.

    Too many found themselves on the wrong side of the law.

    But I was fortunate.

    Education gave me a way out…

    A gift that lifted my sights,

    … when others told me to lower them.

    Even then, though, I recall one teacher saying to me:

    “A barrister, David? Really?

    I think you should become a fireman.”

    But justice is what called me to the Bar….

    To advocacy…

    To giving a voice to those who had none…

    To defending the principle that all are equal before the law.

    It led me into public service…

    Into politics…

    And my work on the Lammy Review…

    Into racial inequality in our criminal justice system.

    From student, to barrister, to practice in California…

    Justice has been my compass.

    Justice has been my cause.

    And now, as Lord Chancellor…

    Justice is my charge.

    So I stand here humbled,

    I stand here honoured,

    And believe me when I say –

    I stand here feeling the full weight of this ancient office…

    More than a thousand years old.

    The names of its holders echo through history:

    Becket… Bacon… More… Wolsey.

    Some of them noble,

    Some… notorious.

    And I wonder what they would think about our nation’s first black Lord Chancellor.

    I think of those who came before me,

    Who gave new life to the ancient promise of Magna Carta:

    That no one is above the law…

    And that the law must protect the liberties of us all.

    I think of Lord Elwyn-Jones…

    Who, before he wore these robes, stood at Nuremberg…

    To face down the architects of racial hatred and war…

    Ensuring that even the most powerful can be held to account before the law.

    And who later passionately defended legal aid…

    So that fairness would not be the preserve of the wealthy.

    And I think of Lord Irvine of Lairg…

    Who brought the Human Rights Act into being…

    Weaving equality into the fabric of our common law.

    And so my task is threefold.

    First, to respect the rule of law.

    As Thomas Fuller once said – and Lord Denning often quoted –

    “Be you never so high, the law is above you.”

    That is the essence of our inheritance.

    No one is above the law, and all are equal beneath it.

    Woman or man.

    Rich or poor.

    Black or white.

    This is Britain’s greatest gift to the world.

    But we take these principles for granted…

    At our peril.

    As rights are eroded abroad…

    As democracy retreats in too many places…

    I will do everything in my power to defend those values…

    At home, and overseas.

    Second, I am to defend the independence of the judiciary.

    That independence is part of our prestige…

    It is why our justice system is trusted the world over…

    And why international businesses choose our courts…

    And our laws…

    To settle their disputes.

    And I promise you –

    I will defend that independence to the hilt.

    In recent years we have seen troubling signs…

    Of judges denounced for doing no more than interpreting the law…

    And even attacked in their own courtrooms.

    And we have seen, at the darkest extreme…

    Where this road ends.

    We see it in Putin’s Russia…

    Where the courts no longer speak for justice…

    But for power…

    To crush, silence and oppress critics.

    I am clear:

    In Britain there will always be space for dissent.

    There will always be space for debate –

    The freedom to disagree is part of who we are.

    But debate must never become intimidation.

    Disagreement must never become violence.

    You must be free to do your work…

    To make decisions on the most difficult and contested questions…

    Without interference…

    Without influence…

    And without fear for your safety.

    Because when those who uphold the law are threatened…

    The rule of law itself is threatened.

    That is something no free society can ever allow.

    And on my watch, it will not be.

    Finally,

    I am charged with the efficient and effective support of the courts…

    Ensuring they are fit for the people they serve.

    I inherit a system that has been under too much pressure…

    For far too long.

    The past few years have tested the justice system like never before.

    From the pandemic…

    To the pressures now facing our courts, prisons and probation services.

    I know you, our judiciary…

    And so many others across our courts and tribunals…

    Have carried that weight.

    You have kept the machinery of justice turning…

    Never letting it falter.

    I am profoundly grateful.

    Thanks to my predecessor, the justice system is now stabilising…

    And we are on the road to recovery.

    It will be a long journey…

    But we walk it with determination.

    Those efforts have, necessarily, focused in on criminal justice…

    On prisons, and probation…

    On driving down the backlog in the Crown Courts.

