The comments made by John Healey, the Shadow Defence Secretary, on 13 November 2020.
The PAC points to gaps in Britain’s defences caused directly by the Ministry of Defence’s failure to plan, fund and commission the systems and equipment that these new carriers need to be fully deployed.
The Carrier strike capability is central to our national defence but it is being undermined by the Government’s incompetence.
The Defence Secretary must get a grip of these problems.
The speech made by Sir John Major on 9 November 2020.
THE STATE WE’RE IN
It is a privilege to be invited to deliver this lecture and my only regret is that it is remote – with no live audience ….. nor the delights of a Middle Temple dinner.
Given the date, my subject is appropriate. On this day in 1923, Hitler failed to seize power in Germany; in 1938, it marked Kristallnacht and the Nazi assault on Jews; and, in 1989, the Berlin Wall fell.
Each of these events impacted on the wider world – and that wider world will now impact on “The State We’re In”.
The future of that State requires plain speaking if we are to be honest with our nation.
And, of course, with ourselves. The great powers of our age are the United States, China, and the European Union.
The world they straddle is fractious. The values of liberal society are stalled, if not in retreat. America and China are in a Trade War and an embryonic Cold War. Europe and America are far apart on many issues, but both deplore China’s authoritarian direction under President Xi.
Lesser powers like Russia – the Great Disrupter – and Turkey continue to subvert and to meddle.
Free trade and globalisation are now widely questioned.
Migration and radical Islam are an ever present problem.
Populism continues to promote prejudice and racial intolerance.
And, in many nation states, autocracy has grown – and democracy has fallen back.
Our world seems ill at ease, at a moment when harmony and collective decision making seem more and more essential for our security and well-being.
The post-War settlement is out of date.
The United Nations is hamstrung by the rules of its own Security Council.
The World Trade Organisation is paralysed, with no functioning resolution dispute procedure.
The World Health Organisation is under-funded, under-powered and under attack.
Despite all this, no nation seems prepared to lead the case for reform.
The financial crash of 2007 weakened many countries and the lives of billions of people; and, in the year of Covid, trillions of dollars have been diverted from growth as the virus has increased hardship on every Continent.
This is the wider context in which the United Kingdom must prepare for our future, whilst facing the added challenges of Covid-19 – and Brexit.
Our country has many virtues but, if we are to be successful in this challenging environment, we need to be cruelly honest with ourselves about what needs to be done to ensure our political and economic wellbeing.
If we’re complacent, we betray our own interests. If we see ourselves through rose-tinted spectacles, then we will deceive ourselves.
Complacency and nostalgia are the route to national decline. So I favour reality and optimism – but with the warning that false optimism is deceit by another name.
We are no longer a great power. We will never be so again. In a world of nearly 8 billion people, well under 1% are British.
We are a top second-rank power but, over the next half century – however well we perform – our small size and population makes it likely we will be passed by the growth of other, far larger, countries.
In recent decades, we have consoled ourselves that we “punch above our weight” in international affairs. I think that was true: but that was then, and this is now.
Our hefty international influence rested on our history and reputation, buttressed by our membership of the European Union and our close alliance with the United States.
Suddenly, we are no longer an irreplaceable bridge between Europe and America. We are now less relevant to them both.
COVID
At home, we must face Covid.
Covid has already left many families bereaved and bereft. It has changed lives and work patterns, cost billions, increased national debt and annual deficits.
It has destroyed public tolerance of austerity, and made tax rises inevitable – although not, if we are sensible, until the economy is more healthy.
The virus also presents a formidable obstacle to one of the Government’s better instincts. Their intention is to level up the regions and help individuals “left behind”. The pernicious effect of Covid will be to level down.
The problem is not so much the gap between rich and poor, but that the poor may become so indebted and destitute they are unable to maintain themselves – or their families.
The classic response to tide people over – until the private sector returns to full capacity – is for social subsidy out of taxation.
But billions upon billions have already been spent, and friction between the extent of need and the capacity to help is inevitable.
And there are many in need of help – businesses forced to shut down, the unemployed, the self-employed, the care sector, health, the arts, sport: the demands on the Exchequer are beyond anything we have known in peacetime.
The Government deserves credit for what has been spent so far, to set against criticism for unmet needs.
But I do find it surprising that – in the midst of the Covid crisis – the Government appears to be fostering disputes with the Judiciary, where all Governments should tread carefully; the Civil Service, upon whose help the Government depends; and the BBC, still the most respected broadcaster on the planet.
These are unmerited distractions from the issues the country needs them to focus on.
BREXIT
The core change in the New Britain being forged is – Brexit. It has been hidden behind Covid for a few months. It has not gone away. You have to be wilfully in denial not to see the damage already done, and not to be concerned at what it might mean.
Brexit divided England and Wales from Scotland and Northern Ireland. It divided political parties and families; the young and their elders; business and trade unions; and friend from friend. As its full impact becomes apparent in the New Year, old wounds may re-open.
There is no consensus on Brexit, and never has been. It was a bitterly divisive policy, and uncorked a populism that may be difficult to quell.
The Referendum debate was unlike any I have known before. Emotion overcame reality. And, in the search for hearts and minds and votes, fiction defeated fact and fostered a belief in a past that never was – whilst boosting enthusiasm for a future that may never be.
If that mode of politics takes root, it will kill all respect in our system of government.
In the Referendum, Britons voted to leave the European Union. I have never hidden my view, nor have I changed it. To my mind – and I am no starry-eyed European – Brexit is the worst foreign policy decision in my lifetime.
I have seen the EU from the inside and know its frustrations. But have no doubt we were better off in than we will be out.
The decision to leave will damage our future in many ways, and the reassurances we are given are unconvincing.
Brexit was sold to our electors on false premises.
Promises made will not – indeed, cannot – be kept. To leave the EU – to separate ourselves from our neighbours – was sold as “regaining sovereignty”, but it is, and will prove to be, a long and painful ball and chain on our national wellbeing.
After the Referendum, Brexiteers did not even bother to argue the merits of their case – why should they? – it was “the will of the people”.
