Tag: 2013

  • Eric Pickles – 2013 Speech to the National Conservative Convention

    ericpickles

    Below is the speech made by the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, Eric Pickles, to the 2013 National Conservative Convention on 19th March 2013.

    Conference chums,

    Nearly three years on and we are still clearing up the mess left by Labour.

    They certainly knew how to trash the economy.

    Labour left us with the biggest budget deficit in our peacetime history.

    They created a something for nothing culture.

    They allowed the benefit bill to double.

    Under Labour, more taxpayers’ money was spent on welfare than on defence, education and health combined.

    Having trashed our economy, the ones responsible –

    Ed Miliband and Ed Balls –

    like grumpy adolescents are in denial, refusing to apologise for the mess and the misery they left behind.

    We are taking bold action to turn Britain around.

    It means that all the tough decisions were left for us to take.

    Thanks to George Osborne’s action in reducing the deficit by a quarter so far, mortgage rates are at record lows – helping families with the cost of living.

    Local government accounts for a quarter of all public spending.

    Our Town Halls have done an excellent job in rising to that challenge.

    Take Tory Trafford.

    They’ve protected their libraries, whilst Labour in next-door Manchester is closing them.

    Take Conservative Cotswold.

    A district cutting council tax by five per cent and freezing service charges. Sharing a Chief Executive with West Oxfordshire.

    Take Conservative Lancashire.

    The county is cutting council tax by two per cent, funding 48 new Police and Community Support Officers, and cutting management and administration by £215 million.

    By contrast, it’s Labour councils that have used frontline services and the poor as battering rams against the government.

    Take Labour-run Newcastle.

    They announced they wanted to abolish every single penny of arts funding.

    They were soon rumbled for playing cheap political games.

    This is a council which wanted to abolish the arts, but spend a quarter of a million pounds a year on bankrolling a militia of trade union officials in their town hall.

    Labour councils charge high taxes.

    They fail to deliver value for money.

    And they pour taxpayers’ cash down the drain on bad spending.

    Come May, our message is clear:

    Don’t let Labour do your council what they’ve done to our country.

    Now, if you listen to Labour, you’d think that making savings in local councils meant the end of the world.

    Actually, councils are still spending 114 billion pounds a year.

    Like a doom-monger consulting his Mayan calendar, their Shadow Fire Minister has predicted deaths, arson and chaos.

    And in reality, you know what?

    Latest figures show fire deaths are down 19%.

    Fire incidents are down 37%.

    And arson is down 46%.

    Why?

    For starters, we are tackling the causes of fires through prevention, like our award-winning Fire Kills education campaign.

    We are telling people simply to check their smoke alarm when they turn forward their clocks next week.

    A practical way to save lives.

    And fire authorities can save more money from public service reform, through more joint working, better procurement, ending old fashioned practices and doing more for less.

    The Labour leader of Birmingham City Council has predicted “the end of local government as we know it”

    Well, after three years of savings in town halls across the country, you know what?

    Research by Ipsos MORI found that two-thirds of residents have not noticed any changes to the quality of council services.

    And according to the Local Government Association’s own polling, residents’ satisfaction with their council tax has increased.

    Three of out of four residents are happy with their council.

    The LGA found that people felt that councils had become more accountable and more responsive.

    Councils are demonstrating better value for money, and focusing on the issues of greatest importance to local people.

    Save more and get a better council.

    Despite the fact that Alistair Darling was planning £52 billion of cuts, Labour have opposed every single saving that my department is making.

    All they offer is weak leadership and failed old ideas.

    Whitehall could learn a lot from local government.

    There’s still far too much waste and inefficiency.

    As Ronald Reagan declared:

    “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are: I’m from the government and I’m here to help.”

    I hope my department has been a beacon to others on how we can protect the taxpayer pound.

    My department is making a 41 per cent cut in real terms on its running costs.

    That’s net savings of over half a billion pounds from administration alone.

    Cutting spending may be a challenge, but it is also an opportunity to work better.

    In Whitehall, my department is actively supporting small and medium firms.

    We have trebled the amount of contracts they receive, so they now receive a quarter of all our procurement spending.

    We have opened a “Pop Up Shop” on the ground floor of my department.

    We have sub-let our vacated space to Oftwat, the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority, even High Speed 2.

    We’re not fussy, we’ll take their money.

    The Pop Up Shop is just the start.

    Given our location in Victoria, our whole ground floor has great potential for retail – maybe a Pound-stretcher?

    Now, our building has a secret.

    A secret hidden by civil servants for years, in a way that would make MI5 proud.

    Within our basement,

    Hidden from public view,

    Next door to the emergency bunker,

    Just below the Harriet Harman Tranquillity Suite,

    Lies… A secret pub.

    Officially called the DETR Darts Bar.

    Known to others as… The Prezza Arms.

    Backed up by secret subsidies, it charges just £1.90 for a small bottle of Chardonnay.

    That’s what I call minimum pricing.

    Now we’re the department in charge of supporting community pubs.

    But there are eight licensed premises within 30 seconds of our front door, so why do we need a government pub?

    The bar has fond memories of Prezza.

    Mrs Pickles rest assured – I’ve not been frequenting it with civil servants.

    But sorry John. It’s a dinosaur. It’ a reminder of another age.

    So I’ve called time.

    The Prezza Arms has served its last Tia Maria.

    The public don’t want to see politicians guzzle cheap drink at their expense.

    The House of Commons and its Labour MPs should take note.

    The nationalised pub is a symptom of how the state over-reached itself under Labour.

    Well, along with our secret pub going, we’ve cut quangos like the Government Offices for the Regions, the Regional Assemblies and the Regional Development Agencies.

    Labour’s whole tier of regional government has been abolished.

    The Government Office for London has literally been razed to the ground.

    Is our great city of London now rudderless?

    No. We have local leadership from local councils and from Boris, London’s local mayor.

    I am not asking councils to do anything that we haven’t done ourselves

    According to the Institute for Government, my department has cut the most from its own Whitehall budget.

    Staff levels are down a third, but when we restructured, we did it quickly and we started at the top.

    We’ve kept our word:

    communities have new rights,

    councils have new powers.

    residents the power to stop council tax hikes.

    We have reversed the trend of decline.

    From this April; councils will raise 70 per cent of their income locally, and decide how to spend it locally.

    Councils which back local enterprise build more homes and support hard work will go far and be quids in.

    We are ending the begging bowl mentality, when councils fell over themselves to appear the most deprived, to go cap in hand to the man in Whitehall.

    Yet Labour councils are failing to seize the new opportunities that localism offers.

    The Mayor of Liverpool says “he fears the worst” and predicts riots.

    That’s not a confident message about why firms should invest in Liverpool.

    He’s running his council down and letting his residents down.

    To help councils, I’ve published best practice advice on how councils can reduce spending: 50 ways to save.

    Across the country, there is £2.4 billion of uncollected council tax.

    And you know the council with the worst record in the country?

    Liverpool.

    With £114 million of arrears – equivalent to £500 per home.

    They should take time out from scaremongering and get their own house in order.

    Councils are losing £2 billion a year on fraud.

    Procurement fraud alone costs almost £1 billion.

    Practical steps to stop being the victim will cut the cost of being in business.

    Did you know that reserves which have been increasing in recent years whilst Labour councils plead poverty?

    Councils should use their £16 billion of reserves creatively to invest to save.

    All government could save billions from combining services to remove duplication and overlap.

    If every council followed the sharing of back office services being championed by the Conservative Tri-Borough initiative in London, they could save £2 billion a year.

    These are big sums.

    But there are smaller savings which councils can make. Every penny adds up.

    Councils should scrap the trade union pilgrims who leech of the public sector.

    I’ve no problems with trade unions – but the taxpayer shouldn’t have to foot their bill.

    This subsidy of Trade Unions is called “facility time”.

    In my department, I can announce we are going to lead the way in Whitehall by facilitating it down to private sector levels.

    And we are going to abolish Check-off.

    No – not the Russian playwright whose plays are so gloomy that it’s like an evening with Vince Cable.

    I mean the bizarre Whitehall practice of the government departments collecting the union subscriptions on behalf of the unions’ barons for free.

    Well, the unions can now set up a direct debit like everyone else.

    Left-wing councils should scrap their council newspapers like Greenwich Time or Tower Hamlet’s East End Life.

    We don’t need municipal horoscopes, town hall TV listings or a weekly edition of Pravda-style propaganda from town hall rags.

    Nor do we need the likes of Labour councils paying lobbyists to lobby government. What a waste.

    And on lobbyists, let me say this.

    The practice of councillors taking money to lobby their own council is wrong.

    There will be zero tolerance of corruption on my watch.

    A blind eye was turned to back-handers to the police for too long under Labour.

    Well, councillors who take brown paper envelopes should expect to go to jail.

    And those who offer such brown paper envelopes should expect to join them.

    Her Majesty’s Prison Service welcomes crooked politicians with open arms.

    Conference,

    Conservatives are on the side people who work hard and want to get on.

    And that includes people who have come to our country with ambition and drive.

    From Beijing to Mumbai, parents with ambition insist their children learn English. We British should be the same.

    I’m proud to live in a country that Christians, and Jews, and Muslims, and Hindus, and Sikhs, and people of no faith, join together to celebrate their Britishness:

    – respect for the law

    – respect for free speech

    – respect for democracy

    And have the united desire to do better.

    But that can’t happen if we don’t nourish the one thing that unites us all – the English language.

    Without a common language community cohesion is undermined, creating economic and social isolation, fuelling, rumours lies and extremists.

    Councils that translate documents into multiple foreign languages are doing no one any favours.

    So I issued guidance last week to town halls reminding them that there is no requirement to translate literature or signs into foreign languages.

    As well as our culture, a big part of what defines our communities is local high streets, shopping parades and local corner shops too.

    So we have doubled small business rate relief and cut corporation tax.

    But there’s one area where we need to do far more for local shops.

    Parking.

    13 years of Labour’s war on the motorist have created an over-zealous culture of parking enforcement.

    Extending CCTV, not to catch criminals, but to catch you out the moment you park on a yellow line.

    A rigid state orthodoxy of persecuting motorists out of their cars, with no concern about its effect in killing off small shops.

    Officious parking wardens move in faster than a Liberal Democrat on the M11.

    This needs to change.

    Councils should allow more off-street parking spaces, to take pressure off the roads.

    They should end dodgy town hall contracts which reward and encourage the proliferation of fixed penalty notices.

    I believe we need to give people the good grace to pop into a local corner shop for 10 minutes, to buy a newspaper or a loaf of bread without risking a £70 fine.

    This is of course heresy to the left.

    Rather than cutting red tape, their answer to every problem is higher taxes.

    Rather than making it easier to park, Labour councils want to hike taxes on supermarkets, pushing up the cost of living.

    And Labour are eyeing up your home too.

    On top of stamp duty, income tax, capital gains tax, inheritance tax and council tax, Labour want a new house tax.

    Does anyone believe a politician who says the tax will only be for the bigger, more expensive homes?

    Their new homes tax would let Ed Miliband send government snoopers into your house and tax your patio, conservatory and home improvement.

    Little Brother even wants to tax your children’s tree house.

    Rather than climbing new heights to tax people, we should be cutting taxes.