    And I will carry on that transformative work,

    Through the Sentencing Bill…

    Delivering punishment that cuts crime…

    And Sir Brian Leveson’s Independent Review…

    So our criminal courts are not just fit for today’s demands…

    But resilient for tomorrow’s…

    And so justice is no longer delayed, and denied…

    To so many.

    At the same time, our justice system is far broader…

    Touching every single part of our lives.

    Workers, seeking redress against unfair treatment…

    Small businesses, fighting for payment owed…

    Separating families, securing their child’s future…

    All of them rely on our civil and family courts…

    And our tribunals.

    So I will strive to protect and advance every part of that system…

    From legal aid, that protects the most vulnerable…

    To support for victims of crime.

    And I will champion our world class legal services…

    Which power growth…

    Generating over £42 billion for our economy each year.

    That is something we shouldn’t whisper about, but shout with pride.

    As Foreign Secretary, I once found myself in a skyscraper…

    In the heart of Abu Dhabi…

    Some 4000 miles away…

    Yet in that glittering tower…

    Billions of dollars in transactions…

    Were carried out under English law…

    Just one illustration…

    Of the phenomenal reach of our greatest export.

    English law is now used in around 40 percent of all cross-border business and financial transactions…

    But – we can go even further…

    And, supported by our new English Law Panel…

    We will…                                              

    To reinforce our position as a global legal leader…

    For the prosperity of this nation.

    I’ll come to a close with this.

    I pledge that this office will stand, as it has at its best moments in history…

    For fairness…

    For dignity…

    And for the belief that every citizen is equal under the law.

    To my wife, Nicola, and to my children: thank you.

    None of this would be possible without your love and support…

    Your patience…

    And dare I say it, your tolerance.

    I am proud – incredibly proud – to be the first Lord Chancellor of African-Carribean heritage…

    And to swear this oath today is the greatest honour of my life.

    I will work with determination.

    I will serve with devotion.

    And I will defend…

    With every fibre of my being…

    The rule of law.

    The boy from Tottenham is now Lord Chancellor…

    And he remains, above all, a servant of justice.

    Thank you.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Speech at the UN on Using AI to Strengthen Peace

    David Lammy – 2025 Speech at the UN on Using AI to Strengthen Peace

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister, in New York on 24 September 2025.

    There is an urgency to this debate. 

    It was two years ago that the United Kingdom first brought artificial intelligence to this Council.

    And since that time, its capabilities have grown exponentially. 

    This is a lightning strike of change.  

    Every one of us, diplomat, peacebuilder, terrorist, now carries superhuman expertise in our smartphones, better at maths, better at translation, better at diagnosis, than almost any human expert.  

    And now, superintelligence is on the horizon, able to operate, coordinate, and act on our behalf. 

    We are staring at a technological frontier of astounding promise and power.  

    No aspect of life, war, or peace will escape.  

    Deep AI analysis of situational data holds this promise for peacekeeping: 

    Ultra-accurate real-time logistics. 

    Ultra-accurate real-time sentiment analysis. 

    Ultra-early warning systems.

    But there are also these challenges for armed conflict:  

    Ultra novel chemical and biological weapons, ultra accessible to malign actors.

    And ultra rampant distortion and disinformation. 

     And, of course, this is what is at stake for our shared security:

    The risk of miscalculation.

    The risk of unintended escalation. 

    And the arrival of artificial intelligence-powered chatbots stirring conflict.

     The risk of deeper instability is immense.

    And this is why I so welcome the Secretary-General’s report on military AI. 

    This is an opportunity for collective understanding.

     For us to build new safeguards and guardrails.

    And reaffirm international law as the bedrock of responsible use. 

    We all know that artificial intelligence use is growing, of course, exponentially, offering us both extraordinary promise and intense challenges.

     Nowhere is this clearer than in climate.  

    On current trends, artificial intelligence could add the equivalent of a new Japan to world electricity consumption.  