And once “the will of the people” was asserted as a repeated mantra – and the Brexit leaders claimed to speak for all “the people” – any opposition to Brexit became illegitimate, and any contrary view was howled down.
Free speech for those who supported remaining in the EU came at a price. They were pilloried as “Remoaners”: sticking to long-held principles and policies, and warning of clear dangers ahead was depicted as “sour grapes by sore losers”.
Even Judges were denounced as “Enemies of the People” for ruling on a Point of Law. Opponents of Brexit were cowed, and free speech was curtailed. It was shameful. No democracy should find itself in such a position.
Overseas, the outcome of the Referendum delighted our enemies and dismayed our friends. As our nation voted against its history and its self-interest, a bemused world looked on, wondering why we had chosen to become poorer and less influential.
Brexit was sold to the nation as a win-win situation. It is not. We were promised we would stay in the Single Market. We have not. We were told trade with the EU would be frictionless. It will not be.
We were promised we would save billions in payments to the European Union: a bus was driven around the country telling us so. Not so: Brexit is costing billions – not saving them.
We were told that our “liberated country” could cut back on bureaucracy and regulations. We now know they will increase – and dramatically.
We were promised we would strike lucrative trade deals with America, India, China and others in quick time. Japan apart – we have not.
More recently – and for the first time in our long history – Ministers have proposed legislation giving them powers to break the law. This is a slippery slope down which no democratic Government should ever travel.
And, it was claimed, Brexit wouldn’t increase support for Scottish independence or a united Ireland. It has.
It defies logic that intelligent men and women making such extravagant promises did not know they were undeliverable – and yet they continued to make them.
It was politics. It was campaigning. It was for a cause.
It was also unforgiveable.
If that is how we are going to conduct our public affairs, then not only will our politics truly fall into a bad place, but our word as a nation will no longer be trusted.
POST-BREXIT TRADE
Trade has always been the life-blood of our prosperity.
We were promised a comprehensive trade deal with the EU. We were told this would be “the easiest deal in history” because “we hold all the cards”. Apparently not.
As the politics changed, the promises were ditched.
We can now look forward to a flimsy, barebones deal – or no deal at all. This is a wretched betrayal of what our electors were led to believe.
It now seems that on 1 January next year, Brexit may be even more brutal than anyone expected.
Brexit is no friend of free trade with Europe. It may set up new tariff barriers. And it certainly will:
set up non-tariff barriers;
damage supply chains;
add to regulations;
demand new customs and security declarations;
require Rules of Origin to prove where spare parts came from; – require tens of thousands of customs agents to process new bureaucracy; – create huge stockpiling dilemmas; and
require new massive storehouses to hold supplies.
These costs and complexities are the certain legacy of Brexit. This is as a result of our negotiating failure – and it is a failure.
Because of our bombast, our blustering, our threats and our inflexibility – our trade will be less profitable, our Treasury poorer, our jobs fewer, and our future less prosperous.
This is not hindsight wisdom: this outcome was not only foreseeable, it was foreseen. Unfortunately, in a brilliant mis-direction, all warnings were scorned as “Project Fear” and ignored. And, to add tragedy to farce, it was the people who were misled who will now lose out.
The Government has not been frank about our negotiations with Europe.
They say we are merely asking for a Canada deal, but that’s not so. We are asking for a deal without tariffs or quotas and for more on haulage, on energy, on aviation – and we are a bigger trading rival than Canada and nearer to the EU.
The Canada comparison is – to put it kindly – disingenuous. And to refer to an Australian deal is absurd.
There is no Australia deal. It is a fantasy: a euphemism for no deal at all – and the Government should say so.
Its reputation will suffer if it is not honest with the British people about this.
It is time to stop putting Ministers on the media who speak to a pre-prepared script and parrot misleading or pointless slogans.
There are hopes of trade deals with America, China and India. They would be welcome but, once again, the promises are overdone.
One day, I am sure, we will get the much-heralded trade deal with America, originally promised for last Spring, then Summer – now, who knows?
When it does come, it will benefit America far more than us. It may be symbolically important, but it won’t be an economic game-changer.
The promised trade deal with China is highly unlikely in any near timescale. Our ice-cold diplomatic relations with Russia rule out a trade deal with her, too.
And, if we wish to have a trade deal with India, the Government must realise that we cannot seek it on a Monday, and restrict immigration from India on Tuesday – it is a poor optic and a worse negotiating strategy.
The macro arguments against Brexit: the economic and social damage, our weaker position in the world, and the loss of trade advantages, may seem remote. They won’t prove to be.
WIDER IMPACT OF BREXIT
And lesser issues will impact directly:
the loss of freedom of movement in Europe;
higher food prices;
more expensive holidays;
the withdrawal of EU driving licences;
the cost of health insurance without the free cover of the European Health Card;
the loss of the Pet Passport Scheme and the expensive – and time consuming – effort to get approval for pets to travel;
higher roaming charges for mobile phones;
slower entry and more delays at European airports; and
the loss of the automatic right to work, live or study in the EU.
Small irritations, some may say, but – collectively – a significant loss of freedom that will be an unwelcome surprise to many as Europe itself begins to “take back control”.
When the present phase of Brexit is over, it is important we negotiate a more comprehensive relationship with the EU than is likely to emerge from the present negotiations.
We should seek bilateral agreements in areas of trade and policy which have not been agreed in these rushed negotiations.
We should work with the EU to address global problems.
And we should recognise that the nations of the EU are bound with ourselves in ties of common interest, history and future destiny.
To ignore this would be a dereliction of our national interests.
SCOTTISH INDEPENDENCE
One deeply troubling effect of Brexit is the risk of breaking up the UK by increased support for Scotland to leave the Union, and Northern Ireland to unite with the South.
Neither will do so immediately, but the combination of Brexit – and the unpopularity of our present Westminster Government in Scotland – has increased the likelihood of a breach.
I remain a convinced Unionist. Every part of the UK is richer – and of more weight in the world – if they stay together.
The most likely to leave is Scotland. If she does, it will not only weaken Scotland, but also undermine the rump of the UK.
It will be a step into the unknown for us both.
The problem is politics.
The raison d’être of the SNP is an independent Scotland while – for many Conservatives – Unionism is at the heart of their philosophy. It is a challenge to see whether that chasm can be bridged.