    And we’ve done that with council tax.

    Under Labour, council tax more than doubled.

    But over the last three years, thanks to our council tax freeze, we will have cut council tax by almost 10 per cent in real terms.

    Now, no-one likes paying council tax, but we’re making it easier to pay.

    Residents now have a new legal right to pay over 12 months if you wish.

    It’s a practical way to help families and pensioners with their cash flow.

    It will bring down families and pensioners’ monthly outgoings by around £24 for most of the year.

    And this on top of our council tax freeze which is saving families over £200 a year.

    Conference,

    We may be in Coalition with our yellow chums, but we are delivering Conservative policies and Conservative principles.

    A smaller state and one that is more accountable to local taxpayers.

    A freer state, standing up for the little guy in the face of state bureaucracy.

    And a lower tax state, helping families with the cost of living and putting more money back to your pocket.

    Labour offers no solution other than more spending, more borrowing and more debt.

    Only Conservatives, with David Cameron’s strong leadership, are dealing with the big challenges that our country faces.

    Clearing up the mess left by Labour, and turning our country around for the better.

  • Eric Pickles – 2013 Speech on Uniting our Communities

    ericpickles

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, Eric Pickles, at the Institute of Civil Engineers in London on 15th January 2013.

    No-one in this country will ever forget 2012.

    Jubilee jamborees, street parties, music marathons.

    The special magic Olympian and Paralympian gold rush.

    We have not I think seen the like before compressed into a single year.

    When you look back, what strikes me is how those events were illuminated by millions of small intense sparks.

    Sparks of kindness and sparks of service.

    It was a year when volunteering went vogue.

    When the biggest army of volunteers for nearly 70 years made things go with a ‘zing’.

    And when the loudest cheer at the Olympic stadium went to the games makers.

    2012 was also the year when striving people who had struggled to be heard, finally found their voice.

    This was brought home to me by the story I heard about Nasrine from Keighley in Yorkshire – the place in which I was born and brought up.

    Nasrine came to Keighley a quarter of a century ago from Pakistan. She had always struggled to pick up the language.

    Things changed when a very thoughtful neighbour invited her to a mums and toddlers group at the local church.

    A group that happened to be supported by our Near Neighbours initiative.

    It proved to Nasrine to be the turning point.

    With the encouragement of her new friends, she plucked up the courage to enrol at a local college to learn English.

    She’s now fluent, nothing can stop her.

    She has even completed a food hygiene course, so she can give something back to the new friends that helped her.

    Nasrine’s victory, her intense spark of success, triumphing against the odds should be cheered to the rafters just as much as the achievements of magnificent Mo Farah.

    But her victory shows why we are determined to back local ambition.

    Each person is a vital part of their community.

    And when you improve the life of one person.

    You begin to improve the lives of those around them.

    We saw this time and time again last year.

    Take the organisation called the Big Lunch.

    This was about more than bringing millions together to enjoy a cuppa and a cake on a picnic table.

    Once a community picnic becomes a gathering of neighbours, once you can put a face to a name, you start to get things done as Peter from Northfleet in Kent discovered.

    By the time he had finished his meal, he’d gathered more than 90 signatures on a petition for a new zebra crossing near his local primary school.

    You break down barriers and good deed leads to another.

    It was the same with the Bandstand Marathon.

    We helped 200,000 people boogie to the beat.

    Now let’s face it from the great and the good to the rest of us we all like to boogie.

    But I loved the fact that local people went further.

    Ingeniously devising the ‘instrument amnesty’.

    So instead of getting rid of old banjos or accordions, unused instruments went to others who wanted to learn to play.

    The Jubilee Hour also offered a perfect demonstration of integration in action.

    Millions gave up 60 minutes, to mark 60 years worth of service by Her Majesty.

    Just like our Majesty, they often went above and beyond.

    Hardy folk down in Broadbottom cleared glass from a small river beach.

    Birmingham volunteers tidied up the gardens of a local care home.

    For many, what started out as an hour’s volunteering looks like turning into a life-time’s commitment.

    Members of the Military Preparation College have decided to volunteer about 10,000 hours annually to benefit local communities.

    And, while we’re on the subject of helping people to do things for themselves, we’re ensuring youngsters from all backgrounds match skills to their ambition.

    I visited Safeside, an education facility in Birmingham to see Youth United in action.

    A group of St John Ambulance volunteers teaching other young folk how to give CPR. In return gaining confidence and experience that would directly help them in the jobs market.

    It was a lifesaving course in more ways than one.

    When you bring together all these intense sparks of commitment and community, what you get is a glowing sense of pride, a real tangible sense of belonging in our country.

    The 2011 census said we are more and more becoming a cosmopolitan country.

    But 2012 demonstrated why we can celebrate the common threads that unite us.

    Last year we seized back the union flag from thugs and extremists.

    Not just from the loutish EDL, but the equally vile ‘poppy burners’.

    Both fanning the flames of hatred.

    Spreading fear.

    Clanging their discordant bell of division.

    In 2012 we won the argument.

    Where they sought to divide, we sought to unite.

    Where they tried to pull down the shutters, we put out the bunting.

    Where they seek to brick Britain in, we built Britain up.

    These extremists want Britain to return to a place and a time that never existed.

    And if it had, it would be a nasty, brutish and mean place.

    But I think we’ve shown their faces don’t fit.

    They are not welcome in modern Britain.

    Which will be a relief for taxpayers.

    For the past few years they have had to stump up the cost of policing the EDL’s malevolent marches.

    Just two of those demonstrations in Luton staggeringly cost almost £2.4 million.

    And left the local authority with very little change from £200,000.

    That’s money that could have been spent on community policing and solving crime.

    What’s more these demonstrations dealt a devastating blow to business and shops on the high street.

    Luton’s local shopping centre lost an estimated half a million pounds.

    And that doesn’t even take into consideration the losses to local stores, companies and taxi firms faced.

    Demonstrations in Bradford, my old much loved city, left businesses out of pocket to the tune of over a million pounds.

    It cost £650,000 to police 1,000 protesters.

    Now I don’t know about you but £650 per protester doesn’t sound like value for money to me.

    Now of course, it’s wonderful we live in a society where people feel able to protest.

    And the usual inconvenience is a small price to pay for such rights.

    But in times of austerity we simply cannot afford to subsidise this insignificant malignant minority.

    Holding thriving businesses hostage.

    Hostage to hate.

    When protests happens, week in week out, it numbs communities.

    Blights places people call home.

    Turns neighbourhoods into sinister arenas for conflict and hostility.

    You should be able to pop to the chemist, or be able to let your kids go shopping on the high street on a Saturday afternoon, without having checking the calendar to see if the EDL are on the march.

    Every community has a basic right to sleep soundly in their beds and to walk without fear on their streets.

    I’m glad to see those EDL numbers on the slide.

    Now, for some, our approach to integration is a little too simple.

    They want a Stalinist 5 year plan.

    They want to tell people what to do and what to think.

    They believe in focus groups, the graph, the bean bag, and the diversity questionnaire.

    Precisely the sort of box-ticking exercise that leads to more bureaucracy not more unity.

    Policy makers of the past preferred to fund ethnic groups to help ethnic groups, instead of supporting neighbours to meet neighbours.

    Yet the detractors have been bowled over by the success that we’ve had on the ground.

    It’s success based in the real world.

    Success founded on an understanding that integration occurs locally and can’t be imposed by Whitehall.

    Those who came to this country from the Jews of the East End to Leicester’s Ugandans, they did not abandon their heritage or culture.

    But they were able to make a success of their lives.

    They understood that what makes you British.

    Has nothing to do with the colour of your skin.

    The nature of your religion.

    It’s not where you come from.

    It’s where you’re going that matters.

    And that’s why they adopted the great things this country has to offer.

    Our great British liberties.

    Like respect for people’s right to free speech, even if you don’t agree with what’s being said.

    And respect for the law.

    It also comes out as things people consider most important about being British in today’s British Future’s poll.

    And our great communities also embraced those other intangible parts of our constitution.

    Of course, all those liberties that existed long before the Euro-judges were let loose on the issue.

    Our joint sense of tolerance, fair play, and respect for others.

    But it’s our willingness.

    Their ambition.

    Their determination.

    To come to the party.

    To grab success.

    To pick up a dictionary rather than relying on a translator.

    That made them a vital part of the British family.

    So, when it comes to integration, our priority is to make way.

    Remove the bureaucracy.

    Snap the shackles of the PC brigade.

    Let localism loose.

    Use people power so communities can do things for themselves.

    Our support for troubled families, community budgets, and neighbourhood planning are clear examples of this approach.

    The old Whitehall walls have come down.

    Local government fault lines have been erased.

    Instead we’re getting organisations together to tackle deep rooted social problems.

    We’re removing the dependence from the system and giving local people confidence to strengthen their communities.

    In 2012 we discovered, to quote the Chief Rabbi, “the music beneath the noise”.

    And in 2013 we won’t skip a beat of that music.

    We will keep breaking down the barriers that get in the way of people getting together.

    Language is our starting point.

    I began by talking about Nasrine, but she is not alone.

    Far too many have paid the price for another one of the old statist policies.

    The decision to pay for translation instead of trusting people to learn the language.

    It has been estimated that the public sector spends as much as £140 million a year translating documents into foreign languages.

    Now, it wasn’t that our predecessors were ill intentioned, don’t get me wrong there.

    Their hearts were in the right place.

    It was just their decisions were simply wrong.

    And that made matters worse.

    It entrenched division.

    Slamming shut the doors of opportunity.

    It led us to the incomprehensible situation where no one can speak English as their main language in 5% of our households.

    That’s terrible for community relations and bad news for the tax-payer.

    It was good to hear recently an apology for these poor policy choices.

    It’s just a pity it came 15 years too late.

    If we want people to get along it makes sense they speak English.

    People should be able to talk, and understand one and another in a nuanced way.

    I’m not expecting everyone to adopt the lyrical dexterity of Samuel Johnson or for that matter Boris Johnson.

    But this is about getting the best from all our citizens.

    Britain is a country built on aspiration.

    You work hard to get your first job, your first car, your first home.

    But the reality is you need English to succeed.

    You can’t really function as a good doctor, a good teacher, a good mechanic, or since we’re in the Institution for Civil Engineering, you can’t be a good engineer, if you can’t talk the language.

    Just as you can’t talk to your neighbour, read a bus timetable, or enjoy enormous joy of The Only Way is Essex.

    Worse still, our kids don’t have fluent English, are condemned to a very limited life.

    We don’t want people’s identity to disappear or cease being proud of their roots or background.

    We want them to stay in touch with their culture.

    We want them to be proud and ambitious.

    So learning English is an integral part of that process.

    That’s why, instead of millions lost in translation services, next year we’re ploughing millions into an English language service.

    Today I’m launching a competition that will allow local communities to tailor language services to suit the needs of their area.

    It will give people the power to improve their circumstances and climb the social ladder.

    But more than that it will benefit Britain.

    We all miss out, our country is the poorer, if people can’t speak our language.

    If they are unable to participate or make an economic contribution.

    English is the passport to prosperity all over the world.

    From Mumbai through to Beijing every ambitious parent is trying to get their children to learn English.

    We should want no less for our children here.

