Tag: 2020

  • Stephen Doughty – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    Stephen Doughty – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    The speech made by Stephen Doughty, the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    Many of us took part in a debate on these issues in Westminster Hall recently. I do not want to repeat all the comments I made then, but I have seen the wide range of online harms in my constituency of Cardiff South and Penarth, and the online harms leading to real-world harms, violence and hatred on our streets.

    In that Westminster Hall debate, I spoke about the range of less well-known platforms that the Government must get to grips with—the likes of Telegram, Parler, BitChute and various other platforms that are used by extremist organisations. I pay tribute to the work that HOPE not Hate and other organisations are doing. I declare an interest as a parliamentary friend of HOPE not Hate and commend to the Minister and the Government its excellent report on online regulation that was released just this week.

    I wish to give one example of why it is so crucial that the Government act, and act now, and it relates to the behaviour of some of the well-known platforms. In the past couple of weeks, I have spoken to one of those platforms: YouTube—Google. It is not the first time that I have spoken to YouTube; I have previously raised concerns about its content on many occasions as a members of the Home Affairs Committee. It was ironic to be asked to take part in a programme to support local schools on internet safety and being safe online, when at the same time YouTube, despite my personally having reported instances of far-right extremism, gang violence and other issues that specifically affect my constituency, has refused to remove that content. YouTube has not removed it, despite my reporting it.

    I am talking about examples of gang videos involving convicted drug dealers in my constituency; videos of young people dripping in simulated blood after simulated stabbings; videos encouraging drug dealing and violence and involving young people as actors in a local park, just hundreds of metres from my own house—but they have not been removed, on grounds of legitimate artistic expression. There are examples of extremist right-wing organisations promoting hatred against Jews, black people and the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community that I have repeatedly reported, but they were still on there at the start of this debate. The only conclusion I can draw is that these companies simply do not give a damn about what the public think, what parents think, what teachers think, what all sides of the House think, what Governments think or what the police think, because they are failing to act, having been repeatedly warned. That is why the Government must come in and regulate, and they must do it sooner rather than later.

    We need to see action taken on content relating to proscribed organisations—I cannot understand how that content is online when those organisations are proscribed by the Government—where there are clear examples of extremism, hate speech and criminality. I cannot understand why age verification is not used even as a minimum standard on some of these gang videos and violent videos, which perhaps could be justified in some parallel world, when age verification is used for other content. Some people talk about free speech. The reality is that these failures are leading to a decline in freedom online and in safety for our young people.

  • Chris Elmore – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    Chris Elmore – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    The speech made by Chris Elmore, the Labour MP for Ogmore, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    I thank the right hon. and learned Member for Kenilworth and Southam (Jeremy Wright) for securing the debate with the hon. Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce). I pay particular tribute to him, because when he was Culture Secretary, he and Margot James, who is no longer in this place, spearheaded this legislation. They are a credit to the House for ensuring that this was a priority for the Government then. I know how important the Under-Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, the hon. Member for Boston and Skegness (Matt Warman), thinks this is, but some of us—me included—have been talking about this issue for more than three and a half years, and this Bill needs to come forward. The delays just are not acceptable, and too many people are at risk.

    I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Folkestone and Hythe (Damian Collins) for not only his speech but his chairmanship of the DCMS Committee, which he did without fear or favour. He took on the platforms, and they did not like it. All credit to him for standing up for what he believes in and trying to take on these giants.

    In the two minutes I have left, I want to talk about the inquiry of my all-party parliamentary group on social media in relation to child harm, which the right hon. and learned Member for Kenilworth and Southam touched on. The Internet Watch Foundation is a charity that works with tech industries and is partly funded by them. It also works with law enforcement agencies and is funded by the Government and currently by the European Union. It removes self-generated images of child abuse. It removes URLs of children who have been coerced and groomed into taking images of themselves in a way that anyone in this House would find utterly disgusting and immoral. That is its sole, core purpose.

    The problem is extremely complex. The IWF has seen a 50% increase in public reports of suspected child abuse over the past year, but the take-down rate of URLs has dropped by 89%. I have pressed DCMS Ministers and Cabinet Office Ministers to ensure that IWF funding will continue, to address the fact that these URLs are not being taken down and to put more resources into purposefully tackling this abhorrent problem of self-generated harm, whether the children are groomed through platforms, live streaming or gaming.

    The platforms have not gone far enough. They are not acknowledging the problem in front of them. I honestly believe that if a future Bill provides the power for the platforms to decide what is appropriate and for Ofcom to make recommendations or fine them on that basis, it is a flawed system.

    It is self-regulation with a regulator—it does not make any sense. The platforms themselves say that it does not work.

    In closing, will the Minister please—please—get a grip on the issues that the IWF is raising, continue its funding, and do all that he can to protect children from the harm that many of them face in their bedrooms and homes across the UK?

  • Damian Collins – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    Damian Collins – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    The speech made by Damian Collins, the Conservative MP for Folkestone and Hythe, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    I congratulate my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kenilworth and Southam (Jeremy Wright) on his excellent speech introducing this debate. We need to be clear that the online harms White Paper response from the Government is urgently needed, as is the draft Bill. We have been discussing this for several years now. When I was Chair of the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee, we published a report in the summer of 2018 asking for intervention on online harms and calling for a regulatory system based on a duty of care placed on the social media companies to act against harmful content.