To keep the Union together will require consensus, consideration and consultation. The Government must engage, coax, encourage, and examine every possible route to find an arrangement that will obtain a majority for union.
It will be difficult – and is made even more so by the posturing of English and Scottish nationalists.
In law, the Scots require the approval of the Westminster Government before they can legally hold a new independence referendum.
But refusing one might help the separatist case, by adding to the list of grievances the Scottish National Party exploit with such skill.
The choice for the UK Government is either to agree the referendum can take place – or to refuse to permit it. Both options come with great risk. But the lessons of Brexit may offer a way ahead.
The Westminster Government could agree for an Independence Referendum to take place, on the basis of two referenda. The first to vote upon the principle of negotiations, and the second upon the outcome of them.
The purpose of the second referendum would be that Scottish electors would know what they were voting for, and be able to compare it to what they now have. This did not happen with Brexit: had it done so, there may have been no Brexit.
Many Scottish voices – and especially business – may support the logic of this: it may focus minds away from a short-term reflex opposition to a perceived English Government, and back to the mutual and long-term virtues of the Union.
NORTHERN IRELAND
Brexiteers affected not to notice that Northern Ireland’s support for the European Union pulled the Six Counties more into the orbit of the Republic of Ireland.
This was exacerbated when the Prime Minister’s renegotiation of Theresa May’s Withdrawal Deal left Northern Ireland more integrated with the Republic than the rest of the United Kingdom.
It was sold as a triumph, but it was a surrender.
These developments accompanied a third reality: the Nationalist population in Northern Ireland is growing faster than the Unionists, and is close to a majority.
The conjunction of these events is to increase the future possibility of a border poll – already sought by Sinn Fein – to vote upon a united Ireland.
I doubt that such a poll would be won at present. Not all Nationalists will vote for unity. The Republic would find it hard to absorb the weak economic structure of the North.
The time for a poll is not yet come. But it will. And if – when it does – the Northern Irish vote for unification, then those who ignored the warnings that Brexit posed will have to answer for the dismantling of a further part of the United Kingdom.
And, here in Middle Temple, one issue cannot be ignored. The Rule of Law.
Earlier I referred – in passing – to the provisions in the Internal Markets Bill that empower a Minister to disregard aspects of the Treaty the Prime Minister agreed earlier this year.
This action is unprecedented in all our history – and for good reason. It has damaged our reputation around the world.
Lawyers everywhere are incredulous that the UK – often seen as the very cradle of the Rule of Law – could give themselves the power to break the law.
Moreover, at a moment when we need to maximise our commercial activities, this Bill has had a corrosive impact on the reputation of English and Welsh jurisdiction.
This may have a practical cost.
International dispute resolution can be conducted anywhere overseas and the Bill could erode the present pre-eminent position of the UK and, perhaps, especially London.
Was this considered when the Bill was drafted? Was there consultation with the legal profession? If not, why not? And if there was consultation – why was it ignored?
Similar concerns apply to the clause that seeks to exclude Judicial Review in delegated legislation.
I cannot believe it is compatible with the Rule of Law to protect executive Acts from judicial scrutiny: put simply, Ministers must be subject to legal restraints. They cannot be above the law.
And all individuals must have access to the law. Our delivery of justice must be seen to be fair and impartial – access to the law must not depend upon the size of your bank account.
Magna Carta promised:
“To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice”.
And yet, an individual – if denied legal aid – may not have the resources to right an injustice. That can deny justice: it cannot be right.
Nor can it be right to denigrate our Judiciary. They are not the “Enemies of the People”: they are the guarantors of our liberties under the law.
It is the responsibility of Parliament to uphold these liberties if they are threatened by any source: not to do so would be to curtail an essential freedom.
I have set out some concerns about the present state of our country. But I wouldn’t wish to be misunderstood.
SUMMATION
Throughout my life I have travelled widely and – in the last 20 years – almost incessantly.
In all my travels I have found nowhere I would wish to live, other than here in the UK.
That said, I believe we have a duty to make life better for this – and future generations – to whom we will be passing a difficult legacy.
In hard times, there is often an inflection point that changes minds, and compels policy that otherwise could not be easily implemented.
The combination of hazards before us may be such a moment.
To make it so, policy should be set to pave the way to a fairer, better, safer, and – in time – more prosperous future.
We will all have to bear burdens for such aspirations to become a reality, but that is both our privilege and our responsibility.
The very core of well-being is an expanding economy, efficient health provision and quality education.
The Government’s “levelling up” strategy is essential. So is – sooner rather than later – a credible system of social care for the elderly.
For future employment, we will have to focus increasingly on vocational education, and give such skills the respect they deserve.
It is essential we remain a United Kingdom – and reinforce the values that have built our reputation. If we cannot again be a great power, we can be a great example.
If we cannot compel, we can influence.
We can build up our soft power to sustain our profile.
We can use our diplomacy to raise issues that need multi-nation action.
We can be “Global Britain” in more ways than trade. But, to be so, we must reject the narrow nationalism that some have imported into our politics.
We must put aside the notion of “British exceptionalism”: it is a fantasy baked into the minds of those who do not know how the world has changed.
But – we can be exceptional.
All this – and more – can be achieved.
We like to think of ourselves as the land of hope and glory. “Hope” is essential – most especially during the darkest of times.
But I am ambivalent about the “glory”.
I will settle for a land that is united and prosperous; which rises above challenges – as it has done so often in the past; whose word is trusted both near and far; and whose people are seen to be decent, fair and compassionate to all.
In every corner of our United Kingdom that remains the instinctive heartbeat. And it is one which I hope will always prevail.
The statement made by Nigel Adams, the Minister for Asia, on 9 November 2020.
The 2020 elections are a significant milestone on Myanmar’s path from military dictatorship to democracy. We are pleased that many people in Myanmar were able to exercise their hard won right to vote this weekend and remain committed to supporting their aspirations for peace and full democracy. We will work with the new government and civil society to this end.