    And we need to ensure that intense spark of ambition is felt strongly right across the country.

    When need our great communities to succeed, for Britain to succeed.

    When they do well, our country is enriched culturally and economically.

    Ultimately, Britain can only compete in the global race if we realise the full potential of each and every person in our country.

    Another unintended consequence of the previous administration was the attitude to uncontrolled immigration.

    Besides they put a strain on our schools, our healthcare and welfare.

    Besides the social tension it created.

    Was that it stifled a real opportunity for us to develop home grown talent.

    British Asian cuisine is a classic example of this.

    We all know curry is the favourite item on the menu of people up and down the land.

    It warms the cockles of 2.5 million people every week.

    Bringing billions into our economy.

    It is also reminds us of the way we have taken a traditional dish and added our own unique British twist.

    Yet I can’t understand why many chefs were being imported from Bangladesh for this purpose.

    When what we should have done was train local people up to that level of cuisine.

    That’s why I’m as keen as korma on curry schools.

    That are helping us put some domestic glitz and glam back into the industry and enable us to develop a new generation of Master Chefs.

    New Atul Kochhars.

    To export to India and the rest of the world.

    A desire to improve social mobility for all our citizens, is a factor I identified as being integral to integration last year.

    But this is about more than curry schools.

    We’re also encouraging at least 50 more schools to take part in enterprise challenges.

    And winning hundreds more secondary school pupils to work placements in industry.

    We’re also moving forward on another element of our strategy – participation.

    Our faith communities are past masters of bringing people together.

    Alastair Campbell might carp, but we definitely do ‘God’.

    Faith provides a clear moral compass and a call to action that benefits society as a whole.

    At a time when Christians are under attack for their beliefs in different parts of the world, I am proud we have freedom of belief in Britain.

    But in recent year long-standing British liberties of freedom of religion have been undermined by the intolerance and aggressive secularism.

    Taking people to task for wearing a cross or a rosary .

    Beginning costly legal actions against council prayers – as if they had nothing better to do.

    We’re committed to the right of Christians and people of all beliefs to follow their faith openly, wear religious symbols and pray in public.

    That’s why I signed a Parliamentary Order last year to protect the freedom for communities to pray.

    I am delighted that the principle of wearing a religious symbol at work has today been upheld by the European Court. It’s a very long judgement our lawyers are ploughing through.

    Our Year of Service reminded us why faith still counts.

    Christians at Harvest festival, Muslims at Eid and Jews on Mitzvah Day, Sikhs on the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev all reaching across the divide – giving succour to the sick, support for the needy, to the poor of all faiths and to people of no faith.

    Faith galvanised our communities.

    That’s why we will soon be announcing our plans to build on the success of A Year of Service.

    Plans that make the most of the energy and the enthusiasm of all those who took part in faith-based volunteering last year.

    Alongside this I’ll be supporting a further 190 Near Neighbours projects to keep communities connecting.

    Participation stems from what last year I referred to as sharing common ground.

    Last year it was about celebration. Next year will be about commemoration.

    On the ceiling of this building’s Great Hall is a painted memorial to the war to end all wars.

    It is a reminder of the self-sacrifice of those who fought and died for this country in a conflict that began 99 years ago.

    They were made up of all creeds, colours and class, and came from all corners of the globe world.

    As I stood at the Cenotaph on Remembrance Sunday last year, it occurred to me that this was the first time we stood in silence without a World War One veteran by our side.

    But we will continue to remember them.

    And this year our preparations to honour the fallen will pick up pace.

    Few people have a greater sense of responsibility than our brave armed forces and it’s been another of my priorities to build that sense of responsibility – particularly amongst our young people.

    That is why we’ve encouraged tens of thousands of youngsters to join the National Citizen Service, and that will continue.

    And we’re also helping hundreds of young people get involved in great activities like the Scouts and Industrial Cadets – helping break down barriers while having a bit of fun at the same time.

    Finally, if we’re to encourage people to get on board, we have got to be very clear we need to tell some people where to get off.

    As we did last year, we will continue to work to isolate extremism.

    Twenty years on from the death of Stephen Lawrence, we will continue to show racism the red card – working with 10,000 students in schools across the country to reject the extremist message.

    And a special interest group – led by Blackburn and Luton councils – are undertaking important work locally to tackle the fanatics.

    We’ll be watching out for their findings with great interest.

    Meanwhile, the money we’ve put into the Monitoring Anti-Muslim Attacks (MAMA) will lay the foundations for reporting and gathering data on anti-Muslim incidents.

    There can be no hiding place for the racists in our society.

    So in 2013 our mantra is simple; integration, integration, integration.

    We will continue reaching hard across the divide

    We will continue forging the friendships that strengthen our society and help everyone get on in life.

    But if I had one new year’s resolution for this year, it would be to make this year

    …like the title of the book I’ve just downloaded onto my Kindle:

    “A year of doing good”.

    Because it’s those intense sparks of ambition that will light the way for our country.

    Those intense sparks that will weld us together as a stronger nation in the years and the decades to come.

  • Leanne Wood – 2013 Plaid Cymru Speech

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Leader of Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood, made to the party’s annual conference on 4th March 2013.

    Conference,

    It was a pleasure to travel through Wales yesterday to reach Ynys Mon, to cross the bridge to reach the apex of our country ready for this most auspicious day, the 1st of March.

    Ynys Mon, Mam Cymru – is special to Wales.

    This is the county of so many Welsh firsts –

    – the first comprehensive school was set up here, a great symbol of the best in our creative tradition,

    – our first woman MP in Megan Lloyd George,

    – the first branch of the Women’s Institute.

    It is a fitting place for the first woman leader of Plaid Cymru to pay tribute to the first Plaid Cymru minister in the history of our party.

    I want to say Thank you to Ieuan for his tremendous service to Ynys Mon and to Wales for more than a quarter of a century.

    In 1987, his victory here as an MP will be remembered as a ray of light in a dismal decade for Plaid Cymru.

    A breakthrough that gave this party heart and confidence for the years ahead.

    In 1997, it was Ieuan’s tele-canvassers that helped this nation win the greatest prize. By winning the referendum which gave birth to our democracy.

    It was in 1997 that we won our dignity.

    The icing on the cake came in 2011, when Welsh public opinion crystallised in favour of Wales.

    Those referendum results will be your most precious legacy, Ieuan.

    In 2007 you took us into Government.

    And let us be clear, that is the ultimate goal of a political party like ours.

    Your shining example in that government will continue to provide us with inspiration for the years ahead.

    So it is fitting that, here on your territory, I say thank you Ieuan – from me personally and on behalf of this party.

    Diolch o galon.

    Ynys Ieuan – sorry I mean Ynys Mon – represents our nation’s northernmost point.

    It’s a perfect place to get a perspective on where Wales has been and where we are heading as a nation.

    Since the financial crash of 2008, a lot has changed.

    Yet we have a government in London ploughing ahead with its failed incompetent policies of austerity.

    At the same time we have a ‘Welsh’ government in Cardiff happy to carry on with a mentality of ‘nothing to do with us Gov’.

    Thinking about where we are and where we are going doesn’t mean looking back and dwelling on the past – although of course it’s vital to have an understanding of our history.

    It is more important to look forward.

    Ymlaen, as we say!

    I say it’s time for us to chart our own course. We are Wales’ only national party.

    Why? For one simple reason.

    We want to build this country.

    We want to unlock our people’s full potential.

    We want to build a path of human progress.– not in the abstract, not in the comfortable and complacent corridors of power – but in the streets of every community, in the villages and in the valleys, where we live.

    Our communities are important to Plaid Cymru.

    Mae ymgyrch dwy fil ac un deg chwech yn dechrau nawr.

    Heddiw. Yma. Gyda ni. Gyda chi.

    Pam ydyn ni eisiau ennill yn dwy fil ac un deg chwech?

    Achos dydy Cymru gwell ddim yn gallu aros.

    Mae’r problemau yn ein cymunedau yng Nghymru yn ddwfn, yn ddwys ac yn mynd nol yn bell.

    Mae rhaid i ni roi hwb i ein economi a chreu cymunedau sy’n ffit i wynebu heriau’r presennol a’r dyfodol.

    Mae rhaid I ni roi ein holl ymdrech mewn i greu swyddi.

    Gyda swyddi, daw hyder

    Gyda hyder, mae popeth yn bosib

    Fel rhywun sy’n ceisio dysgu Cymraeg, dwi’n deall pa mor bwysig yw hyder!

    Mae’r iaith yn bwysig iawn i fi, a dwi eisiau gweld Cymru, yn y dyfodol, yn genedl ble mae Cymraeg yn un o ieithoedd y stryd ym mhob rhan o Gymru.

    Mae’r Cyfrifiad wedi dod gyda newyddion ddrwg I ni

    Mae’r ffigyrau yn dangos bod y nifer o siaradwyr Cymraeg yn mynd lawr.

    Rydyn ni’n colli tua dwy fil o siaradwyr Gymraeg bob blwyddyn.

    A beth mae’r llywodraeth Cymru yn gwneud am hyn?

    Dim byd. Dim ond oedi.

    Dim ond wythnos yma, gwnaeth Llafur atal cyflwyno safonau iaith.

    PAUSE

    Mae’r iaith, a’r economi yn holl bwysig yn ardaloedd fel fan hyn yn Sir Fon.

    Ac ar hyd a lled y wlad, mae rhaid i ni cynnig cyfleoedd i bobl aros, byw a gweithio yn eu cymunedau.

    Mae rhaid i ni creu dyfodol i’n pobl ifanc – gobaith i’r cenedl nesaf.

    And that is why I have insisted on the economy and job creation being our number one priority since my election as Plaid Cymru leader nearly a year ago.

    For thirty years Wales has had a poor deal from a succession of UK governments.

    We’ve seen factories come and go, inward investment peaks and troughs.

    And the gap between the rich and the poor has grown and grown.

    Broken dreams.

    Broken lives.

    Broken families.

    It’s time this finally stopped

    It is time to put government back on the side of the people

    To have a government working to make sure people have the basics.

    A decent home, with decent healthcare within a reasonable travel distance.

    A job with decent pay so that the bills are affordable

    It’s not difficult – with people in work on decent wages they pay into the tax pot

    The more that goes into that tax pot, the more and better quality public services and social protection we can afford.

    The current austerity drive has failed;

    – the projections for economic growth have failed;

    – the efforts to maintain the UK’s triple A credit status has failed;

    – attempts to cut unemployment in Wales have failed.

    Failure has been the hallmark of this discredited UK government.

    And where is the opposition? It was up to Plaid Cymru MPs to lead the charge the bedroom tax this week on the floor of the House of Commons.

    And it’s a good job that the Tories in the Assembly have their fingers on the pulse. Just this week, they’ve popped up to promise tax cuts for the better off!

    Plaid Cymru wants to see policies that will help more businesses to start up– how will cutting taxes for those on the 40% rate help that?

    Tackling business rates and a fairer capital gains tax system – these are the kinds of things that would make a difference.

    Measures that would allow our wealth creators to flourish.

    Measures that could be taken now if the Tories were really interested in helping business.

    These are the priorities of Plaid Cymru and we will earn the right to govern our country by presenting a responsible, competent and business-friendly plan for boosting the Welsh economy.