    There are difficult decisions to be made in assessing what harmful content is and assessing what needs to be done, but I do not believe those decisions should be made solely by the chief executives of the social media companies. There should be a legal framework that they have to work within, just as people in so many other industries do. It is not enough to have an online harms regulatory system based just on the terms and conditions of the companies themselves, in which all Parliament and the regulator can do is observe whether those companies are administering their own policies.

    We must have a regulatory body that has an auditing function and can look at what is going on inside these companies and the decisions they make to try to remove and eliminate harmful hate speech, medical conspiracy theories and other more extreme forms of harmful or violent content. Companies such as Facebook say that they remove 95% of harmful content. How do we know? Because Facebook tells us. Has anyone checked? No. Can anyone check? No; we are not allowed to check. Those companies have constantly refused to allow independent academic bodies to go in and scrutinise what goes on within them. That is simply not good enough.

    We should be clear that we are not talking about regulating speech. We are talking about regulating a business model. It is a business model that prioritises the amplification of content that engages people, and it does not care whether or not that content is harmful. All it cares about is the engagement. So people who engage in medical conspiracy theories will see more medical conspiracy theories. A young person who engages with images of self-harm will see more images of self-harm. No one is stepping in to prevent that. How do we know that Facebook did all it could to stop the live broadcast of a terrorist attack in Christchurch, New Zealand? No one knows. We have only Facebook’s word for it, and the scale of that problem could have been a lot worse.

    The tools and systems of these companies are actively directing people to harmful content. People often talk about how easy it is to search for this material. Companies such as Facebook will say, “We downgrade this material on our site to make it hard to find,” but they direct people to it. People are not searching for it—it is being pushed at them. Some 70% of what people watch on YouTube is selected for them by YouTube, not searched for by them. An internal study done by Facebook in Germany in 2016, which the company suppressed and was leaked to the media this year, showed that 60% of people who joined Facebook groups that shared extremist material did so at the recommendation of Facebook, because they had engaged with material like that before. That is what we are trying to regulate—a business model that is broken—and we desperately need to move on with online harms.

  • Diana Johnson – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    Diana Johnson – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    The speech made by Diana Johnson, the Labour MP for Kingston upon Hull North, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    I pay tribute to the right hon. and learned Member for Kenilworth and Southam (Jeremy Wright) and the hon. Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce) for securing this debate. Today is World Children’s Day, when we are asked to imagine a better future for every child, and I will focus my remarks on an online harm that the Government could act on quickly to protect our children. Commercial pornography websites are profiteering from exposing children in the UK to hardcore violent pornography—pornography that it would be illegal to sell to children offline and that it would be illegal to sell even to adults, unless purchased in a licensed sex shop.

    Three years ago, Parliament passed legislation to close this disastrous regulation gap. Three years on, the Government have still not implemented it. Assurances that the regulation gap will be filled by the forthcoming online harms legislation do not stand up to objective scrutiny. This is a child protection disaster happening now, and the Government could and, I hope, will act now.

    Children are being exposed to online pornography at an alarming scale, and during the covid-19 pandemic, there is no doubt that the figures will have increased even more with children more often having unsupervised online access. The issue is the widespread availability and severity of online pornography accessible at home. It is no longer about adult magazines on the top shelf in the newsagent. Contemporary pornography is also overwhelmingly violent and misogynistic, and it feeds and fuels the toxic attitudes that we see particularly towards women and girls.

    Back in 2017, Parliament passed part 3 of the Digital Economy Act. Enacted, it would prohibit commercial pornography websites from making their content available to anyone under the age of 18 and create a regulator and an enforcement mechanism. It was backed by the leading children’s charities, including the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Barnardo’s, as well as the majority of parents. However, in 2019, the Government announced that they would not be implementing part 3 of the 2017 Act. In the online harms White Paper in February, the Government said that any verification

    “will only apply to companies that provide services or use functionality on their websites which facilitate the sharing of user generated content or user interactions”.

    That is not good enough. Parliament has already spoken. We have said what we want to happen. I expect the Government to build on part 3 of the 2017 Act. It is set out and is ready to go to. They should act on it now.

  • Jeremy Wright – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    Jeremy Wright – 2020 Speech on Online Harms

    The speech made by Jeremy Wright, the Conservative MP for Kenilworth and Southam, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    I beg to move,

    That this House recognises the need to take urgent action to reduce and prevent online harms; and urges the Government to bring forward the Online Harms Bill as soon as possible.

    The motion stands in my name and those of the hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull North (Dame Diana Johnson) and my hon. Friend the Member for Congleton (Fiona Bruce). I begin by thanking the Backbench Business Committee for finding time for what I hope the House will agree is an important and urgent debate. I am conscious that a great number of colleagues wish to speak and that they have limited time in which to do so, so I will be brief as I can. I know also that there are right hon. and hon. Members who wished to be here to support the motion but could not be. I mention, in particular, my hon. Friend the Member for Solihull (Julian Knight), the Chair of the Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee, who is chairing the Committee as we speak.