However, we were disappointed to see the Rohingya and other minorities were once again disenfranchised. Elections were cancelled in areas of conflict without a clear rationale or transparency. It is now vital to amend the citizenship laws to ensure that everyone can participate fully in Myanmar’s political process. We urge the authorities in Myanmar to ensure free and fair elections are held at the earliest opportunity in those areas where they were cancelled. We also condemn the kidnapping of Parliamentary candidates by the Arakan Army and call for their immediate release.
The speech made by Grant Shapps, the Secretary of State for Transport, on 9 November 2020.
Good morning everyone.
It’s a pleasure to join you today.
Thanks to the Airport Operators’ Association for inviting me to take part.
Though I wish it were at a happier time.
It is precisely 8 months – to the day – since we gathered for the AOA annual dinner.
It was a memorable night.
Over 800 guests packed in to the Grosvenor House Ballroom, one of London’s most spectacular venues.
Celebrating another record-breaking year for UK airports.
However, in hindsight, that dinner has taken on greater significance.
It was the last time the airport industry was able to gather on such a scale.
The last time many of you were able to interact and socialise with colleagues.
The last time things were ‘normal’, before all our lives changed so dramatically.
Just a week after that dinner, we were in lockdown.
Looking back to the speeches that evening, of course we all knew the threat posed by the virus was extremely serious.
And unlike anything aviation had faced before.
Yet the industry’s experience since then, as 2020 has unfolded, has been far more devastating than anyone could have imagined at the beginning of March (2020).
Without doubt the toughest ever year for commercial aviation.
And it’s a matter of immense regret that last week we had to tighten restrictions once again to stem the spread of this wretched virus.
I know this was another dire blow for aviation.
To support businesses, the Chancellor last week extended the furlough scheme until March (2021).
And the government will be ready to talk to firms who are most acutely affected.
But of course, we’re not alone in taking tougher action.
One thing we’ve always known about Covid is that it’s no respecter of borders.
That’s why virtually every nation around us is currently in some form of lockdown.
Many airports across Europe closed or operating a skeleton service.
We know that a new UK lockdown means more uncertainty, more worry, and more hard times for aviation.
But if we’d failed to act last week, with the virus spreading so fast, the prospects for this industry, and many others, would have been even bleaker.
Events over the weekend affecting passengers and freight coming from Denmark where the virus has mutated into mink and back into humans again demonstrated the need for vigilance.
And the need for us to work together so we can act quickly and decisively.
Let me make it clear.
The safe and sustainable return of international air travel depends on us getting infections under control.
A view shared by almost every nation. every chief medical officer and scientific expert
But, as we enter perhaps the darkest hour for aviation, I do see hope.
A new recovery
We’ve learned a lot over those 8 months.
We’re much better informed than we were last spring.
We know far more about the virus, how it spreads, and what we need to do to keep it at bay.
We know more about protecting the health of passengers and staff at airports.
And more about patterns of infection around the UK, and internationally.
Which has, for example, allowed us to start including islands as a sub-national approach to the travel corridor list.
The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office continues to update Covid advice to passengers.
Which now references the relevant domestic guidance on travel within the United Kingdom, together with developing risks in other countries and regions.
This more bespoke route called for by the travel sector will help British nationals make more informed decisions about journeys.
And – of course – we know a lot more about testing now.
With daily NHS capacity having reached more than half a million people a day by the end of October (2020).
And through the new Global Travel Taskforce.
Which I co-chair with the Health Secretary.
I want you to know that we’ve been making good progress on a ‘test to release’ programme to launch once we’re out of lockdown.
This will consist of a single test for arrivals into the UK, provided by the private sector and at the cost of the passenger.
Allowing a much reduced period of self isolation.
Beyond the lockdown, this should encourage many more people to book flights with confidence knowing there is an option that allows them to shorten self isolation.
We have been working extensively with health experts and the private testing sector on the practicalities of the new regime.
For example, making sure that it doesn’t impact on NHS capacity.
We will report to the Prime Minister very soon, with recommendations how we can support the recovery of international tourism and travel and increase consumer confidence.
In addition to this arrivals regime, we are working with partner countries to consider self-isolation and testing options that could be performed before departure.
I know it’s been confusing for passengers trying to understand different testing regimes for each nation.
So we are leading international work to develop a framework for international travel to provide global consistency.
An accepted international standard if you like.
The type of lateral flow tests currently being trialled in Liverpool also give hope for optimism.
This is a highly accurate swab test that gives results in less than an hour, and doesn’t need to go to a lab.
Ultimately, it could open the way for non-quarantined air travel.
The primary solution to the aviation crisis is getting passengers flying safely again.
Ultimately, through the development of an effective vaccine.
But before that, through effective testing.
And we will consider all options that can help aviation recover safely.
Supporting industry
These measures will build on the help we’ve already provided this year.
Furlough support for 55,000 aviation employees.
This alone worth £1 billion to £2 billion to the sector.
Then there have been loans and tax deferrals.
And £1.8 billion to the industry through Covid Corporate Financing.
In fact this accounts for 11% of total national funding under the programme across our entire economy – just to aviation.
We have stepped up to strengthen protection for consumers too.
By backing the ATOL protection scheme.
And we took action on flight slots earlier in the year.
So airlines didn’t have to operate empty flights to hold on to valuable slots.
Regional connectivity
Inevitably most of the focus has been on international aviation.
But I also want to stress the government’s determination to boost domestic connectivity as we rebound from Covid.
Back in May, we invested £5.7 million to safeguard flights from London to Belfast and Derry airports in Northern Ireland.
Regional flights are going to be even more important in the months ahead as we seek to repair and reconnect our economy.
Binding every part of the union together.
And linking regional airports with global hubs.
That’s why we’re continuing to work on our Regional Air Connectivity Review.
To ensure it reflects the changing nature of the industry.
And I particularly welcome your engagement through the Expert Steering Group and bilateral discussions.
Longer term
It’s crucial we rebuild for the longer term too.
It’s hard to appreciate right now but the prospects for aviation in the long term are very positive indeed.
We just need to get through this.
Not only will there be significant pent-up demand for air travel once Covid’s fully under control.
But this is a unique sector where we know that the market’s going to continue growing over the coming years and decades.