    We must make the most of the resources that we have. Our most precious resource is our people.

    The road to our future will be built by people here.

    If we as Welsh people don’t build it, it won’t be built.

    We know we need better infrastructure, better communication links throughout our country.

    Take a look at our rail. Why has it taken a century to electrify a single mile of our railways?

    For one reason alone – because the switch that needed to be flicked lay idle in London.

    We know that we cannot look to London to provide the answers.

    That has been tried and failed. Friends, we’ve been a long time waiting.

    That switch or the spark to power up our nation has to be in our hands.

    We can achieve anything if we have the determination to shape and craft for ourselves as Idris Davies put it: “a future that is better than the past.”

    And we can. We must.

    We will create a future that is better than the past.

    After all, what is this Welsh democracy for if not the possibility to do things differently?

    We’ve worked hard for our democracy. Let’s use it.

    It is a capacity that the Wales of our fore-mothers and fathers did not have.

    We have the chance to make the most of our lives, to do the best we can do, to be the best that we can be.That was the spirit that inspired miners and quarry workers to build libraries and universities the length and breadth of Wales.

    It is what inspired them to provide scholarships for thousands, so those who otherwise could not, should have a better future.

    Our history will be what we make it.

    And we can start today by imagining and believing in a different future.

    I have led this party for almost a year.

    It has been a proud and exhilarating experience and I am privileged to lead the only party which puts Wales first each and every time – without question.

    What have I learned over the last year?

    I’ve learned that people the length and breadth of Wales have an unquenchable hope, a huge appetite for a different course – an acceptance that we cannot continue as we are.

    Our country contains an enormous well-spring of positive, creative, almost limitless social energy.

    I have been inspired by the people I have met who want to make a difference to their world and their Wales.

    We only need to look at our country’s success in sport. we are punching well above our weight on a world scale, in a wide variety of sports from cycling to rugby, football to tae kwondo.

    And I pay tribute to those who made last weekend such a fantastic weekend of sport in Wales

    – Becky James and Elinor Barker in the cycling

    – The women’s and men’s teams in the rugby

    – Swansea City winning the League Cup

    – Wrexham at Wembley later this month

    – And Cardiff City on the brink of the Premiership

    Well done to all of you for doing our nation proud.

    Welsh sports women and men give us a lot to be proud of, but also a lot to aspire to.

    They have shown us what can be achieved with confidence, self-belief and the right opportunities.

    Translate that for our nation, for our economy. With that right combination, there is no reason why Wales can’t be as or more successful than the scores of nations of a roughly similar size.

    As in team sports, if we all pull together as a team this small nation can and will do great things.

    People are calling out for a vision.

    Yes, there is scepticism; that is hardly surprising. The old models of our economy, our politics, our environment are broken.

    People are looking for new direction.

    A new start.

    New leadership.

    I am determined to make sure they find it here, in the only party that this country of ours can rightly call its own. The Party of Wales.

    For a vision to work it must be credible. It must set out where we want to go, but it must also set out the first steps on the journey.

    Our vision is of an independent Wales – independent in spirit and in reality, not dependent on handouts from Brussels or from London, a country fuelled, not by charity, but by our own success. The question is how do we get there from here?

    We live in the present and it’s in the present tense that we make ourselves relevant to people’s daily lives.

    Our first steps will be outlined in our programme.

    And it is with a relevant programme combined with a determination to fight for our communities, that we will make Anglesey proud again when Plaid Cymru wins here in May.

    The work of building the new Wales starts here and it starts now.

    And there is so much to be done.

    This party has a raft of good policies which are ripe for the times in which we find ourselves.

    So ripe in fact that the Welsh Government has had to adopt our ideas in the absence of their own

    Our plan to take control of the national airport

    Our plan to tackle the Council Tax benefit gap

    Our plan for a public investment vehicle that we called “Build for Wales”

    Our plan for a conversation on the Welsh language

    Our plan for a science park on the Menai Straits

    These are all policies pushed by the Party of Wales then adopted by the Welsh Government.

    We are working hard, coming up with solutions that can be put in place now, to the problems that people face in their everyday lives.

    And I am talking about these policies and discussing them in the public meetings I am holding with people up and down the land.

    Plaid Cymru intends to talk to people in every single nook, cranny and corner of Wales.

    And the more we talk with people in our communities and listen – the more we will get our policies and our programme of government right

    I have set this party a big challenge.

    Between now and 2016 I want us to have a million conversations with the people of Wales.

    That’s a two-way conversation where we listen and take note of what people say

    And during those conversations we will be positive, we will promote optimism for the future and hope

    And we will offer practical solutions to the problems people are facing every day

    Our campaign for the 2016 Assembly election has already begun.

    Our campaign will have the energy and the excitement and the integrity to offer a real alternative.

    It will be rooted in the participation of people in every city, in every town, in every county and in every village.

    A campaign that will restore people’s faith in politics.

    Plaid Cymru, the party of Wales must win that election.

    We must win for the children of Wales.

    One-quarter of the children in this country are growing up poor.

    When they grow up, one-quarter of them will be unemployed.

    40% of them will leave primary school not able to read and write to the standard expected of their age.

    Thousands will be in schools in the quarter of all local education authorities that are currently in special measures.

    We can do so much better than this.

    Where is the sense of urgency we need in Welsh politics now?

    We can’t afford to wait any longer before we see an improvement in standards within our education system.

    There will be teenagers doing their GCSEs this Summer who have spent the whole of their education under devolution.

    There can be no excuses, education is devolved in full.

    These young people have watched as Wales; in the past a watchword for educational excellence, has slipped further and further behind – not just England, but behind 36 other countries in reading and 38 in maths.

    And it is our boys who are falling behind the furthest. We must teach our boys the basics.

    Unless the basics are right, we won’t get the rest right.

    Plaid Cymru will implement a comprehensive literacy and numeracy programme with early intervention to specifically target boys, but aiming to make sure all children are performing to the best standard for them by the age of 11.

    We want to see if we can utilise willing volunteers like retired teachers and other professionals in this work.

    We want to extend the principles of the foundation phase to offer a much wider range of out of school and weekend activities which promote and support classroom based learning.

    And we want to offer more vocational opportunities to young people to try a range of ‘trades’ before committing to an apprenticeship or college course.

    Making sure trades are taught alongside business skills and/or co- operative skills will help to train the next generation to do the jobs we will need doing.

    The government’s approach to education has shown nothing less than a shocking dereliction of duty, an absolute travesty.

    For Wales – a country where in the past, great store was placed on the value of education it is extraordinary that it has now become one of our great failures.

    The Welsh education system has become the graveyard of ambition.

    When a child fails their education, the consequences stay with them for life.

    Ask anyone who didn’t sit or who didn’t pass the 11 plus.

    But when our education system fails our children, who takes responsibility? To date, no one.

    Not one education minister has ever been sacked for poor results.

    All too often, failure is rewarded with promotion.

    My view is that the time has passed where we in Wales can blame all and sundry for our problems.

    Regardless of our history, we are where we are. We have what we have. Let’s make the most with what we’ve got.

    No more blaming others – let’s take the responsibility for putting it right ourselves. Now.

    Wales needs leadership.

    Wales needs a leader who has the energy as well as the determination to fulfil the great responsibility that leading a country like ours involves.

    In health, in education and in the economy – our country needs to be doing so much better.

    We need someone who will work every hour and leave no stone unturned to make Wales a better place.

    Someone who can see the future and is prepared to champion Wales at every opportunity.

    Selling our strengths not bemoaning our weaknesses.

    Wales needs real leadership.

    I pledge to you that when I am returned as First Minister in 2016, I will make sure standards are raised in education.

    A Plaid Cymru government will work to provide opportunities for all to reach their best potential and we will make sure the brightest children are able to excel.

    So far in the fourth Assembly there have been 59 task and finish groups set up by the government.

    That is almost as many reviews announced in under two years, as in the whole history of devolution.

    Why so many reviews when the few targets that have been set have been badly missed?

    90% of UK GVA by 2010? Missed. Badly.

    25% of people Welsh-speaking by 2010? Missed. Badly.

    Welsh Ambulances arriving within eight minutes of an incident in 65% of cases.

    Missed month after month after month.

    Our Assembly is meant to fill the accountability gap.

    We shouldn’t have to be caught in a one party state of denial, immune from criticism, refusing to take responsibility.

    59 task and finish groups since May 2011 can only mean one thing – a government devoid of ideas.

    Well I know the source of the problem and I have a simple solution

    It’s time this government was task and finished off

    Plaid Cymru wants a Wales which takes control of its own decisions.

    A Wales which has control over its own affairs so that we can implement our comprehensive economic plan.

    As we stated in our evidence to the Silk Commission this week, the criminal justice system, the police, broadcasting, energy and one of our most precious resources – water – should all be in Welsh hands.

    Transfer these responsibilities now.

    No hesitation. No excuses. No exceptions and No delay.

    Given the failure of its ideology driven austerity politics, Wales should not be prepared to trust the UK Government with any powers.

    It is time now to do things differently, for ourselves.

    It is time for Wales to have the tools to do the job of turning around our economy.

    To be in better shape for business, the Party of Wales wants a connected country.

    An improved transport and IT network, making use of rail electrification to build a Valleys Metro and to significantly reduce Cardiff to Bangor rail times.

    Being better connected means creative investment in our ports and airports to connect Wales to the world.

    And it means high speed broadband connection for all – not just the lucky few.

    I want a country where people have opportunities to do well.

    Plaid Cymru wants to see improvements in the skills of our people so that we can build a new sustainable, manufacturing economy.

    We want to push green engineering skills, and that is why we focused on apprenticeships in our budget negotiations and it is why we have proposed a green skills construction college.

    We want to train people in Wales and we want to incentivise them to stay.

    And we want to encourage the best innovation in our public sector with additional training for workers so that we can develop the best quality public services.

    I want to see more of the Welsh pound invested in Welsh companies and better local procurement to lock that money into our local communities, to help to create more opportunities for people to do well.

    This is just a flavour of the policies Wales needs to succeed and flourish.

    We are an ancient country with a young democracy.

    Proud of its past and deeply frustrated by its present.

    Fortunately this old country has a young party, whose members are brimming with ideas, with enthusiasm, with hope and with confidence for a future that is better than its past.

    It is a future we have yet to shape.

    The shape is up to us.

    Political parties are sometimes blunt instruments.

    They are far from perfect.

    But in a democracy political parties are the only way we have so far invented to create policies to improve our lives and the lives of our communities.

    We ask the people of Wales not to put their faith in us, but to invest their faith collectively together with our own.

    To become co-creators, co-producers, co-builders of our country.

    I ask you to imagine, just for a moment.

    Suspend reality.

    Picture in your mind a different future.

    Can you visualise a successful Wales, a strong economy and a public service infrastructure that people are not dependent on, but one which enables them instead to flourish?

    Can you imagine, with us a different future?

    Can you believe that achieving that different, successful future is possible?

    Can you see it in your own mind?

    Can you imagine what that success might feel like?

    I know it is possible. It’s why I do what I do.

    But we need more people to see this vision.

    Come with us, the party of Wales.

    The only party that puts this country first without fail…

    Join with Plaid Cymru on this journey….

    Help us build our country up.

    If, together, we want that vision enough, we can make that future our own.