    Yet, it also promises to utterly transform efficiency and power our green transitions, fine-tuning electrical production to the minute to meet demand and eliminating astonishing levels of waste. 

    This is the power of AI. 

    We are crossing humanity’s most profound technological frontier.  

    Our lives, our world, our politics are about to be flooded with super-powerful AI.  

    There is only one way forward. 

    Resilience. 

    Learning how to use these tools and embedding them safely in society.

    This is the United Kingdom’s mission.

    Through our AI Security Institute, with more dedicated researchers than anywhere else in the world, and through the International AI Safety Report, with its secretariat based in the UK.

    Under the chairmanship of Yoshua Bengio, one of our briefers today.

    The United Kingdom is committed to using AI responsibly.

    Safely, legally, and ethically.

    And together, here at the United Nations, we must ensure AI strengthens peace and security.

    I believe that it can.

    And if we act together, we can get there.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Statement on the Middle East

    David Lammy – 2025 Statement on the Middle East

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 1 September 2025.

    With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I shall make a statement on the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Iran.

    In Gaza, the situation on the ground is unimaginably bleak. Horrifying images and accounts will be seared into the minds of colleagues across this House. They are almost impossible to put into words, but we can and must be precise with our language, because on 22 August the United Nations-backed IPC mechanism confirmed what we are witnessing: famine—famine in Gaza city; famine in its surrounding neighbourhoods now spreading across the wider territory; famine which, if unchecked, will spiral into widespread starvation.

    This was foreseen: it is the terrible conclusion of the obstacles we have warned about for over six months. Since 1 July, over 300 people have died from malnutrition, including 119 children. More than 132,000 children under the age of five are at risk of dying from hunger by June next year. This is not a natural disaster; it is a man-made famine in the 21st century, and I am outraged by the Israeli Government’s refusal to allow in sufficient aid. We need a massive humanitarian response to prevent more deaths, crucial non-governmental organisations, humanitarians and health workers to be allowed to operate, and stockpiles of aid on Gaza’s borders to be released. In the past three months, more than 2,000 Gazans have been killed trying to feed their families, and Hamas themselves are exploiting the chaos and deliberately starving Israeli hostages for abhorrent political purposes.

    I know that these words of condemnation, echoed across legislatures all over the world, are not enough, but be in no doubt: we have acted as a country where we can. We restored funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. We suspended arms exports that could be used in Gaza. We signed a landmark agreement with the Palestinian Authority. We stood up for the independence of international courts. We have delivered three sanctions packages on violent settlers and far-right Israeli Ministers for incitement. We have suspended trade negotiations with the Israeli Government. We are at the forefront of the international community’s work to plan for a stable, post-conflict peace. We have now provided more than £250 million in development assistance over the past two years.

    Today, we are going further. I can announce an additional £15 million of aid and medical care for Gaza and the region. We continue to work alongside regional partners, including Egypt and Jordan, to enable the United Nations and non-governmental organisations to ensure that aid reaches those most in need. Brave medics in Gaza tell us that essential medicines are running out and they cannot operate safely. That is why we are funding UK-Med, whose field hospitals have treated more than 600,000 Gazans. It is also why we are funding the World Health Organisation in Egypt to treat thousands of evacuated Gazan people.

    Meanwhile, as my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary said earlier, we are working with the World Health Organisation to get critically ill and injured children into the UK, where they will receive specialist NHS treatment. The first patients are expected to arrive in the UK in the coming weeks. Extracting people from a war zone is, of course, complex and dangerous, and it relies entirely on Israeli permissions. I am pressing the Israeli Government for that to happen as quickly as possible. We are also supporting brilliant students granted Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office Chevening scholarships and other scholarships to escape Gaza, so that they can take up their places for the coming academic year.