And with the UK industry now showing real leadership on decarbonising flights, and tackling noise and pollution.
It will earn the right to grow.
By becoming part of the solution to climate change, rather than part of the problem.
This crucial work has continued this year with the Jet Zero Council, launched by myself, the Business Secretary and the Prime Minister uniting industry and government to deliver a greener, brighter future for UK aviation.
So while it’s impossible to overstate the seriousness of the current Covid crisis.
Aviation will recover.
And when it does, it will be a more resilient industry.
With new technology making it cleaner.
And therefore primed to meet the needs of the years ahead.
Brexit
Alongside Covid work, we are also working hard on negotiations with the EU as we approach the end of the transition period.
You may have voted for Brexit, or voted Remain like me, but we need to ensure that what’s on the table does not cross the UK’s fundamental principles, as set out in our approach document.
As of today, significant differences remain between the UK and European Union.
But we are keen to try and bridge them in intensive talks.
We approach negotiations determined to get a deal if there is one possible.
But although the outcome remains far from certain, we are committed to ensuring that flights are able to operate safely and punctually between the UK and EU regardless of how the negotiations conclude.
And, thanks to existing international agreements, this will happen.
Closing remarks
So let me finish with a couple of important observations.
First, at a time like this, it’s more vital than ever that we continue to work together.
Over the past month, I’ve attended 5 different aviation audiences.
On technology.
Decarbonisation.
Tourism and travel.
Airlines.
And today, airport operators.
They not only provide an opportunity for me to update the industry on the latest developments in government.
But we also try and ensure that as many DfT officials as possible take part in discussions and listen in.
And finally.
I want to thank every single airport across the UK for what you’ve done this year.
The way you’ve responded to the crisis has been extraordinary.
Maintaining essential movement of goods and freight.
Providing a safe environment for customers and staff.
Doing your utmost to protect jobs.
Calmly and professionally adapting to hugely difficult circumstances.
You are incredibly important.
And the next few weeks are incredibly important too, to regaining control of infections, and reversing the spread of the virus.
And of course implementing test and release to shorten quarantine.
So once we emerge from the lockdown, we can roll out new systems to help people travel again.
Giving passengers confidence to book flights in safety.
And thereby getting aviation back on its feet once again and back in the air for good.
Thank you.
The comments made by Victoria Prentis, the Fisheries Minister, on 9 November 2020.
The UK and Greenland both have a proud history as outward-looking countries who have benefited from the wealth of our seas. I thank Greenland for their constructive approach to these negotiations.
As we regain our position as an independent coastal state, we are committed to working with our North-East Atlantic neighbours, like Greenland, for the benefit of our fishing industries and our marine environment.
The comments made by Gerry Grimstone, the Minister for Investment, on 9 November 2020.
If we are to build back better from this pandemic, we need to refocus and re-double our efforts to attract foreign investment, which will increase productivity, economic growth across the country, boost our exports and better our research and development environment.
We must sharpen our priorities and transform our investment offer accordingly to meet the demands of a changing global economic outlook – whether that be in greener or increased digitally-led opportunities.
The Office for Investment will make it easier for international investors by bringing the very best of the UK directly to them.
The statement made by Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 9 November 2020.
Mr Speaker,
I would like to take this opportunity to update the House on our plans for one of the UK’s most productive and innovative sectors: financial services.
Financial services will be essential to our economic recovery from coronavirus, creating jobs and growth right across our country.
And as we leave the EU and start a new chapter in the history of financial services in this country we want to renew the UK’s position as the world’s preeminent financial centre.
My Honourable Friend the Economic Secretary will lay the foundations later today through the Financial Services Bill.
And I want to put the Bill into context, by setting out for the House our plans to make this country more open; more technologically advanced; and a world-leader in the use of green finance.
Mr Speaker,
Financial services have been fundamental to Britain’s economic strength for centuries. And they remain fundamental today.
The vigour and creativity of this industry adds over £130 billion of value to the UK economy;
Employs over a million people;
And has been a critical source of revenues to support the NHS through coronavirus, contributing nearly £76bn in tax receipts last year.
And let us put paid once and for all to the myth that “financial services” and the “City of London” are synonyms.
Two thirds of the people employed in financial and professional services work outside London, in places like Edinburgh, Leeds, Durham, Cardiff and Belfast.
And around half of all financial services exports come from outside London too with the North and Midlands alone exporting as much as the entire financial services industry of France.
Mr Speaker,
This is the start of a new chapter for financial services.
The industry is better regulated, better capitalised and more resilient than in 2008.
Coronavirus has reminded us financial services are essential services and the whole House will share my gratitude to the people keeping their local bank branches open;
Supporting vulnerable customers;
And working at extraordinary pace to deliver over £60 billion of new loan schemes.
Reminding us that this industry is at its best when it puts the interest of consumers first.
And, as we leave the European Union, we have an opportunity to set out a new vision for this sector.
A vision based not on a race to the bottom, but for a financial services industry that is open, is innovative; and leads the world in the use of green finance.
I’m taking three steps towards this vision today.
Mr Speaker,
Our first task as we write this new chapter for financial services is to give certainty on our approach to regulation after we leave the transition period.
One of the central mechanisms for managing our cross-border financial services activity with the EU and beyond, is equivalence.
I remain firmly of the view that it is in both the UK and EU’s interests to reach a comprehensive set of mutual decisions on equivalence.
Throughout, our ambition has been to manage these cooperatively with the EU.
But it is now clear there are many areas where the EU is simply not prepared to even assess the UK.
So we need to now decide on how best to proceed.
Of course, we will always want a constructive and engaged relationship with the European Union.
But after four years I think it’s time for us to move forward as a country and do what’s right for the UK.
To provide certainty and stability to industry, and deliver our goal of open, well-regulated markets I’m publishing today a set of equivalence decisions for the EU and EEA Member States.
Of course, we’re ready to continue the conversation where we haven’t yet been able to take decisions.
But in the absence of clarity from the EU, we’re acting unilaterally to provide certainty to firms both here and in Europe.
I’m also publishing today a detailed framework for our approach to equivalence more generally.
Our approach here is simple: we will use equivalence when it is in the UK’s economic interests to do so taking a technical, outcomes-based approach that prioritises stability, openness, and transparency.