  • Peter Wilson – 2013 Speech on Womens’ Rights

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ambassador Peter Wilson, Charge d’Affaires and Deputy Permanent Representative of the UK Mission to the UN, to the Security Council Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security on 18th October 2013.

    I am not going to thank you for applauding for me because I haven’t spoken yet, but I would join in your applause for the statements that we have heard today because I do particularly want to thank the President for holding this debate, but also to all of you, the Secretary-General, the UN Women’s Executive Director Ms Mlambo-ngcuka, High Commissioner Pillay, and Ms Balipou, for their valuable briefings. I think its right that you have given them applause. I would also like to thank everybody who’s come to participate in and to bear witness to this debate today. For those of you who can’t see, because this will also be recorded on the cameras, this chamber is full and your presence adds weight to what we’ve decided and to what we will discuss in this chamber throughout the day.

    So Mr President, I do want to welcome the adoption today of the resolution on Women and Peace and Security. This resolution reiterates the central role for women in resolving conflict and helping to build sustainable peace. I want in particular to highlight three aspects of the resolution.

    First of all, it places Women, Peace and Security front and centre in the Council’s work. The Secretary-General has outlined what that means for the Council and his own personal commitment to this, but it also means, in a very practical sense, that the Council will now receive more regular briefings and more updates from UN bodies and officials on this subject. That means that it is central to our work. Secondly, the Resolution highlights the need for women’s participation in areas affected by conflict. We’ve asked that Special-Representatives and Special-Envoys in all UN Missions regularly to consult Women’s organisations from early on in their deployment. Their voices must be heard and needs taken into account in all conflict resolution and peace-building processes. Third, the Resolution makes clear the Council’s commitment to a meaningful review of the implementation of this agenda in 2015 as the Secretary-General emphasised in his remarks earlier. This review must be based on clear data and we have therefore requested the Secretary-General to commission a global study on the remaining gaps and challenges.

    I welcome the constructive work of all Council members on this resolution and hope that we will continue to work in a productive manner as we move towards the 2015 review.

    Mr President, I now turn to the theme of this debate – transitional justice and the rule of law.

    Throughout the world security and justice systems fail women time and time again. In conflict and post-conflict settings when institutions break down and violence is rampant, existing injustices are often exacerbated.

    However, transitions out of conflict provide opportunities to strengthen women’s leadership, empowerment and rights whilst restoring the rule of law and governance systems.

    Rebuilding justice and the rule of law is fundamental to protecting women’s equal rights and creating a more stable, secure and just society.

    As the Secretary-General has highlighted, women’s representation in the justice sector is crucial and helps increase the reporting of crimes. Barriers must be removed so that women can access justice in formal and traditional settings. For example, we have seen success through the use of mobile courts in the Democratic Republic of Congo and paralegal support groups in Nepal. In addition, the most basic needs must be provided for, from access to safe public transportation to the effective delivery of services like water and electricity, as Ms Balipou so eloquently highlighted in her statement earlier.

    The United Kingdom has established a Team of Experts on the Rule of Law. This Team which includes lawyers, gender advisors and experts in the protection of victims and witnesses provides training and mentoring to national authorities to help them develop appropriate laws and build their capabilities. The teams also worked on the frontline with grassroots organisations, local peace builders and human rights defenders. They have already been deployed to the Syrian borders, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Libya, Mali and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    Mr President, the United Kingdom welcomes the report of the Secretary General and the important recommendations that it makes. We welcome the ongoing work of UN Women. And we recognise the continuing challenges in implementing this agenda lie beyond the topic of today’s debate. In conflict settings worldwide women continue to be seen merely victims of violence rather than leaders of change, as those to be protected rather than respected and included as equal participants in all decision making processes. As Ms Mlambo-ngcuka said, women are central to leadership. Since the end of the Cold War, women have represented only 4 percent of signatories to peace agreements, less than 3 percent of mediators of peace talks, and less than 10 percent of anyone sitting at the table to negotiate on behalf of a party to conflict. Excluding 50% of society will never lead to stable and lasting peace. Peace can only be achieved with women’s active participation and leadership.

    The United Kingdom welcomes the Council’s consultation with women’s organisations during its trip to the Democratic Republic of Congo this month. We also commend the recent work of Mary Robinson, I agree with the Secretary-General that was an excellent appointment, on engaging with women’s civil society in the Great Lakes region, and hope others will follow by example.

    Mr President, we have two years before the Council’s high level review in 2015 to demonstrate our collective commitment to this agenda. Ahead of this, let us all – Member States, the Council, and UN entities – invigorate our efforts and give this agenda the attention it deserves and take the action that we have committed to here today.

  • David Willetts – 2013 Speech to the Campaign for Social Science

    davidwilletts

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Willetts to the inaugural lecture of the Campaign for Social Science on 28th October 2013.

    It is great that we are here to celebrate the Campaign for Social Science in the form of this first inaugural lecture. And what I like about the campaign is that it is essentially a positive endeavour. It is not based in this feeling of vulnerability or feeling that social science is under threat. It’s confident. There’s lots of great things about social science. There’s lots of great social science going on in this country. We should be proud of it, we should celebrate it and we should encourage its further growth and encourage people to engage with some of the fascinating, interesting and important observations and findings that we get from social science.

    So we’ve got a lot we can be proud of. Just in terms of the quality and quantity of social science research, we are second only to the US for the quality of our social science research. According to the QS World University rankings we have a particularly outstanding international performance in areas such as psychology and human geography.

    I’ve actually just this morning flown back from the US. The budget pressures because of sequestration and also congressional attempts to steer or intervene in specific disciplines, such as political science, are apparent. This does make it a tough environment for social science in the US. Coming back here, we can be proud of what we are achieving.

    We do have a stable science budget of £4.6 billion per year. And of course you know, when we talk about science, it is science in its broadest sense. We have maintained the balance across the different disciplines because 1 of the greatest strengths of our research base is precisely its extraordinary breadth. And there are no significant problems in the world now that will be addressed or tackled by people working within 1 disciplinary framework without learning and cooperating from others in other disciplines, be it climate change, demographic change or terrorism or whatever – they all require being addressed by people coming from a range of different disciplines.

    When we try to measure the performance of the British science and research base, 1 of its great qualities is that for a medium sized economy we are world class in so many different respects and so many different disciplines. And, in turn, and this is something that’s even harder to pin down, we seem to be very well connected. We seem to be better at making connections between different disciplines. There’s always more that we need do, but the sophistication of the connections between disciplines is another 1 of our strengths. And I should mention here the crucial work that ESRC does with its budget. Many of the projects that it supports are rated as good, very good or outstanding. It is putting about £140 million a year into current research. That’s before you even turn to the capital that I want to talk about later.

    I fully support therefore your campaign and your mission to educate the public on what social science is – and why studying it is worthwhile and exciting. That seems to be the basic proposition that unites us. It is a mark of our humanity that we want to understand both how we live in our own society and the extraordinary diversity of societies across the world and that’s an inherently worthwhile activity. And I hope it’s something we’ll be getting across next week when the ESRC’s festival of social science kicks off this Saturday, with events on everything from how to keep your family healthy to whether we still have a north / south divide. It’s a great opportunity to convey the value and excitement of social science to a wider audience.

    Let me just touch on some of the key aspects of social science as we engage with it here in government. Firstly of course, social science contributes to public policy making. Of course, ultimately ministers decide, but it is always better if we can do so on the basis of evidence. Sometimes this is cross-cutting evidence and not all evidence always points the same way and judgements have to be made. Speaking as a member of the Home Affairs Cabinet Committee, chaired by the Deputy Prime Minister and where a lot of the domestic policy work at inter-ministerial level happens, I can report that often those discussions are informed by evidence that has been either brought before the committee from the individual advisers within departments or which has come to us in other ways.

    The English Housing Survey provides a lot of evidence on the basis of which housing policy can be shaped. It has actually been quite important in developing the Help to Buy and Right to Buy schemes. In healthcare, Andrew Dilnot’s Commission on Funding of Care and Support was instrumental in our recent announcement that the state would cover care costs above £75,000. In finance, John Vickers’ Independent Commission on Banking established the need to separate riskier investment banking from the ordinary lending and payments systems of high street banks.

    Here in this department we have responsibility for the Office of Fair Trading (OFT). It has used social science research to understand how consumers react to how prices are displayed. This has led to law enforcement work against low budget airlines, and an ongoing investigation into the way furniture and carpet retailers display prices where there are some interesting intersections of economics and psychology. Extensive research into consumer behaviour also informed – very controversial at the moment – Ofgem’s Retail Market Review which is a package of regulation to make the energy market simpler and fairer for customers.

    And even, and I think this is a really interesting and granular example, social scientists at the Health and Safety Executive worked with Gas Safe Register to identify the groups most at risk from unsafe gas appliances and encourage them to register for annual gas safety checks. In just 5 months the pilot had resulted in a 300% increase in the number of higher risk households having checks and of those one-fifth of these were found to have potentially dangerous problems. So there are lots of practical examples of social science being put to use to inform public policy – both at the high general level and also specific practical examples.

    And we’re trying to reinforce that trend with the new What Works Network – gathering and sharing the most robust evidence from 6 independent centres and feeding this into policy-making on health, education, crime reduction, early intervention, ageing and local economic growth. This is about trying to ensure that £200 billion of public spending is directly influenced by the evidence. So there is a lot of public policy that benefits from social science and the input from social scientists.

    I’ve actually been focusing in the last week or 2 on a piece of public policy that drew enormously on insights from social scientists and which came out 50 years ago – the Lionel Robbins’ report on higher education which set the terms for a massive expansion of the higher education system. One of the reasons it has stood the test of time as 1 of the most significant public policy documents of the 21st century was precisely because it was based on evidence, especially from social science.

    We’re very fortunate that 2 of the key advisers to that Committee are still with us – Claus Moser who was the statistical adviser to Robbins and Richard Layard. I invited them in a few months ago to go over their recollections as I was trying to write a pamphlet on Robbins and wanted to hear their experiences of working with Lionel Robbins. Claus Moser told me that in the very first meeting of that committee Robbins laid down the rule that they would not recommend anything that could not be clearly backed up by evidence. Five hefty appendices to his report therefore followed! Claus Moser’s career goes on to show the significance and importance of drawing on proper social science and statistical evidence.

    We have tried to mark the anniversary by commissioning some new research from our researchers here, updating some of Robbins’ statistics. I was also able to commission 1 particular piece of work on the value of university which will be going online by the end of the week. As many of you working in universities will know, we get bogged down in arguments about whether going to university is inherently worthwhile, about whether it has economic benefits, the fact that if you talk about economic benefits, it suggests you don’t understand the non-economic benefits and if you talk about private gains to students, what about the social gains.

    We realised behind this there was a simple quadrant – on 1 axis benefits that were private and benefits that were social and then on the other axis benefits that were economic and benefits that were non-economic. If you think of the 4 quadrants that result from that, each 1 of the quadrants contains genuine returns to higher education. There are economic benefits that accrue to the individual: higher earnings. There are economic benefits that accrue to society: higher rates of R&D and a bigger tax base. There are non-market benefits that accrue to individuals: improved life expectancy. There are non-economic benefits that accrue to society as a while: higher levels of tolerance. We assembled examples in all 4 quadrants of the benefits of higher education. When Robbins wrote his report he described these benefits as immeasurable. In the last 25 years we’ve got lots of measurements and in the quadrant each example we give of the benefits of higher education is not a nice idea that we discussed sitting around the table in my office saying this must help. Rather, each 1 of those is an empirical claim for which there is a supporting piece of social science research.