    I recognise that those things only touch the edges of this catastrophe. We all know that there is only one way out: an immediate ceasefire that would see the unconditional release by Hamas of all hostages and a transformation in the delivery of aid. We know it, our US and European allies know it, and our Gulf partners know it, too. I am working night and day with them to deliver a ceasefire and a wider political process to deliver long-term peace. To make a ceasefire last, we need a monitoring mechanism, the disarmament of Hamas and a new governance framework for Gaza. That is the focus of our intense diplomacy in the region.

    In contrast, further military operations in Gaza City will only prolong and deepen the crisis. Together with our partners, we demand an immediate halt to the operation. Each week brings new horrors. Last week’s double strike on Nasser hospital—one of Gaza’s last remaining major health facilities—killed 20 people, including five journalists. I remind Israel once again that international law requires the protection of healthcare workers, journalists and civilians. These actions will not end the war, and they will not bring the hostages home, let alone make them safer, as hostage families have recognised. Such actions will sow despair and anger across the region for generations.

    In the west bank, the Israeli Government are tightening their stranglehold on the Palestinian economy and continue to approve illegal settlement construction, including just recently in the E1 area east of Jerusalem. That would erect a physical barrier to the contiguous Palestinian state, and it must not happen.

    In July, I described before the UN General Assembly our intention to recognise the state of Palestine later this month, unless the Israeli Government take substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza and commit to a long-term sustainable peace. That commitment responds to the current crisis, but stems from our historic responsibility to the region’s security, reaching back over a century to the Balfour declaration. As I said last month in New York, I am deeply proud that it was a British Foreign Secretary who helped establish a homeland for the Jewish people, but the same declaration promised that

    “nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights”

    of the Palestinian people. Those rights are more under threat than at any point in the past century.

    To those who say recognition rewards Hamas or threatens Israeli security, it does neither. Recognition is rooted in the principle of a two-state solution, which Hamas rejects. We have been clear that any Palestinian state should be demilitarised. Indeed, President Abbas has confirmed that in writing. We see no contradiction between the two-state solution and our deep commitment to Israeli security, because security comes from stable borders, not indefinite occupation.

    Before I finish, I would also like to update the House on Iran. On 28 August, the UK, along with France and Germany, triggered the snapback mechanism under UN Security Council resolution 2231. That means that if no new agreement is reached within 30 days, the sanctions that were lifted under the Iran nuclear deal—the joint comprehensive plan of action—will come back into force. Those wide-ranging sanctions include a full arms embargo and restrictions on Iran’s nuclear, missile and drone programme. It was not a decision we took lightly. For years, we have worked with international partners to stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The 2015 deal was meant to do just that, but Iran has repeatedly undermined the agreement. Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium is now 40 times over the limit set by the JCPOA. Despite that clear escalation, we have made every effort over years of negotiations to bring Iran back to compliance. Those efforts have continued in recent months. I have urged Foreign Minister Araghchi to de-escalate and choose diplomacy.

    In July, we offered Iran more time if it agreed to return to negotiations with the US and restore full access to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Last month, I warned Iran that time was short and we would have little choice but to trigger snapback. I regret to inform the House that Iran has not complied with its legal obligations, nor chosen the path of diplomacy, so we have had no choice but to act. I have long been clear that I will not allow snapback to expire without a durable and comprehensive deal. It would be unacceptable to allow this issue to fall off the UN Security Council agenda, despite the threat posed by Iran’s nuclear programme. Snapback is not the end of diplomacy, as Secretary Rubio has also recently underlined. Iran can still meet our conditions. It can restore full IAEA access and address our concerns about its stockpile and enrichment, and it can return to negotiations. Alongside our partners, I will continue to urge Iran to choose that path.

    In the worst of times, this Government will continue to take all the steps that we can to alleviate suffering, to help bring regional conflict to an end and to create the conditions for long-term peace and security. We will not rest until there is a ceasefire in Gaza, the hostages are returned, and a flood of aid reaches those in desperate need. Despite the obstacles before us, we will work with partners to preserve the two-state solution. I commend this statement to the House.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Statement on the Situation in El Fasher, Sudan

    David Lammy – 2025 Statement on the Situation in El Fasher, Sudan

    The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 13 August 2025.