And, of course, we now have the freedom to build new, deeper financial services relationships with countries outside the European Union.
We’re making good on that promise already, progressing our partnership with Switzerland – the second biggest financial hub in Europe after the UK;
With India, holding a significant economic and financial dialogue just two weeks ago;
And with Japan, agreeing a new partnership that goes further than the EU’s own financial services arrangements.
But Mr Speaker,
Equivalence is not our only tool to ensure openness as a jurisdiction.
Control of our own regulatory regime means we need to be clear with our trading partners about how overseas firms access the UK’s markets in a way that is predictable, safe and transparent.
So I’m announcing today that we’ll launch a call for evidence on our overseas regime, before setting out our future approach next year.
To boost the number of new companies who want to list here in the UK, I’m setting up a taskforce to make recommendations early next year on our future listings regime.
To build on the 113,000 jobs already supported by investment management, we’ll shortly publish a consultation on reforming the UK’s regime for investment funds.
To encourage UK pension funds to direct more of their half a trillion pounds of capital towards our economic recovery I’m committing to the UK’s first Long-Term Asset Fund being up and running within a year.
And to make sure UK financial services exports to the EU remain competitive, we will treat those exports the same as we do for other countries.
This means UK firms will be able to reclaim input VAT on financial services exports to the EU – support for British industry and British jobs worth £800m.
Mr Speaker,
We’re known in this country not just for our openness – but for our ingenuity and inventiveness, too.
So the second part of our new financial chapter for financial services will use technology to deliver better outcomes for consumers and businesses.
So we are:
Building on our existing strengths as a leading global destination to start, grow and invest in FinTech and I look forward to welcoming Ron Kalifa’s report in this important area.
We’re staying at the cutting-edge of payments technologies where we’ve just concluded the first stage of our Payments Landscape Review and will shortly publish new plans to support the sector.
And by making sure our regulatory environment is ready to manage the far-reaching implications of technology on money itself.
We’ll publish a consultation shortly to make sure new forms of privately-issued currencies, known as stablecoins, meet the same high standards we expect of other payment methods.
And the Bank of England and the Treasury are considering further if central banks can issue their own digital currencies, as a complement to cash.
Finally, Mr Speaker,
This new chapter means putting the full weight of private sector innovation, expertise and capital behind the critical global effort to tackle climate change and protect the environment.
We’re announcing the UK’s intention to mandate climate disclosures by large companies and financial institutions across our economy, by 2025.
Going further than recommended by the Taskforce on Climate-related Financial Disclosures.
And the first G20 country to do so.
We’re implementing a new ‘green taxonomy’, robustly classifying what we mean by ‘green’ to help firms and investors better understand the impact of their investments on the environment.
And, to meet growing investor demand, the UK will, subject to market conditions, issue our first ever Sovereign Green Bond next year.
This will be the first in a series of new issuances, as we look to build out a “green curve” over the coming years helping to fund projects to tackle climate change, finance much-needed infrastructure investment, and create green jobs across this country.
Mr Speaker,
We’ve set out today our vision for this new chapter in the UK’s financial services industry.
A vision of a global, open industry, where British finance and expertise is prized and sought after in Europe and beyond.
A technologically advanced industry, using all its ingenuity to deliver better outcomes for consumers and businesses.
A greener industry, using innovation and finance to tackle climate change and protect our environment.
And, above all, an industry that serves the people of this country, acting in the interests of communities and citizens creating jobs, supporting businesses, and powering growth as we direct all our strengths towards economic recovery.
And I commend this statement to the House.
The statement made by Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, on 9 November 2020.
Across the country and around the world this evening,
people are asking one question about our fight against Covid,
does the news of progress towards a vaccine – that’s been announced today – mean we are at the beginning of the end of our troubles?
So, let me set out our assessment.
The Pfizer/BioNTech Vaccine has been tested on over 40,000 volunteers and interim results suggest it is proving 90 per cent effective at protecting people against the virus.
But we haven’t yet seen the full safety data,
and these findings also need to be peer-reviewed.
So we have cleared one significant hurdle but there are several more to go before we know the vaccine can be used.
What I can say is that if and when this vaccine is approved, we, in this country, will be ready to start using it.
Earlier this year the UK Government ordered 40 million doses of the Pfizer vaccine – enough for about a third of the population, since you need two doses each.
That puts us towards the front of the international pack on a per capita basis – and I should add we’ve ordered over 300 million doses from 5 other vaccine candidates as well.
If the Pfizer vaccine passes all the rigorous safety checks and is proved to be effective then we will begin a UK-wide NHS led programme of vaccine distribution.
We will decide the order in which people are offered the vaccination taking account of recommendations from a group of scientific experts, the Joint Committee on Vaccination and Immunisation.
They’re looking at a range of factors, including the different characteristics of different types of vaccines, to work out the most effective way to protect as many people as possible and save as many lives as we can.
And we will be setting out more detail about that in due course.
But – and you know I am going to say this –
I must stress, these are very, very early days.
We have talked for a long time, or I have, about the distant bugle of the scientific cavalry coming over the brow of the hill
And tonight that toot of the bugle is louder.
But it is still some way off.
And we absolutely cannot rely on this as a solution.
The biggest mistake we could make now would be to slacken our resolve at such a critical moment.
On Friday, SAGE reported that the R is above 1 in England – though this does not take into account the current national restrictions.
Alas, the death figures are tragically rising, running at an average of over 300 a day – sadly double where they were 24 days ago
The number of Covid patients in hospital has risen from just over 10,000 two weeks ago to nearly 13,000 on 5 November,
and we are heading towards the levels of the previous peak.
Irrespective of whether there is a vaccine on the way or not
we must continue to do everything possible right now to bring the R down.
And that is why we hope and believe that mass testing will help.
Our first pilot began in Liverpool on Friday, in partnership with Liverpool City Council.
We’ve tested thousands of people there but there are still a lot more to do, so please if you are in Liverpool, get yourself along to a testing centre – there are 19 at the moment with more still to come.
The more people get tested the better we can protect that great city, and drive the disease down in Liverpool
so do it for your friends, for your relatives, for your community.