    I hope that today’s debate will largely be about solutions, but perhaps we should begin with the scale of the problem. The term “online harms” covers many things, from child sexual exploitation to the promotion of suicide, hate speech and intimidation, disinformation perpetrated by individuals, groups and even nation states, and many other things. Those problems have increased with the growth of the internet, and they have grown even faster over recent months as the global pandemic has led to us all spending more time online.

    Let me offer just two examples. First, between January and April this year, as we were all starting to learn about the covid-19 virus, there were around 80 million interactions on Facebook with websites known to promulgate disinformation on that subject. By contrast, the websites of the World Health Organisation and the US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention each had around 6 million interactions. Secondly, during roughly the same period, online sex crimes recorded against children were running at more than 100 a day. The online platforms have taken some action to combat the harms I have mentioned, and I welcome that, but it is not enough, as the platforms themselves mostly recognise.

    Sir John Hayes (South Holland and The Deepings) (Con)

    You may have noticed, Mr Deputy Speaker, that I am ostentatiously wearing purple. I have been missioned to do so because it is World Pancreatic Cancer Day. We have been asked to emphasise it, because raising awareness of that disease is important.

    My right hon. and learned Friend is right to highlight the horror of degrading and corrupting pornography. Indeed, the Government have no excuse for not doing more, because the Digital Economy Act 2017 obliges them to do so. Why do we not have age verification, as was promised in that Act and in our manifesto? It is a straightforward measure that the Government could introduce to save lives in the way my right hon. and learned Friend describes.

    Jeremy Wright

    I agree with my right hon. Friend, but I will be careful, Mr Deputy Speaker, in what I say about age verification, because I am conscious that a judicial review case is in progress on that subject. However, I agree that that is something that we could and should do, and not necessarily in direct conjunction with an online harms Bill.

    Digital platforms should also recognise that a safer internet is, in the end, good for business. Their business model requires us to spend more and more time online, and we will do that only if we feel safe there. The platforms should recognise that Governments must act in that space, and that people of every country with internet access quite properly expect them to. We have operated for some time on the principle that what is unacceptable offline is unacceptable online. How can it be right that actions and behaviours that cause real harm and would be controlled and restricted in every other environment, whether broadcast media, print media or out on the street, are not restricted at all online?

    I accept that freedom of speech online is important, but I cannot accept that the online world is somehow sacred space where regulation has no place regardless of what goes on there. Given the centrality of social media to modern political debate, should we rely on the platforms alone to decide which comments are acceptable and which are unacceptable, especially during election campaigns? I think not, and for me the case for online regulation is clear. However, it must be the right kind of regulation—regulation that gives innovation and invention room to grow, that allows developing enterprises to offer us life-enhancing services and create good jobs, but that requires those enterprises to take proper responsibility for their products and services, and for the consequences of their use. I believe that that balance is to be found in the proposed duty of care for online platforms, as set out in the Government’s White Paper of April last year.

    I declare an interest as one of the Ministers who brought forward that White Paper at the time, and I pay tribute to all those in government and beyond, including the talented civil servants at the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, who worked so hard to complete it.

    This duty of care is for all online companies that deal with user-generated content to keep those who use their platforms as safe as they reasonably can.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    We have covered some important information. Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman agree that there needs to be a new social media regulator with the power to audit and impact social media algorithms to ensure that they do not cause harm? Such a regulator would enable that to happen.

    Jeremy Wright

    I agree that we need a regulator and will come on to exactly that point. The hon. Gentleman is entirely right, for reasons that I will outline in just a moment.

    I recognise that what I am talking about is not the answer to every question in this area, but it would be a big step towards a safer online world if designed with sufficient ambition and implemented with sufficient determination. The duty of care should ask nothing unreasonable of the digital platforms. It would be unreasonable, for example, to suggest that every example of harmful content reaching a vulnerable user would automatically be a breach of the duty of care. Platforms should be obliged to put in place systems to protect their users that are as effective as they can be, not that achieve the impossible.

    However, meeting that duty of care must mean doing more than is being done now. It should mean proactively scanning the horizon for those emerging harms that the platforms are best placed to see and designing mitigation for them, not waiting for terrible cases and news headlines to prompt action retrospectively. The duty of care should mean changing algorithms that prioritise the harmful and the hateful because they keep our attention longer and cause us to see more adverts. When a search engine asked about suicide shows a how-to guide on taking one’s own life long before it shows the number for the Samaritans, that is a design choice. The duty of care needs to require a different design choice to be made. When it comes to factual inquiries, the duty of care should expect the prioritisation of authoritative sources over scurrilous ones.

    It is reasonable to expect these things of the online platforms. Doing what is reasonable to keep us safe must surely be the least we expect of those who create the world in which we now spend so much of our time. We should legislate to say so, and we should legislate to make sure that it happens. That means regulation, and as the hon. Gentleman suggests, it means a regulator—one that has the independence, the resources and the personnel to set and investigate our expectations of the online platforms. For the avoidance of doubt, our expectations should be higher than the platforms’ own terms and conditions. However, if the regulator we create is to be taken seriously by these huge multinational companies, it must also have the power to enforce our expectations. That means that it must have teeth and a range of sanctions, including individual director liability and site blocking in extreme cases.