    By the end of the week on the BIS website, you will have not just the quadrant but for each 1 you will have the evidence. So if you want to say does it really make people more tolerant, you will find a reference to the piece of academic research that absolutely does show that effect. Or if you want to know whether there is really a graduate premium and how much is it, you will find a reference to the several pieces of economic research that shows that. So we have tried in the spirit of Robbins to clarify the benefits of higher education but it is also a testament to the value of social science – each 1 of those is an empirical proposition that social scientists have brought us that Robbins did not have at his disposal 50 years ago.

    Talking about Robbins moves me onto another issue to update you on – social mobility. I chair the Social Mobility Transparency Board which is working hard to overcome practical difficulties linking data on schools, further education (FE), higher education (HE) and employment. There will be some of you here today who are involved with research in different stages of the life cycle. Here we are slowly, painstakingly beginning to break down some rather tiresome barriers.

    The first blockage was that linked data on schools, further and higher education could not be shared unless a researcher was working on a contract for BIS or the DfE. That was the constraint we faced. We have agreed a legal way forward, we’ve still got some legal issues to resolve, but we believe that we can resolve this so that it should be possible for people to link those data sets without specifically working on a contract for BIS or the DfE, and we think that we can achieve that without primary legislation.

    Secondly, we wanted to free up Student Loan Company (SLC) repayment data, which has the potential to allow research into earnings following graduation. For a long time some of you will know Anna Vignoles and Neil Shepherd wanted to do this research. We are now working with HMRC, within the tight legal constraints that HMRC faced on the use of their data; we have now got permission for that research team to use this data to model loan repayments by institution and to undertake analysis to support HMRC’s tax compliance. What we have to show, the argument that eventually clinched it with HMRC was saying, this is so that we can understand more about the future tax base and who pays taxes, so it falls within the legal framework for the use of HMRC data. It was that argument that finally won over the HMRC lawyers and the research team have now successfully linked HMRC and SLC data and begun their analysis.

    Thirdly, we know that linking education and HMRC earnings data would give the public access to better information on average graduate salaries by course. Making this sort of information available is something I’m very keen on. Tracking students through education and into the labour market will also give government a better understanding of learning outcomes and social mobility. But there is currently no legal gateway to enable such linking. We have worked together to design a new legal gateway but it does require primary legislation and we are trying to find currently a legislative vehicle which would make that possible. So we are trying to work together painstakingly at making some of the data linking that many of you will need easier to deliver in practice.

    Let me now turn to birth cohort studies, because our social mobility research, and other research, has been propelled forward by our internationally recognised British birth cohort studies – a rich resource that many countries envy. Our history of cohort studies have produced, as we know, fascinating findings already. The 1958 and 1970 study cohort study evidence prompted the anguished debate about social mobility which carries on to this day. There is a good question about whether 2 points make a trend but certainly people thought they did.

    At the start of next month the Centre for Longitudinal Studies will launch the first findings from the Age 42 Survey of the 1970 British Cohort Study. The UK is now 1 of the fattest countries in Europe, and the health problems that this triggers cost the NHS more than £5 billion every year. The 1970 cohort represents a generation that grew up with increasingly sedentary lifestyles and more access to ready meals. They were the first generation basically to grow up in fast food Britain. We think these latest findings when published will prompt a very lively public debate about the prevalence of obesity, associated mental health problems, attitudes to exercise and eating habits. So it’s going to be a very important contribution to a highly fraught debate.

    So I am pleased that we were able to fund the new 2012 birth cohort study, which will add to this important canon of Birth Cohort Studies. And it is especially exciting because of its potential to link medical, biological and genetic data with social and environmental data. It is going to make those connections more ambitiously than ever before.

    And other countries are keen to build on our experience. The value of our social science is not just for Britain – it is striking how other countries want to learn from it. And I hope you recognise the significance of what you do internationally. An example comes from when I was with the Chancellor in China only 10 days ago. Here is a brochure that in Guangzhou Women and Children’s Medical Centre, the largest maternal centre in Southern China, Chinese mothers are given to get them to sign up to a Chinese Birth Cohort Study which enables the tracking of babies born in Guangzhou. I was very impressed. The University of Birmingham are working very closely with them on this project – Professor Peck was there with me – and advising them on how to design the project and get participation in it. Most of the pamphlet is in Chinese script but, at the bottom of page 3, you suddenly see Avon ALSPAC! This is constructed based on the model of the Avon ALSPAC study of 1991 to 1992. And there you are, you’re sitting in a maternity centre in China, and finding it’s a British Birth Cohort Study that they are using to model what is going to be the first major Birth Cohort Study in contemporary China. So what we do has international interest and significance, and the kind of methodological challenges that you wrestle with domestically, when you crack them, when you resolve ways of doing things, they will be of value internationally.

    I’ve talked about the linking up data of social mobility studies. I’ve talked about our Birth Cohort Studies. If we are to exploit all these precious resources properly we need to build an infrastructure to help us handle the huge quantities of data they produce. We have been working hard to ensure not just that we link up data sets, but that we have both in Whitehall and more widely the capacity to harness the extraordinary scientific and research potential of Big Data. And in fact, when we secured from the Treasury a £189 million Big Data research budget, it was the ESRC which took the overall coordinating role for ensuring that this Big Data research programme was properly managed. And within that budget of £189 million, £64 million was set aside specifically for social sciences. And of this, I was able to announce the other day that we have now got £34 million to invest in our new Administrative Data Research Network, with centres at the universities of Southampton, Edinburgh, Swansea and Queens University Belfast, and an administrative data service at the University of Essex. This new network, which we are investing in, will give researchers access to a huge amount of data held within government departments. It will enable us to access confidential data in secure settings with the proper regard for confidentiality. So investment in those facilities, I hope, will be used by people in this room and the wider social science community to do further social science research.

    Meanwhile, a £5 million new facility at the Institute of Education called CLOSER (the Cohorts and Longitudinal Studies Enhance Resource) is giving researchers easy access to 9 of our most important longitudinal studies, including participants born as early as 1911 and as recently as 2007. They have already had significant impact through these studies, with interesting findings such as Heather Joshi finding that mothers working does not appear to have an impact on children’s development.

    Now, the next challenge we face on improving access to data is improving access to the raw data underlying new research. We’re implementing Janet Finch’s work on access to research findings. But behind that, there is the data that supports the research findings. Access to this is very important, and it’s important for lots of reasons. Some of you may have seen the piece in the Economist last week, about the challenge of non-replicability of results in science, which is a profound challenge to what we believe to be at the heart of the scientific enterprise. If you cannot replicate the results, on what basis can people have trust in science in the future? But if you do have to replicate the results, then you need to be able to access the original data on which the research was done. And there are significant technical challenges that we need to overcome to ensure proper access to data. I chair our Data Transparency Board, to try to work with the academic community to tackle those challenges.

    There is, for example, the problem with the rather unappealing name ‘link rot’. It sounds like a nasty disease from the trenches of the First World War or something. In fact it’s the name that refers to the experience of clicking on a URL reference in a paper and reading only an infuriating message saying ‘page not found’. And if that is the ultimate empirical basis for claims in an academic paper, if more and more of the references cannot be found, then that is a significant erosion of our academic research base. There has been some work done on link rot in the ‘Journal of the American Medical Association’, the ‘New England Journal of Medicine’, and ‘Science’ – 3 very prestigious titles which shows that there is 4% link rot after 3 months, 10% after 15 months and 13% after 22 months. So, we have to do better at data curation and the preservation of these types of supporting and link references. Ensuring that scientific enterprise can carry on with links in research articles that I’m sure people in this room have published remaining usable and viable in the future is a significant challenge for the Campaign for Social Science and the academic community more widely.

    Now actually, social scientists, this is all part of a wider challenge of ensuring that the data that you use is machine readable and accessible, and can be linked. And here, actually, where we are sort of researching what we should do to rise to this challenge, social scientists to your credit, actually have got significantly ahead of several other disciplines. The ESRC UK Data Archive costs about £3 million per annum to run and has about 24,000 users. It’s actually quite a centralised model, but it does collect and assemble large amounts of social science data, and it does mean that you have a reasonable facility in the social sciences for linking data from various different studies. Many other disciplines haven’t been able to achieve so much, but we do need to do more, and soon we will be launching our new cross government Data Capability Strategy, which will explore how we tackle all of these issues to make the most of the extraordinary amount of data now at our disposal. So, 1 of the challenges for the academic community is this issue of ensuring high quality maintenance of data and in forms that can be easily linked and machine readable.

    There’s another challenge as well, and that is that we must have properly qualified people to exploit and use the data. At present we have a serious shortage of social science graduates with the right quantitative skills to evaluate evidence and analyse data. This is actually a problem that is impacting on a whole range of university subjects across the board and it can be traced to what happens in schools. Only 16% of undergraduates studying subjects other than maths have an A-level in maths under their belt. Often they will have forgotten much of what they once knew, and they may well sadly not have confidence in their own abilities. The Advisory Committee on Maths Education estimate that, of those entering HE in any year, some 330,000 would benefit from recent experience of studying some mathematics (including statistics) at a level beyond GCSE, but fewer than 125,000 will actually have done so. That’s the scale of the challenge that we face. I’ve just come from a meeting with Liz Truss from the DfE, and she and Michael Gove are trying to ensure that everyone continues some level of mathematical study until the age of 18, because it is such a pervasive discipline that is so important for many other areas of research, including the social sciences.

    And in the social sciences I am thrilled that we now also have Q-Step – the £19.5 million programme designed to promote a step-change in quantitative social science training. Fifteen universities have been given funding to overhaul their teaching by the Nuffield Foundation, the ESRC and HEFCE. It’s a great initiative. We are expecting 50 new university-based teachers of maths as a result of this programme. The institutions involved will develop new courses, adapt the content of existing ones and experiment with new teaching methods. They will also set up work placements for students and encourage more students to go into postgraduate study. They will also do vital outreach work in schools. And there will be some of you who will have dealt in your university environment with perhaps a new student who’s passionate about trying to understand society and social change, maybe being very interested in social policy, maybe personally passionate about poverty. But if they haven’t done any maths since the age of 16, quite soon they will find that if they really want to understand the data, if they want to approach this empirically, they will need statistical and mathematical skills, otherwise they will simply not be able to live up to their potential as social scientists. And that’s why Q-Step is so important.

    It’s also why I attach great importance to the excellent work carried out by Sigma, the HEFCE-funded project led by Loughborough, Coventry and now Newman Universities, which has helped to establish approachable maths support services at institutions across the country. So if you are a social science student panicking when you suddenly find your self needing help with a daunting set of statistics, and trying to make sense of a regression analysis, Sigma provides user friendly mathematical guidance. I am delighted to announce today that HEFCE will be investing an additional £800,000 in this excellent network. This 3-year funding will be used to set up new maths support centres as well as boosting existing centres and practitioners. It will fund workshops and conferences focusing on effective teaching and learning support, and ensure that tens of thousands of students are able to get the most out of their university experience.