And I want to thank the fantastic support of the army, the people of Liverpool and Liverpool City Council.
And we are now going further by sending out hundreds of thousands of rapid lateral flow tests to local authorities right across England – and also of course to the Devolved Administrations.
We’re also working with universities to establish, as soon as possible, similar mass testing capacity for students up and down the country.
But while we are making progress this project is still in its infancy.
And neither mass testing nor progress on vaccines –both vital arrows in our epidemiological quiver, both key parts of our fight against Covid – are at the present time a substitute for the national restrictions, for social distancing, for hand hygiene and all the rest.
So it is all the more important to follow the rules.
I know it’s been a tough first weekend of these Autumn restrictions
and I’m especially grateful to the Royal British Legion and all those who worked so hard to ensure that no virus would stop us yesterday from honouring the memory of those who gave their lives for our freedom.
But we must get through this to 2nd December, when these measures expire and we plan to move forward with a tiered approach.
Remember the basics, hands, face, space,
and the follow the rules,
that is how we can together protect our NHS, save lives and get this virus back in its box.
And that is what we will do.
So thank you.
And I’m now going to hand over to Brigadier Fossey to talk about how the unrivalled logistical expertise of the British army that’s helping to deliver mass testing to Liverpool.
The speech made by Kamala Harris, the US Vice-President Elect, on 7 November 2020.
Good evening.
Congressman John Lewis, before his passing, wrote: “Democracy is not a state. It is an act.”
And what he meant was that America’s democracy is not guaranteed.
It is only as strong as our willingness to fight for it, to guard it and never take it for granted.
And protecting our democracy takes struggle.
It takes sacrifice. There is joy in it and there is progress.
Because ‘We The People’ have the power to build a better future.
And when our very democracy was on the ballot in this election, with the very soul of America at stake, and the world watching, you ushered in a new day for America.
To our campaign staff and volunteers, this extraordinary team — thank you for bringing more people than ever before into the democratic process and for making this victory possible.
To the poll workers and election officials across our country who have worked tirelessly to make sure every vote is counted — our nation owes you a debt of gratitude as you have protected the integrity of our democracy.
And to the American people who make up our beautiful country — thank you for turning out in record numbers to make your voices heard.
I know times have been challenging, especially the last several months.
The grief, sorrow, and pain. The worries and the struggles.
But we’ve also witnessed your courage, your resilience, and the generosity of your spirit.
For 4 years, you marched and organized for equality and justice, for our lives, and for our planet.
And then, you voted. You delivered a clear message.
You chose hope, unity, decency, science, and, yes, truth.
You chose Joe Biden as the next president of the United States of America.
Joe is a healer. A uniter. A tested and steady hand.
A person whose own experience of loss gives him a sense of purpose that will help us, as a nation, reclaim our own sense of purpose.
And a man with a big heart who loves with abandon.
It’s his love for Jill, who will be an incredible first lady.
It’s his love for Hunter, Ashley, his grandchildren, and the entire Biden family.
And while I first knew Joe as Vice President, I really got to know him as the father who loved Beau, my dear friend, who we remember here today.
To my husband Doug, our children Cole and Ella, my sister Maya, and our whole family — I love you all more than I can express.
We are so grateful to Joe and Jill for welcoming our family into theirs on this incredible journey.
And to the woman most responsible for my presence here today — my mother, Shyamala Gopalan Harris, who is always in our hearts.
When she came here from India at the age of 19, maybe she didn’t quite imagine this moment.
But she believed so deeply in an America where a moment like this is possible.
So, I’m thinking about her and about the generations of women — Black women.
Asian, White, Latina, and Native American women throughout our nation’s history who have paved the way for this moment tonight.
Women who fought and sacrificed so much for equality, liberty, and justice for all, including the Black women, who are too often overlooked, but so often prove that they are the backbone of our democracy.
All the women who worked to secure and protect the right to vote for over a century: 100 years ago with the 19th Amendment, 55 years ago with the Voting Rights Act, and now, in 2020, with a new generation of women in our country who cast their ballots and continued the fight for their fundamental right to vote and be heard.
Tonight, I reflect on their struggle, their determination and the strength of their vision — to see what can be unburdened by what has been — I stand on their shoulders.
And what a testament it is to Joe’s character that he had the audacity to break one of the most substantial barriers that exists in our country and select a woman as his vice president.
But while I may be the first woman in this office, I won’t be the last.
Because every little girl watching tonight sees that this is a country of possibilities.
And to the children of our country, regardless of your gender, our country has sent you a clear message:
Dream with ambition, lead with conviction, and see yourself in a way that others might not see you, simply because they’ve never seen it before.
And we will applaud you every step of the way.
To the American people:
No matter who you voted for, I will strive to be the vice president that Joe was to President Obama — loyal, honest, and prepared, waking up every day thinking of you and your families. Because now is when the real work begins.
The hard work. The necessary work. The good work.
The essential work to save lives and beat this pandemic.
To rebuild our economy so it works for working people.
To root out systemic racism in our justice system and society.
To combat the climate crisis.
To unite our country and heal the soul of our nation.
The road ahead will not be easy.
But America is ready. And so are Joe and I.
We have elected a president who represents the best in us.
A leader the world will respect and our children can look up to.
A commander-in-chief who will respect our troops and keep our country safe.
And a president for all Americans.
It is now my great honor to introduce the President-elect of the United States of America, Joe Biden.
The speech made by Joe Biden, President-Elect of the United States, made on 7 November 2020.
My fellow Americans, the people of this nation have spoken.
They have delivered us a clear victory. A convincing victory.
A victory for “We the People.”
We have won with the most votes ever cast for a presidential ticket in the history of this nation — 74 million.
I am humbled by the trust and confidence you have placed in me.
I pledge to be a president who seeks not to divide, but to unify.
Who doesn’t see red and blue states, but a United States.
And who will work with all my heart to win the confidence of the whole people.
For that is what America is about: The people.
And that is what our administration will be about.
I sought this office to restore the soul of America.
To rebuild the backbone of the nation — the middle class.
To make America respected around the world again, and to unite us here at home.