    We need an enforceable duty of care for online platforms to begin making the internet a safer place. Here is the good news for the Minister, who I know understands this agenda well. So often, such debates are intended to persuade the Government to change direction, to follow a different policy path. I am not asking the Government to do that, but rather to continue following the policy path they are already on—I just want them to move faster along that path. I am not pretending that it is an easy path. There will be complex and difficult judgments to be made and significant controversy in what will be groundbreaking and challenging legislation, but we have shied away from this challenge for far too long.

    The reason for urgency is not only that, while we delay, lives continue to be ruined by online harms, sufficient though that is. It is also because we have a real opportunity and the obligation of global leadership here. The world has looked with interest at the prospectus we have set out on online harms regulation, and it now needs to see us follow through with action so that we can leverage our country’s well-deserved reputation for respecting innovation and the rule of law to set a global standard in a balanced and effective regulatory approach. We can only do that when the Government bring forward the online harms Bill for Parliament to consider and, yes, perhaps even to improve. We owe it to every preyed-upon child, every frightened parent and everyone abused, intimidated or deliberately misled online to act, and to act now.

  • Ben Bradley – 2020 Speech on International Men’s Day

    Ben Bradley – 2020 Speech on International Men’s Day

    The speech made by Ben Bradley, the Conservative MP for Mansfield, in the House of Commons on 19 November 2020.

    I beg to move,

    That this House has considered International Men’s Day.

    It is right that the House should consider the challenges faced by men and boys across our United Kingdom today, on International Men’s Day. I thank the Backbench Business Committee for its consideration in allocating the time to consider this in the House on the day itself—19 November. I also thank my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Philip Davies) for his work in co-sponsoring the debate, as well as those across the House who have supported it. I have drastically shortened my speech because our three hours have become one. That is perhaps indicative of the problem of men’s issues being pushed off the end of the agenda: it nicely typifies the problem. I also want to give as much time to colleagues as I can.

    In these challenging times, it is hugely important that we have this conversation. We face a difficult situation because of covid and particularly because of the economic impact. We know that there were huge spikes in male suicide and depression following the 2008 economic crash due to losing employment, struggling to provide for families, and struggling to find purpose. It is also challenging because of the general discourse that so often seems to pervade our society that talks of male privilege, of toxic masculinity, and of men as oppressors rather than positive contributors or role models. Men are talked about, all too often, as a problem that must be rectified.

    Too often, the constant drive for equality and diversity seeks to drag others down rather than lift everyone up. Just a few weeks ago, I spoke in Westminster Hall about the impact of equalities legislation, which sometimes seems to provide additional help for everyone except men and boys. One of my great passions in the campaigning I most regularly return to in this place is that of working-class boys in areas like Mansfield and in other parts of the country where there is deep and entrenched disadvantage. Figures from education show that these lads are least likely of any group to do well at school, to improve their lot in life, to get to university, or ever to have the opportunity to spread their wings further afield and aspire beyond the borders of the place they grew up in. Working-class white boys often seem to sit at the bottom of the pile.

    Across the board in our education system, the advancement of girls has been noticeable. It should be celebrated and recognised that girls are doing much better in recent years. That is brilliant news, and it is the result of countless interventions and programmes of support. However, it also needs to be recognised that, more often than not, boys do not have the same encouragement. No matter the race, geography or social class involved, girls now outperform boys throughout the education system. For example, in GCSE attainment, three quarters of girls’ grades in 2019 were passes, compared with two thirds for boys. We have had reports of record-high gender gaps in university places, with girls a third more likely than boys to access higher education.

    That brings me back to the Equality Act 2010, which is so often misinterpreted and misunderstood. If we know that boys are now hugely under-represented at university—a growing problem—where are all the programmes to support boys into higher education? I am not keen on discriminating by gender or any other physical characteristic, but given that the Act pushes for positive action based on these characteristics in order to level the playing field, where is the support for those who are struggling? The figures clearly show that girls are already outperforming boys, so why are we allowing this misuse of our equalities law to exacerbate gender inequality, rather than fixing it, with countless programmes to support girls into HE and none for boys?

    Caroline Ansell (Eastbourne) (Con)

    Will my hon. Friend join me in looking forward to the exciting prospect of the holiday activities and food programme? We must do all within our power to encourage maximum participation from working-class boys in particular.

    Ben Bradley

    My hon. Friend is absolutely right. Representing a constituency and community like mine, where these lads are really struggling, taught me about the need for face-to-face contact and support for the most disadvantaged children. That is hugely important, and I thank her for raising that.

    What is the point of the Equality Act 2010 if its usage is based only on what seems popular or politically correct, rather than on reality in order to help those most in need? The reality and the figures tell us that boys need help getting into higher education, more so than girls, so are these interventions actually making this inequality worse? Possibly so. To be absolutely clear, that is not to say that we should not help girls, but simply that selecting who to help based on physical characteristics alone is the very definition of discrimination; that the need for this help should be evidenced if it is to comply with the law; and that boys need help too.

    Boys seem consistently left behind by this kind of politically correct agenda. So long as the Equality Act continues to be so wilfully and regularly misapplied across gender, race and every other characteristic, it can do more harm than good. We need to make clear in this place that we should help people based on their actual need, and that the Act applies equally to everybody. Would it not be nice to try to help those most in need—based not on their physical characteristics but on what they need? Or at least to recognise that we all have equal protection under this law? Whether gay, black and minority ethnic, female or a straight white man, those are all protected characteristics.