    So, there is a lot going on. We’re trying to invest in the research base, both with current spending and also with capital investment in things like the Birth Cohort Studies, we also attach a lot of importance to handing Big Data and have made new investments there in Administrative Data Networks. We further attach a lot of importance to helping individuals build up the skills they need in quantitative social science.

    Finally, James asked me to speculate on what the next significant social science challenges might be. So here are 3 or 4 issues that I care about, and where I still think that there is a lot of work to be done by the social sciences.

    First, I do think that generational equity is a key issue. This is a very important issue and almost every day when I’m looking up media comment on some issue or other, there this challenge of can we be confident that the younger generation are going to have the same opportunities as the older generation have enjoyed. And as you know, I wrote a book about this. Inter-generational equity is absolutely the kind of issue where the social sciences have a lot to contribute. Whilst doing my book, I was frustrated by the limited amount of data that I had available. Efforts are being made to improve that, but it’s an issue that has touched a chord and where more research is needed, as they say.

    The second issue relates more to my current responsibilities. I identified, drawing on expert advice, 8 great technologies where Britain had a comparative advantage. To understand that comparative advantage you often have to delve down into history or social change. You can become a complete technophile, excited 1 moment by advances in robotics or autonomous systems, or synthetic biology. But these technologies, all of them, will only be of significance if humans behave in such a way as to benefit from them, and if they’re set within a moral and cultural framework, which means that they are acceptable and don’t lead to scandal and hostility. So for robotics for example, the future is human-robot interaction. There are regulatory issues here, because robots can only be defined as machines and so all the modelling for the health and safety executives involves putting a machine in a cage with a fence and keep it apart from humans. So you have to go back to some quite fundamental issues in regulation when you say, well, the future is for the worker to have a co-worker that is a humanoid robot so how do we develop regulation to reflect that. And do we want to set challenges for a robot like we’re going to let you out on the Edgware Road and the first to get to Brixton wins a prize? So when you start thinking about those types of robots in society, there are massive issues in social science. So I go to events with some of these new technologies, and there are scientists from the physical sciences and there are technologists, but all of them need as well input from social scientists, moral philosophers and others.

    There are also fantastic opportunities for Smart Cities with the internet of things, as the next stage is for us not to just be communicating through our mobiles, but through many other instruments and devices. For example the car recording where it is and how much energy it’s using to move, the fridge reporting how much energy it’s using, our movements being recorded and reported. That is potentially a massive amount of data that can be used to enable cities to function better. But what are the limits to the use of that data? How can they be used to inform better social policy? Again, these are big social science issues. So, 1 of my personal resolutions is to try to make better connections between these technological advances and social science.

    Third, there is a profound debate going on about the structure and assumptions of economics. You’re allowed to use simplifying assumptions in disciplines – no discipline can capture the whole complexity of reality on its own. But the work of the nudge theorists Richard Thaler and Carl Sunstein as well as the influence of Richard Layard in getting us to think about happiness and wellbeing and Daniel Kahneman who won the Nobel prize for economics, though his original discipline is of course as a psychologist, tells us something. It tells us about how the world is changing, tell us that the intellectual foundations for economics are changing rapidly, and I think it’s very important that British thinkers, economists and other social scientists play a role in that.

    Fourth and finally in my list is risk and hazard. Attitudes to risk often confuse it with hazard, and in turn, how we handle uncertainty. If there’s a principle, and you come across quite a few principles that people throw at you, if there’s a principle that I find harder to understand, more ambivalent, more subject to an extraordinary diversity of interpretation than anything else, it’s the precautionary principle. It is often cited but it would be very hard to describe it in a way that people would share and recognise. This is another area where there are extraordinary advances in physical sciences and technology, but some kind of lucid attempts to understand what public attitudes are to risk, hazard and uncertainty, and how we feed those in to decision taking, would be very valuable.

    So I have tried to end in the style which is academic, of identifying a programme in which further research is needed! Thank you very much indeed.

  • David Willetts – 2013 Conservative Party Conference Speech

    davidwilletts

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Willetts at the 2013 Conservative Party Conference in Manchester.

    Our economy is on the mend because George Osborne has stuck to his plan, through thick and thin. Yet again Conservatives are sorting out an appalling mess left by Labour. But we are not just trying to get the patient off the sick bed – we want our economy to be stronger and fitter than ever. We have taken tough decisions to save on waste and welfare in order to invest in the future.

    That is why we have protected spending on science. Labour’s irresponsible plan to deal with their crisis in public finances was to cut capital spending in half. Step by step we have reversed those cuts. And now we have a long-term plan to increase investment – the most ambitious for decades. Over a billion pounds a year will be invested in new labs and facilities, year after year, to 2020. Conservatives are backing British science and technology.

    It is how we are going to thrive in the global race. Sometimes it literally is a race – and Britain is of course the home of Formula One motor racing. The teams monitor each car and driver second by second during a race. Imagine that the NHS could monitor the condition of a patient in intensive care as effectively. McLaren are working with Birmingham Children’s Hospital to do just that. Putting enterprise at the service of sick children.

    Another global race is the space race. We do not have massive rockets or a massive budget; instead we have to get our satellites into space cheaply and efficiently. Did you know that we make almost half of the world’s small satellites? Many are from Surrey Satellites, a spin-out from the University of Surrey. We have one of the world’s most entrepreneurial and nimble space industries, growing at almost 10% a year, as fast as the Chinese economy. Now we are going to have a British astronaut in the space station – Major Tim Peake. So it will be ground control to Major Tim.

    Everyone’s ambition is to have a fully reusable spacecraft, ending our reliance on rocket launches. It is a British engineer, Alan Bond, who has cracked that challenge. His engine doesn’t carry the oxygen to burn the fuel, instead it takes air from the atmosphere as you fly and cools it down to mix with the fuel. To do that he has developed the world’s most efficient heat exchanger. That really is rocket science. It cools air from 1,000 degrees Centigrade to minus 150 degrees in one hundredth of a second. That really is cool. The only other way I know to make things so frosty so quickly is getting Vince Cable and Theresa together to talk about migration.

    The global race is not just about speed, it’s about being smart and nimble too. We make the world’s smallest, most affordable computer – called Raspberry Pi. In fact the conference session is being run off a Raspberry Pi.  The millionth has just been produced in South Wales, bringing an old factory back to life.

    Who says we don’t make things in Britain any more? We make satellites and computers, cars and diggers, airplane wings and engines. Last year we ran a trade surplus in cars for the first time since Red Robbo decimated our car industry. That is the march of the makers.

    And it’s not just things – it’s the smart programmes behind them. We might not make the most powerful computers but we write the smartest software to get a result with fewer calculations. So we have the world’s most energy efficient computers. And the processing system inside almost every mobile phone and tablet is designed by a company started in Cambridge thirty years ago. Now ARM is worth over £13 billion. Tech City in London is Europe’s start-up capital. Over a thousand new companies have been created or moved there since David Cameron backed it. That’s the spirit of enterprise, thriving in Britain again.

    Of course we must always leave room for our scientists to pursue their own ideas, like the scientist in Newcastle University wondering how locusts manage to fly in such dense swarms without colliding. So she analysed locust brains to see how they worked. Now she is going to sell her anti-collision software to the car industry.

    Scientists here in Manchester used sticky tape to pull thin layers of material off a block of graphite until eventually they discovered graphene, one atom thick and 200 times stronger than steel. It is brilliant science with just a hint of Blue Peter. They got the Nobel prize for that in 2010 and two years ago in this very hall George backed them with £50 million. Now they are building a world-class lab – I was there this morning shovelling cement. I do a lot of that as Science Minister. The world’s researchers are beating a path to Manchester and I can announce today that Manchester will host Europe’s leading science conference – here in this hall – in 2016. We can be proud of having so many of the world’s great universities here in Britain.

    We have been leading the world in life sciences ever since Watson and Crick discovered the structure of DNA. A quarter of the world’s leading drugs come from Britain. The patent box, part of our life science strategy, is attracting more investment to Britain. We got one billion pounds of commercial investment in biosciences last year. Now David Cameron has set the challenge of sequencing the genomes of 100,000 NHS patients. No other country has set such an ambition. We are putting science at the service of patients.

    Our aim is for Britain to be the best place in the world to do science. That is the challenge Brian Cox has set and, Brian, we are up for that. But to achieve that we must invest long term and get the next generation doing science and engineering. That means girls as well as boys.

    We are not going to win in the global race if we waste the talents of half the British people. The proportion of engineers who are women is one of the lowest in Europe and we’ve got to raise our game. That is why we support the ambition to double the proportion of engineering degrees taken by women.

    Today I can announce two initiatives to help us achieve that. We will extend fee loans to part time students of engineering, technology, and computer science who already have a degree in a different discipline. And we will invest £200 million in new teaching facilities for science and engineering in our universities. Universities will have to match it with private money. So that makes £400 million of investment so that students can be taught on the latest equipment ready for the world of work. That is our commitment to working with universities and business to help win the global race.

    Of course we can be proud of our past achievements. But even more important. With solid long-term funding for great British science, we can be confident in our future too.

  • David Willetts – 2013 Speech on Higher Education

    davidwilletts

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister for Universities and Science, David Willetts, at Imperial College on 18th April 2013.

    You don’t need me to tell you that this year has seen major changes in higher education.

    There have been important gains from our reforms – with the quality of the student experience brought to the fore together with more cash going to our universities for teaching.

    But I recognise it has also been a year of uncertainty.

    LANGLANDS/MELVILLE-ROSS

    I have always wanted universities to emerge from the reform process stronger, with students better served. That has been the vision, too, of Alan Langlands. He has been a rock of stability amidst so much change. I am sorry he is leaving HEFCE, but I quite understand the reasons for his moving to be vice chancellor at Leeds University, particularly given his close personal connections with the area.

    Alan has been an absolutely first-class head of HEFCE. It is, of course, heir to the old University Grants Committee – a body that also had to wrestle with cuts in public spending in its time.

    During the economic crisis of 1931, the Chairman of the UGC, Sir Walter Moberley, received a telegram from the Treasury while shooting grouse in Scotland. It informed him that his grant for that year was to be reduced. From the moor he telegrammed back that such a thing was unthinkable and the most he would forego was a modest reserve built up from previous years for future development. He won.

    So there is a long tradition of strong leaders of the funding councils and I am sure I speak for every one of us here today when I say how grateful we all are to Alan and how we wish him well.

    Given the importance of stability at HEFCE, I am delighted to announce that Tim Melville Ross has agreed to extend his time as chair until 2016. We all value his courtesy and wisdom. He will be an important figure of continuity.

    ROBBINS

    The rest of this year will bring to the fore the name of another great public servant – Lionel Robbins. His report on higher education was published in October 1963 and immediately accepted by the then Conservative Government. His two researchers, Claus Moser and Richard Layard, are both still with us and it is fitting that the institution they have all served, the LSE, will be holding a conference to mark the fiftieth anniversary. So will the Institute of Education. I expect there will be others too.

    The Robbins Report is up there with Beveridge and Butler as one of the great founding documents of the modern welfare state. So I have been re-reading it and have been struck by the parallels with some of the big questions we face today – and by some of the differences.