It is the honor of my lifetime that so many millions of Americans have voted for this vision.
And now the work of making this vision real is the task of our time.
As I said many times before, I’m Jill’s husband.
I would not be here without the love and tireless support of Jill, Hunter, Ashley, all of our grandchildren and their spouses, and all our family.
They are my heart.
Jill’s a mom — a military mom — and an educator.
She has dedicated her life to education, but teaching isn’t just what she does — it’s who she is. For America’s educators, this is a great day: You’re going to have one of your own in the White House, and Jill is going to make a great first lady.
And I will be honored to be serving with a fantastic vice president — Kamala Harris — who will make history as the first woman, first Black woman, first woman of South Asian descent, and first daughter of immigrants ever elected to national office in this country.
It’s long overdue, and we’re reminded tonight of all those who fought so hard for so many years to make this happen. But once again, America has bent the arc of the moral universe towards justice.
Kamala, Doug — like it or not — you’re family. You’ve become honorary Bidens and there’s no way out.
To all those who volunteered, worked the polls in the middle of this pandemic, local election officials — you deserve a special thanks from this nation.
To my campaign team, and all the volunteers, to all those who gave so much of themselves to make this moment possible, I owe you everything.
And to all those who supported us: I am proud of the campaign we built and ran. I am proud of the coalition we put together, the broadest and most diverse in history.
Democrats, Republicans and Independents.
Progressives, moderates and conservatives.
Young and old.
Urban, suburban and rural.
Gay, straight, transgender.
White. Latino. Asian. Native American.
And especially for those moments when this campaign was at its lowest — the African American community stood up again for me. They always have my back, and I’ll have yours.
I said from the outset I wanted a campaign that represented America, and I think we did that. Now that’s what I want the administration to look like.
And to those who voted for President Trump, I understand your disappointment tonight.
I’ve lost a couple of elections myself.
But now, let’s give each other a chance.
It’s time to put away the harsh rhetoric.
To lower the temperature.
To see each other again.
To listen to each other again.
To make progress, we must stop treating our opponents as our enemy.
We are not enemies. We are Americans.
The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season — a time to build, a time to reap, a time to sow. And a time to heal.
This is the time to heal in America.
Now that the campaign is over, what is the people’s will? What is our mandate?
I believe it is this: Americans have called on us to marshal the forces of decency and the forces of fairness. To marshal the forces of science and the forces of hope in the great battles of our time.
The battle to control the virus.
The battle to build prosperity.
The battle to secure your family’s health care.
The battle to achieve racial justice and root out systemic racism in this country.
The battle to save the climate.
The battle to restore decency, defend democracy, and give everybody in this country a fair shot.
Our work begins with getting COVID under control.
We cannot repair the economy, restore our vitality, or relish life’s most precious moments — hugging a grandchild, birthdays, weddings, graduations, all the moments that matter most to us — until we get this virus under control.
On Monday, I will name a group of leading scientists and experts as transition advisors to help take the Biden-Harris COVID plan and convert it into an action blueprint that starts on January 20th, 2021.
That plan will be built on a bedrock of science. It will be constructed out of compassion, empathy, and concern.
I will spare no effort — or commitment — to turn this pandemic around.
I ran as a proud Democrat. I will now be an American president. I will work as hard for those who didn’t vote for me as (for) those who did.
Let this grim era of demonization in America begin to end, here and now.
The refusal of Democrats and Republicans to cooperate with one another is not due to some mysterious force beyond our control.
It’s a decision. It’s a choice we make.
And if we can decide not to cooperate, then we can decide to cooperate. And I believe that this is part of the mandate from the American people. They want us to cooperate.
That’s the choice I’ll make. And I call on the Congress, Democrats and Republicans alike, to make that choice with me.
The American story is about the slow, yet steady widening of opportunity.
Make no mistake: Too many dreams have been deferred for too long.
We must make the promise of the country real for everybody, no matter their race, their ethnicity, their faith, their identity, or their disability.
America has always been shaped by inflection points, by moments in time where we’ve made hard decisions about who we are and what we want to be.
Lincoln in 1860 — coming to save the Union.
FDR in 1932 — promising a beleaguered country a New Deal.
JFK in 1960 — pledging a New Frontier.
And twelve years ago, when Barack Obama made history, and told us, “Yes, we can.”
We stand again at an inflection point.
We have the opportunity to defeat despair and to build a nation of prosperity and purpose.
We can do it. I know we can.
I’ve long talked about the battle for the soul of America.
We must restore the soul of America.
Our nation is shaped by the constant battle between our better angels and our darkest impulses.
It is time for our better angels to prevail.
Tonight, the whole world is watching America. I believe at our best America is a beacon for the globe.
And we lead not by the example of our power, but by the power of our example.
I’ve always believed we can define America in one word: Possibilities.
That in America everyone should be given the opportunity to go as far as their dreams and God-given ability will take them.
You see, I believe in the possibility of this country.
We’re always looking ahead.
Ahead to an America that’s freer and more just.
Ahead to an America that creates jobs with dignity and respect.
Ahead to an America that cures disease(s) like cancer and Alzheimer’s.
Ahead to an America that never leaves anyone behind.
Ahead to an America that never gives up, never gives in.
This is a great nation.
And we are a good people.
This is the United States of America.
And there has never been anything we haven’t been able to do when we’ve done it together.
In the last days of the campaign, I’ve been thinking about a hymn that means a lot to me and to my family, particularly my deceased son Beau. It captures the faith that sustains me and which I believe sustains America.
And I hope it can provide some comfort and solace to the more than 230,000 families who have lost a loved one to this terrible virus this year. My heart goes out to each and every one of you. Hopefully this hymn gives you solace as well.
’And He will raise you up on eagle’s wings,
Bear you on the breath of dawn,
Make you to shine like the sun,
And hold you in the palm of His Hand.′
And now, together — on eagle’s wings — we embark on the work that God and history have called upon us to do.
With full hearts and steady hands, with faith in America and in each other, with a love of country and a thirst for justice, let us be the nation that we know we can be.
A nation united.
A nation strengthened.
A nation healed.
The United States of America.
God bless you.
And may God protect our troops.