    Shocking reports are emerging of the latest assault by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in and around El Fasher, North Darfur. In Abu Shouk camp for internally displaced persons (IDP), attacks earlier this week killed at least 40 defenceless civilians who had already fled violence in El Fasher.

    As fighting intensifies, exit routes from El Fasher remain blocked, trapping hundreds of thousands who now face famine, widespread reports of atrocities, and the rapid spread of disease, including cholera. Those who managed to flee to camps like Abu Shouk were already cut off from aid — and are now under attack.

    This is not an isolated incident. It is part of a pattern of deliberate violence and brutality against civilians. The warring parties have a responsibility to end this needless suffering. They must urgently comply with their clear obligations under international humanitarian law and the commitments made in Jeddah: protect civilians and allow and facilitate unimpeded humanitarian access.

    Last month, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor confirmed that there are reasonable grounds to believe war crimes and crimes against humanity have been – and continue to be – committed in Darfur. Deliberate attacks on civilians are a clear violation of international law. The perpetrators must be held accountable.

    Today, together with our African partners & Guyana, we led a UN Security Council statement calling for immediate humanitarian access & respect for international law. The UK will continue to use all tools at our disposal to get aid to those who need it the most.

    I urge the RSF, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and allied armed groups to agree to the UN Secretary-General’s call for a humanitarian pause in and around El Fasher and urgently put in place the conditions that will allow immediate access. Only this will allow the delivery of food, water, medicine, and other life-saving supplies to those facing starvation.

    In line with UN Security Council Resolution 2736, the RSF must end its siege of El Fasher and cease attacks on civilians, and the SAF and allied Joint Forces must also allow and facilitate a rapid and unimpeded passage for humanitarian workers and civilians, so that aid can reach those most in need.

  • David Lammy – 2025 The Spirit of Locarno Speech

    David Lammy – 2025 The Spirit of Locarno Speech

    The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, in Locarno, Switzerland on 11 August 2025.

    It’s a real pleasure to be here in Locarno – a place of immense beauty and profound historical significance. Thank you so much to my good friend Minister Councillor Cassis. And I want to thank Professor Frank for his reflections on the Treaties — signed during a remarkable period in history.

    It was perhaps when the world was experiencing what the great historian Adam Tooze called a deluge of modernity. The 1920s brought the first transatlantic phone call, the earliest films with sound, the rise of radio and the dawn of commercial flights. These technologies reshaped daily life and transformed diplomacy.

    Governments could communicate faster, coordinate more closely and respond swiftly to global events — vital in a decade marked by profound challenges with the Great Depression looming, fascism rising and international co-operation reeling.

    It was a time that called for clarity, it was a time that called for strength and conviction. And so it is today, my friends.

    In Silicon Valley, tech leaders speak of the singularity — the moment in which change progresses so far that we enter into a post-human era. I think that is a long way off — indeed it may never come.

    But recent tech shifts are significant enough to call this a new chapter — if you like, I call it the great remaking of our society. A phase where innovation leaps forward and reshapes geopolitics, redefining diplomacy and security once again.

    War has sadly returned to our continent — spreading from the battlefield into cyberspace. Power is being redefined — not just by armies, but by algorithms. And the international order is under strain — from disinformation to digital surveillance, AI-enabled weapons to quantum disruption.

    So, our diplomatic tools have got to adapt.

    They have to become sharper and more effective at building partnerships. So we can seize the immense opportunities that lie ahead.

    That is why the UK is working with friends and allies — to shape those norms, to promote responsible innovation and embed safety into emerging technologies. And Switzerland is one of our closest and dearest partners.

    Together, our scientists are developing early-warning systems for cyber threats. Our universities are creating tools to expose disinformation. And our governments are holding talks on the risks of emerging technologies — from AI to quantum to cyber.