    Men face countless challenges in our society. Three times as many men as women die by suicide, with men aged 40 to 49 having the highest rates. Men report lower levels of life satisfaction, according to the Government’s national wellbeing survey, but are less likely to access psychological therapies. Nearly three quarters of adults who go missing are men. Eighty-seven per cent. of rough sleepers are men. Men are three times as likely to become dependent on alcohol or drugs, are more likely to be sectioned under the Mental Health Act and are more likely to be a victim of violent crime. Of course, men also make up the vast majority of the prison population. These figures really put that male privilege in perspective.

    In recent years, it seems like more and more phrases coming into use are designed to undermine the role and confidence of men in our society. I mentioned a few before—male privilege, toxic masculinity, mansplaining, manterrupting, the trend of spelling “woman” with an x to remove the undesirable “man” part. That is wonderfully empowering for some, I am sure, but as I said at the beginning of this speech, somebody seeking equality of fairness does not need to mean they drag down everyone around them. I am fairly sure that bad behaviour is not limited solely to the male of the species, nor is rudeness gender specific.

    The outcome of this discourse and this language for many men is serious, particularly in the most disadvantaged communities. There is such a thing as working-class values—values that have lasted for many decades that might be considered old hat or even sexist by the modern establishment. They include holding the door open for a lady and expecting a man to stick around and provide for his family. The idea that a man being a worker and breadwinner is a positive role model for his children is still entrenched and well taught. That is not to the detriment of women or to limit their ambition, but about the promotion of family, of tradition, of strong male role models. These things are important.

    Having been brought up with those values, a lot of men from those communities will feel lost if they are unable to find work due to our economic situation. They might feel helpless, or like failures. They are far from it, but they need our support. We might also find that young men looking ahead and seeking their purpose in life might struggle to find it when they are told that those things they thought were virtues—their good manners, wanting to provide for their family, wanting to be a man’s man, wanting to go down to the football at the weekend and have some banter with the lads—are in fact not virtuous but toxic and doing down the women around them; those manners and the way they were taught to respect the women in their life are now sexist; that banter is now bullying.

    On family, rather than promoting strong male role models, we often encourage dads to be more like mums, trying to break down tradition, teaching them the opposite of what they were always told growing up and that they have been doing it wrong. We talk of “deadbeat” dads. We have a legal system in the family courts that seems to assume the guilt of many men in a relationship. We have men being alienated from their kids. We talk more and more about how desirable it is to have different kinds of families, with the implication that we do not need those strong male role models. Is it any wonder that so many are struggling to figure all this out?

    It is right that people should live by their own choices, and be who they want to be, however they are comfortable. That is true whether someone is gay or straight, black or white, male or female, and it is equally true if what they want is to fulfil the traditional role of a strong father, provider and breadwinner—to be, for want of a better word, a bloke. I fear that we are building up huge problems for the future when we forget the traditional role of men—indeed, sometimes we do not just forget it; we try to eradicate it from our society.

    With few of life’s advantages on their side in such an environment, and when society seems insistent on ripping the heart out of things that they experienced growing up and the things they were taught, it is no wonder that so many young men tragically cut their lives short. We cannot continue to talk down the role and purpose of young men when we should be building them up.

    Let me move on a little from the gloom and doom and speak about some positive things and actions we can take. I particularly want to play tribute to dads, and to all those dads who are putting their families first and doing the right thing, I say this: thank you. That is often taken for granted, but it is so important. I know myself how difficult it is in this job to balance being a dad with work, and try to keep myself on a level and live up to expectations. It is not easy.

    There are countless thousands of dads out there who have a much tougher task than me—dads who might be struggling financially or be battling things like trying to see their kids, or fighting in the family courts to do the right thing. They are trying to be a role model for their kids, although truthfully, we are all making it up as we go along. Some dads might be trying to overcome their own challenges with mental health, work or stress, and they might feel as if they have to hide that away for the sake of their families and children.

    I want to say a big thank you to good dads, and to those who are trying their best to be good dads and good men. That can make all the difference for our kids, for families, and for our society. There are places and people that dads can go to if they need help. Those are places such as the Samaritans, Rethink, the Campaign Against Living Miserably—CALM—helpline, Safeline, or a friend or relative. It is good to talk, as they say, rather than sweep things under the carpet.

    What more can we in this place do? For starters, we can change the discourse here. Can we look again at equalities legislation? If we are to hold Departments across Whitehall to account, with people dedicated to ensuring—quite rightly so—that women are considered, why not do the same for men? Why have a Minister for Women, but not one for men? Why single out one characteristic for a special mention? Can we ensure that equality means just that, rather than positive discrimination at the expense of certain groups, and ensure that the male is as equally protected as the female? We could do worse in this place to confirm how the Equality Act 2010 should be properly used.

    Can we promote the role of fatherhood, and stop shying away from its importance? Yes, families come in all shapes and sizes. I do not wish to detract from anyone who wants to do things differently, but the positive role to be played by an active father cannot, and should not, be ignored. Modern families are all different, but you can guarantee that every one of them has involved a dad in one way or another. The vast majority of families still look like a mum, dad, and kids and we should not shy away from that.

    Can we push forward an action plan to look at male suicide? We know the figures are awful, and we should have someone in Government accountable for delivering that plan, including better access to mental health support. Can we review our legal system, which is not always balanced, and our family courts, which too often seem to consider dads guilty until proven innocent? Parental alienation seems to be increasing, and more and more dads feel that they have been let down by the system. Can we reform the Child Maintenance Service—the bane of every MP’s life, by the way—so that it is fairer to all parties and works in the interests of families? Can we have a long-term plan to improve available alcohol addiction services, as those who need them are overwhelmingly male? Can we boost support for new fathers, as well as mothers, at a time when men can often feel totally helpless?

    Although, as the name suggests, the Prime Minister’s Race Disparity Unit focuses particularly on race, I am pleased that it includes looking at education, attainment and support for white working-class boys. There are regional, cultural and gender-based inequalities, and the challenge faced by boys in education cannot be denied. The figures show a clear picture of increasing numbers of left-behind boys who grow into troubled young men seeking purpose. That is a huge challenge for our wider society, and I hope we can build on that work and consider it in more detail. I will end with that, Madam Deputy Speaker, so as to give colleagues as much time as I can. I thank the Minister for her consideration today, and I look forward to listening to the thoughts of colleagues across the House.

  • John Glen – 2020 Speech to the TheCityUK Conference

    John Glen – 2020 Speech to the TheCityUK Conference

    The speech made by John Glen, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, on 19 November 2020.

    Good morning everyone

    It’s a real privilege to speak to you all today.

    While I immensely value the way that technology has enabled us to communicate with one another over the past months…

    I very much look forward to talking to you live and in person again – just as I have in the past.

    The theme of today’s event is revitalisation.

    Or perhaps, to borrow the phrase the Chancellor used last week, a “new chapter”.

    But before I turn to that subject – I’ll start with a moment of reflection.

    I’ve been Economic Secretary for almost three years now.

    That might not sound very long – but believe me it is aeons in politics.

    A lot has changed since I started in the job – both within the financial services sector and more widely but over the past eight months, Covid-19 has transformed our lives.

    I don’t underestimate for one moment, the test of leadership this pandemic has presented to you all – the people at the helm of this vitally important industry.

    But you’ve risen to the challenge.

    As the Chancellor said last week, the past months have shown your sector at its best.

    It’s your industry that has safeguarded the savings and pensions of millions of people through the choppiest waters imaginable.

    It’s your frontline workers, in banks and call centres, who have helped people access the vital financial services they need.

    And it’s your sector that has helped the Government swiftly and efficiently issue £60 billion of loan payments that have helped keep one million businesses afloat.

    So, thank you for everything you’ve done and continue to do.

    We’re acutely aware of the disruption caused by the further restrictions, that we recently had to introduce to combat the virus.

    We are grateful for your patience and we’ll be setting out further detail on our next steps as soon as possible.

    But now I want to look slightly further ahead.

    New Vision for FS

    And I’m particularly glad to speak to you today because this event is very timely.

    This moment, as we come to the end of the Transition Period, and begin our economic recovery from coronavirus marks the start of a new chapter for this country’s financial services industry.

    And last week the Chancellor, began that chapter, by setting out the Government’s vision for the future of the sector.

    It’s a vision of an open industry, where British finance and expertise drives trade, commerce and prosperity with partners in Europe and around the world.

    A technologically advanced industry, that uses all its ingenuity and talent to deliver better outcomes for consumers and businesses.

    A greener industry, that harnesses innovation and finance to tackle climate change and protect our environment.

    And above all, an industry that serves the people of this country, acting in the interests of communities and citizens creating jobs, supporting businesses, and driving growth as we direct all the strength of this country towards economic recovery.

    Needless to say, this vision will be based on world-beating regulation that is agile and responsive, along with safe and stable markets.

    Last week I laid the legislative foundations of that vision with the Financial Services Bill.

    While the Chancellor announced new policy in three areas that underpin our vision: Openness, technology and green finance.

    Openness to international markets

    I’ll turn to the first point – openness.

    Our approach is very simple. We want to become the most open and competitive financial services centre in the world.

    And our most urgent task right now is to give certainty on our approach to regulation.

    To achieve that, we need to decide on our approach to equivalence; one of the central mechanisms for managing our cross-border financial services activity within the EU and beyond.

    We strongly believe it is in the UK and EU’s mutual interest to reach a comprehensive set of decisions on mutual equivalence.

    As I think you know, our ambition had been to manage these decisions cooperatively with the EU.

    However, it has become clearer that there are many areas where the EU is not prepared to even assess the UK in the short to medium term – despite having a wealth of information at its disposal.

    We’ve no wish to politicise this situation but we simply can’t allow the uncertainty to rumble on interminably – that’s no good for industry or the economy.

    It’s time for us to move forward and do what’s right for the UK.

    That’s why last week we published a set of equivalence decisions for the EU and EEA member states, based on outcomes based proportionate assessments.

    It’s a step that should provide the certainty and stability you, as industry, need, and deliver our goal of open, well-regulated markets.

    We’ve taken a principled approach, aiming to be open, predictable and transparent, as we’ve made those decisions.