    We are also making progress in the fight against dirty money — the kind that fuels inequality, undermines democracy and holds back the world’s poorest. This is a global fight, and it demands global resolve. Switzerland is a vital partner in that endeavour.

    I am looking forward to hosting a summit next year in London to build an international coalition for transparency, enforcement, and reform. Because when we act together, we can turn the tide.

    But this partnership is not just about managing problems — it’s about unlocking opportunity. In the last few years, we’ve signed a memorandum of understanding to deepen our science and research ties. And our innovation agencies have funded  40 joint projects — from life sciences to next generation tech.

    The same spirit of collaboration guides our pursuit of peace. Switzerland’s role as guardian of the Geneva Conventions and its record in mediation is unmatched.

    And together, we are supporting peace efforts from Myanmar to Colombia. This includes co-funding a pioneering study on how to bring reluctant parties together for dialogue and talks.

    This partnership is a model for diplomacy in the 21st century: agile, collaborative and forward-looking. And that is why I am here – to help shape a future where British–Swiss cooperation is even stronger.

    On a personal note, I’m also delighted to be part of this film festival — I just wish I could stay longer but international events mean I cannot. Given my job, you might be surprised to hear that I enjoy dark, intense, even tragic films. Just as those dramas ask us to stay with the story — through painful and uncomfortable moments — diplomacy asks us to do the same.

    So, in this moment of extraordinary change, let us rededicate ourselves to working together — patiently and persistently. Not turning away or switching off. But engaging in diplomacy that is progressive, realistic and innovative.

    Seeing the world with clear eyes — as it is, and as we wish it to be. And deepening our collaboration — guided by shared values and fuelled by shared purpose.

    That is how we build peace, defend freedom, and shape a future grounded in cooperation and hope.

    That, to me, is the true spirit of Locarno. And that is the spirit we must carry forward — together.

  • David Lammy – 2025 Comments at ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

    David Lammy – 2025 Comments at ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting

    The comments made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, at the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Kuala Lumpur on 11 July 2025.

    Thank you all. Minister Bui, we’re grateful for Vietnam’s support as our country coordinator. And Minister Mohamad, it’s such a pleasure to be here in your beautiful country.

    Last year, I told ASEAN I wanted to reconnect Britain with the world. Today, I’m the first British Foreign Secretary to return to one of these meetings since we became your newest Dialogue Partner.

    I hope this consistency is welcome right now. The world feels no less volatile than it did a year ago.

    Rapid technological change is remaking our societies, rewiring our economies, reshaping the global balance of power.

    I agree countries like ours need to respond with resilience, with innovation and dynamism, and by putting people – our citizens – first.

    Those are the values of your Community Vision 2045, precisely what we hope partnership with Britain can achieve.

    As our recently published Trade Strategy set out, we believe this region offers real potential for our businesses to expand. We are working with you to unlock that.

    That’s why we backed CPTPP’s decision in May to work towards a dialogue this year with ASEAN, why we’ve been supporting development of the ASEAN Power Grid, why we’re backing British firms to scale up their investments here.

    Likewise, as our recently published National Security Strategy stressed, our region’s security and your region’s security are inextricably linked.

    Russia illegally invaded Ukraine – that has consequences for markets here in Asia. North Korean troops fight for Russia – that has consequences for our Ukrainian friends on the European frontline. Smugglers or scammers ply their criminal trade – that has consequences for all our citizens and, ultimately, our tax revenues.

    At the heart of our security cooperation is a shared commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific. The recent visit of Britain’s Carrier Strike Group and this Dialogue Partnership are just 2 examples of how, together, we can support this goal.

    We stand firmly behind ASEAN centrality, recognising it underpins peace, prosperity and stability across the region.

    All told, we’ve done a lot on both growth and security this past year. Nearly 95% of our Action Plan on track for delivery, the commitments we made last year in our first joint ministerial statement well under way.

    Our job now is to go further, ahead of the fifth anniversary of this partnership next year and a new Action Plan to guide our cooperation to 2030.

    I’m looking forward to discussing how we do so.