    In addition, we’ve published a detailed framework for our general approach to equivalence, taking a technical, outcomes-based approach which prioritises stability openness and transparency.

    It’s important too that our UK businesses benefit from a level playing field, as far as possible.

    As I’m sure you’re aware, UK financial services businesses cannot currently reclaim input VAT on exports to the EU.

    So, to make sure UK financial services exports to the EU remain competitive, we will treat them the same as exports to other countries.

    This means UK firms will be able to reclaim input VAT on financial services exports to the EU – support worth £800 million per year.

    And just as we are focused on providing certainty to financial services after the Transition Period we also want to help your industry seize new opportunities outside the EU.

    Earlier this year we took a major step forward with our partnership with Switzerland.

    While we recently had a productive economic and financial dialogue with India – and hope to hold a dialogue with Brazil before the end of the year.

    We’ve also just signed a trade deal with Japan that goes further than the EU’s financial services deal, and that will take effect in January.

    And financial services are a key feature of talks with other partners, such as the US, Singapore, Australia and New Zealand.

    In addition, last week we announced our intention to launch a call for evidence on our overseas regime…

    This will allow us next year, to tailor our future approach to enable market access to investment funds from other countries.

    And to build on the 113,000 jobs already supported by the asset management industry, we’ve also said we are going to publish a consultation on reforming the UK investment funds regime.

    We’ve also heeded the investment industry’s request that we make it easier to invest in longer term, illiquid assets, such as infrastructure.

    I know this is also an area of interest for TheCityUK.

    So, I was delighted that last week we set out our ambition to have a Long Term Asset Fund and have it up and running within a year.

    This won’t just be good for savers and the industry.

    It will also be good for the UK, boosting investment in the vital infrastructure that will support our economic recovery.

    Technology

    While our investment industry is one of the jewels of our financial services sector, so is our thriving fintech industry…

    a sector that has generated 76,000 jobs, right around the country.

    So, now let me turn to the next part of our vision for financial services – technology.

    We want to reach our full potential in this area.

    That’s why we’re looking forward to studying the recommendations of Ron Kalifa’s independent review, on how the UK can become the leading destination for starting up, growing and investing in FinTech firms.

    In addition, we continue to take a leading role in the global conversation on Central Bank currencies…

    with the Treasury and the Bank of England considering whether and how central banks can issue their own digital currencies.

    On that note, we’re going to launch a consultation on our regulatory approach to StableCoins.

    And this will help us seize the opportunities of this emerging form of payment but ensure it meets the same minimum standards as more traditional methods.

    While we’re on that subject, we’ve all seen how digital and contactless payments are helping to keep the economy moving throughout the pandemic.

    And through our Payments Landscape Review, we’ve been considering the new challenges and risks that arise from this rapid switch to these new forms of payments.

    We do have some work to do on this front.

    So, I’m delighted that we received over 60 responses to the review to help inform our decisions. And we’ll be setting out our next steps early in 2021.

    Green Finance

    I’ll move on now to the last area of policy I’d like to discuss today – harnessing the power of financial services to tackle climate change.

    This is a real personal priority of mine.

    In fact, last time I spoke to you, I talked about the need to turn this challenge into a spur for technological, economic and social progress.

    Because we really do want to take a lead here.

    That’s why last year we launched the Green Finance Strategy – to mobilise investment in clean and resilient growth.

    And now as we prepare to host the COP 26 UN climate conference next year and the G7 conference, we have a real chance to shape the future agenda in this area.

    So, I’m delighted that last week we announced our intention to introduce mandatory Taskforce on Climate Related Financial Disclosures, requirements across the economy by 2025, with a significant portion of requirements in place by 2023.

    This is a really significant moment. It makes this country the first to go beyond ‘comply or explain’ or ‘as far as able’ requirements while the UK’s TCFD Taskforce Interim Report, also published last week, sets out how we will meet this important commitment.

    We’ve also said that we’ll issue our first ever green sovereign bond.

    I know that it’s something some of you have been calling for some time – so I’m delighted to show you that we’ve made progress on this front.

    Wider Programme of Regulatory Reform

    These policies begin a new chapter for financial services.

    And they are part of an ambitious programme of regulatory reform being undertaken by the Government.

    Because now we’ve left the EU, we have the opportunity to take back control of decisions governing the sector and to be guided by what is right for the UK – to regulate differently and regulate better.

    As I mentioned earlier, last week, the Financial Services Bill had its second reading in Parliament, marking the next stage of our reform agenda.

    The Bill will deliver several existing government commitments and will help ensure the UK maintains its world leading regulatory standards, as well as ensuring our openness with international markets.

    And, we’re also taking a fundamental review of our Financial Services Regulatory Framework.

    This will allow us to consider how we may need to change the way we make and shape our future rules, now we have left the EU while building on the strengths of our existing framework and on the role played by our independent financial service regulators.

    We’re also carrying out a number of other reviews in areas that we know are a priority for industry…

    including looking at the Solvency II Directive to make sure it properly reflects the unique features of the UK insurance sector.

    So, as you can see, we are at the start of a new chapter.

    And while all of this is going to keep me and my team busy.

    It’s not a job for us alone. It’s going to take the collective efforts of us all.

    And I really do mean all of us – from the biggest bank to the smallest fintech start-ups in every part of the country.

    Indeed, as the Chancellor said last week financial services are not synonymous with the City of London.

    That’s why, over the coming weeks, I’ll be making a point of meeting those of you based outside of the Capital, as I know that you are going to play a crucial part in realising our vision.

    I’ll wind up by saying that I really do mean that it is a privilege to talk to you today.

    And I very much look forward to working with you all over the weeks and months ahead so we can together make this next chapter for your sector even better than the one before.

    Thank you.

  • Alok Sharma – 2020 Speech on Climate Action

    Alok Sharma – 2020 Speech on Climate Action

    The speech made by Alok Sharma, the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, on 19 November 2020.

    It is a pleasure to join you today.

    And to participate in the opening of Mock COP.

    I want to thank everyone who has worked so hard to deliver this event.

    And I applaud your dedication and commitment to tackling climate change.

    Across the world, young people are leading the charge on climate action.

    We see this, in projects like the Resilient40.

    Which is amplifying the voices of over 60 youth leaders, from 29 African countries in vital climate change discussions.

    Or indeed the Resolution Project, which supports student entrepreneurs with over 300 social ventures in more than 80 countries.

    From recycling solutions in Ethiopia.

    To water management in Brazil.

    And household biogas generation in Nepal.

    Young people are on the frontline of global climate action.

    And this is absolutely vital.

    For the future of our planet.

    And for the success of COP26 next November.

    The gravity and urgency of the situation we face demands that COP26 marks the moment

    when the world unites together behind a fair, resilient and zero emissions future.

    And that means governments committing to ambitious emission reduction targets, and adaptation plans.

    It means donor countries living up to their obligations.

    And fulfilling the commitments that they have made to the global South to put $100 billion a year into international climate finance.

    And it means listening to diverse voices in the negotiations.

    So that we are ensuring the interests of young people, as well as Civil Society as a whole, are heard loud and clear.

    From both the global South and North.

    To achieve this, I have been clear that we want civil society groups to be at the heart of both our preparations for COP, and the summit itself.

    That is why I met with young people and civil society organisations on a visit to the UN in New York earlier in the year.

    And I commit to meeting groups which comprise young people and civil society in every country that I visit going forward.

    It is also why we have established the COP26 Civil Society and Youth advisory council.

    Where young activists, NGOs, indigenous peoples and faith groups are very much part of our conversations in planning COP26.

    We are also supporting our COP partners, Italy.

    Both in their preparations for the Pre-COP and of course the Youth Event next September.

    And in the launch of their Youth4Climate series.

    Helping to support and amplify the work of young climate activists.

    Because such activism plays a really vital role.

    Although the commitments required in the Paris Agreement need to be made by national governments, success will belong to each and every one of us.

    Reaching net zero will only be achieved through a joint effort.

    And for this civil society is absolutely vital.

    You are vital in pushing all of us to go further: governments and regions; businesses and cities; schools and universities.

    By raising awareness, generating support, and asking us to do more.

    That is one of the great benefits of this Mock COP.

    It will show governments and organisations around the world the appetite that exists for ambitious climate action from young people.

    So I will finish with this ask: keep up that momentum.

    Keep showing us what is possible.

    And keep advocating for climate action in your home countries.

    Because if you do, the job of negotiators, who are urging countries around the world to make more ambitious commitments, becomes much easier.

    As does the work of the Race to Zero campaign.

    Which is encouraging non-state actors, such as businesses, cities, regions and universities around the world to commit to net zero as soon as possible.

    And if we work together in this way, I believe COP26 will mark the moment when the potential of the Paris Agreement is fulfilled.

    Thank you.

  • Dominic Raab – 2020 Statement on Israeli and Palestinian Co-operation

    Dominic Raab – 2020 Statement on Israeli and Palestinian Co-operation

    The statement made by Dominic Raab, the Foreign Secretary, on 19 November 2020.

    Restoring cooperation is an important and constructive step towards peace. This is welcome progress and shows both sides are willing to put the needs and security of Israelis and Palestinians first.

    We need to build on this momentum through further dialogue and compromise to move towards a lasting solution to the conflict.

  • John Healey – 2020 Comments on the Integrated Defence Review

    John Healey – 2020 Comments on the Integrated Defence Review

    The comments made by John Healey, the Shadow Defence Secretary, on 19 November 2020.

    The PM promises a welcome and long overdue upgrade to Britain’s defences after a decade of decline since 2010. He is right to ‘end an era of retreat’ after the last two defence reviews have been a cover to cut defence spending by £8 billion and the size of the Armed Forces by 40,000 full time troops. This has weakened the foundations for this new funding.

    The MoD’s challenge now is delivery, delivery, delivery. Ministers must make sure they put the new money to best use and avoid the mistakes of the past. They must close the £13 billion black hole in the defence budget, make good the big shortfall in troop numbers and build new military equipment in Britain.

    There are big decisions that can no longer be ducked in the Integrated Review, including on tanks, aircraft for our carriers and the size of the Armed Forces.

    Unlike previous reviews, Forces personnel must be at the heart of the Integrated Review. High tech weapons systems are essential but highly-trained Service personnel are indispensable.