    Robbins does not worry much about money – it gets 17 out of 276 pages. I am always told how much more civilised things were then, compared with today’s policy documents which focus on such awkward utilitarian questions. Robbins does briefly flirt with the idea of student loans, though as an idea for “ future experiment”. He didn’t have to focus on finance because the financial model had largely been set three years earlier by Sir Colin Anderson, in a report that paved the way for the introduction of a national student support system in 1962. And one of the reasons we are also celebrating this year the fiftieth anniversary of some of our leading universities – Bath, Lancaster, Loughborough, Surrey, Sussex, Warwick and York – is that the plans for expansion had already been put in place.

    FUNDING AND FLEXIBILITIES

    This Government did not have the luxury of avoiding financial issues. We had to confront tricky financial questions and I am confident that, in the circumstances, we got the tough decisions right. We have increased the cash going to universities for teaching, while avoiding up-front fees for students and reducing costs to the taxpayer.

    We have also removed many number controls, making choice real, and getting a better match between students and institutions. By this Autumn, we will have freed from number controls new full-time students with ABB or equivalent grades. That is a third – around 120,000 – of full time students. All part-time places continue to be exempt from number controls. More school leavers than ever before are getting on to their first choice course.

    I have now asked HEFCE to consider the best way to deliver further flexibility for 2014/15 – in line with our white paper commitment that ‘the share of places liberated from number controls altogether rises year on year”.

    For 2014/15, we will continue to increase student choice and to enable popular institutions to expand. HEFCE will soon be consulting on a flexible and dynamic way of responding to demand from students who can’t benefit from the current freedoms for those with a high tariff of ABB or above. We want greater freedoms and flexibilities for all institutions, not just those with high-tariff students. 2014-15 will be a step towards that.

    Where student demand is low and institutions significantly under-recruit then unfilled places will be moved to those with stronger recruitment patterns. This will give greater flexibility to all institutions. It will remove some of the fear of penalties for over-recruitment and provide a sustainable means of matching supply with demand. Combined with the current ABB+ measure, this will allow for dynamism across the whole sector. It will allow all students more choice about where to study, not just those who achieve a certain attainment level – truly putting students at the heart of the system.

    THE VALUE OF HIGHER EDUCATION

    One line of criticism is that our policies rest on a belief that there are only private returns to our universities and we do not understand their public value.

    This is misconceived.

    We fully understand that the value of universities comes in many forms. There is of course a public value to university and that is reflected in the substantial public support we still offer.

    We cover the extra teaching costs of high-cost subjects. We quite rightly pay for that element of loans which we do not expect to be repaid. And we provide students with loans and grants for maintenance, which are higher than in many other countries. But there are also private gains too, which is why it is fair to expect graduates to pay back as well. Our reforms rebalance support so that the contribution from graduates goes up from 40 per cent of the total cost to 60 per cent. The contribution from taxpayers falls commensurately. But taxpayers will still pay for 40 per cent of the cost of a degree.

    Higher education is also very likely to boost your earnings – and if anything, that boost is sustained even during these tough times, as employers look for more qualified staff. And this boost to earnings (of over £100,000 net of tax over a lifetime compared to an A level student) is not just a boost for the individual. It also means there is a boost to long term economic growth and the tax base, as graduates pay more tax too. Exactly the sort of argument my friends in the Treasury are interested in at the moment.

    These public and private returns are not just economic but there are also wider social and cultural gains too. You can think of these different benefits as comprising a quadrant of public and private; economic and social. Each of the four boxes is full of good things which universities do.

    Going to university increases the chances that you will vote and appears to make you more tolerant. It improves your life expectancy. You are less likely to be depressed, less likely to be obese and more likely to be healthy. These are benefits for individuals and for society. That is what you would expect from such inherently worthwhile institutions as universities.

    And all these different types of benefit look to be as important as ever. The pessimism that somehow higher education is not as valuable as it once was is plain wrong.

    Economists assess all these different types of benefit and put figures on all of them. That is what economists do, to try to make everything commensurable with everything else. But non-economists do not have to think like that if you do not wish to. If you feel that economic calculation is too reductionist a way of measuring the value of a university then you can just assert that higher education is profoundly worthwhile in itself. We understand that. But universities do have a host of practical benefits and we should not argue ourselves into the absurd position where assessing and measuring these is seen as somehow betraying the true value of the university.

    Universities are for example important for their local economies. Tim Wilson produced an excellent report on this, one outcome of which was an improved regime for sandwich courses. Now we have asked Andrew Witty to bring the threads together. He wants to see universities at the heart of local clusters of economic growth. We are fortunate that one of our leading businessmen, who is also chancellor of Nottingham, is willing to focus on this crucial issue.

    Through the UK Research Partnership Investment Fund, we are securing over £1bn investment in R&D collaborations between universities, businesses and charities – enhancing university research infrastructure and building strategic partnerships between universities and the private sector which will help support long-term economic growth. 14 projects were announced in the Autumn – with more to come later this year. In addition, the university research base will also benefit from £600m additional research capital allocations announced in the Autumn Statement supporting the “8 Great Technologies”.

    In these tight times it is essential that we think creatively about capital support to develop HE infrastructure. So last year the Government announced the UK Guarantee Scheme. It is a very flexible financial instrument to support investment plans and I would urge you to make good use of it. The door is open at Infrastructure UK to help you assess whether guarantees are right for your institution.

    COMMUNICATIONS AND ACCESS

    Last year, I said it would be a tragedy if anybody were put off from applying for university by the mistaken belief that somehow they had to pay and could not afford it. But it would also be a tragedy if they were put off by the belief that going to university was useless or pointless. And students from poorer backgrounds may be particularly susceptible to arguments that there is no point in going to university.

    For many people it is one of the most transformational experiences of their lives. We all need to communicate this. Many university applicants come from families with a history of attending higher education, or are at schools with successful records in sending people to a university. But other applicants are in the dark about the differences between different institutions, different courses and different options. That is why we launched the Key Information Set last year, so that people have access to comparable data on costs, courses and employability.

    It is working well, with 3.6 million website hits so far, and many more on partner sites. But I want to go further in making the system work better. We need to communicate the diversity of the higher education sector to individuals much earlier in the process, not just after they have submitted their UCAS form. New research from the United States by Caroline Hoxby shows that simply posting a pack of information to low-income students with high SAT scores raises the proportion who go to a college closely matching their qualifications from 30 per cent to 54 per cent.

    I am now working with DfE to see whether we can better target information at pupils from poorer backgrounds who have done well at their GCSEs. This is tricky terrain. With today’s sensitivities about data protection, it is hard for ministers to drop a line directly to Joe or Gemma congratulating them on their exam results and urging them to think about going to university. But perhaps we can write to the head teachers with a message to pass on.

    We are not going to start telling people where to apply. But I want to work with you so that we can go further in ensuring that students know where to look for the information that will help them make the right decision for them – about the range of universities and the support available. Nicola Dandridge has agreed to work with us on what such information might say.

    We have just had the highest rate ever of applications for university from the most disadvantaged quintile. In 2004 it was a scandalous 11 per cent application rate. Now it is up to a barely respectable 19.5 per cent compared with 54 per cent from the most advantaged quintile. I do not believe that just because you come from a poor family you are less suited to go to university. Nor do I believe that if you have had the misfortune of poor quality schooling this should ever bar you from higher education – the evidence is that university can transcend previous disadvantages.

    Universities also need to be confident that they will gain credit for their outreach activity even when the young person chooses another university. With 3,000 secondary schools in England, and over a hundred universities, the number of potential links between them is very large indeed. Again, we have asked HEFCE and OFFA to advise on this. We are asking them to consider if we need some kind of simple infrastructure. It might be a small team of dedicated people to engage with schools and colleges and ensure their pupils get access to the right outreach activities for them. It could ensure some schools don’t fall between the cracks whilst others get a surfeit of attention.

    An important part of that will be recognising when one university succeeds in helping someone reach a different university, perhaps one that suits them better. Currently, the spillover benefits of excellent widening participation initiatives – such as Queen Mary’s ‘Centre for the Cell’ on the Whitechapel Road – are not recognised. I want to see the right incentives in place for more such initiatives. Collaboration is as important as competition.

    With so much money going in to so many different initiatives, there is an opportunity for OFFA and HEFCE to assess what works and what doesn’t. Access budgets, are growing massively. They are up from £550 million last year to £740 million this year and are expected to reach £920 million in 2014-15. We must ensure this surge in spending is used effectively. As this research comes in we can expect universities to act on it.

    A LEVEL REFORM

    University engagement with schools can come in many forms. As well as your mainstream access activities you might be sponsoring an academy or a University Technical College. There are also historic links through university involvement in A levels. I hope many of you will be contributing to the university input into the content of the new exams which Ofqual and Awarding Organisations will be developing. Perhaps I can offer one piece of advice, which comes straight from Robbins. Robbins was particularly worried about the perils of specialisation. It comes up time and again in his great report. He feared that English schools were forcing students to specialise too soon and blamed universities for this.

    We all understand the problem. Ask a group of university physicists about 18 year-olds’ knowledge of physics and they will be shocked at how limited it is and demand more. The same goes for the historians. For each specific discipline, the pressure from academics can easily be for more specialised knowledge sooner. And as universities control their own admissions in this country – quite rightly – their power can shape the way schools structure subject choices after GCSEs. But we cannot just let each subject discipline shape its own A level without looking at the wider requirement for university students with a breadth of understanding and knowledge: scientists with a knowledge of history; historians who can do some maths; mathematicians with a foreign language. I know that Michael Gove with his broad Scottish education recognises the importance of this point.

    So, to everyone who believes in the civilising role of the university in this the fiftieth year of Robbins, I say that the role of universities in A levels reform is an opportunity to advance the cause of a broad liberal education.

    TEACHING /TRAC

    We are now seeing the biggest cultural shift in our universities for a generation as teaching is brought back centre-stage. This will mean changes to teaching practices and enabling staff to work more flexibly to meet student demand.

    Better information about what is going on is crucial. I know many of you shudder at the information requirements placed on you but it is interesting how attached universities have come to the TRAC system.

    HEFCE consulted on the future of TRAC and there was a strong argument from institutions to retain it. However, today I can confirm they will simplify the requirements so as to reduce the burdens on you by up to 20 per cent.

    And let’s make good use of information. I want to see students provided with clear information about where their money goes and what they are getting for their fees, rather like those pie charts you get from your council explaining how your council tax has been spent. When I was in Opposition, we said that the test of any changes in financing higher education should be whether students gained from them. That remains my test.

    Trying to pin down the quality of teaching is a difficult exercise. One approach is to try to measure the cognitive gains made by students during their courses. After all, universities are supposed to train the mind, so if you survey students when they arrive to assess how well, for example, they comprehend a complex argument and then measure them again when they leave, one might hope to see a clear improvement. Academically Adrift, the book by Arum & Roksa, tried such a measure in the US and got disappointingly modest returns. They found that “45% of students did not demonstrate any significant improvement in learning during their first two years of college”. I recognise that there is quite a lively debate about their methodology, response rates, the instruments used and interpretation.

    The OECD has recently tried to develop an approach to measuring learning outcomes from HE which would be meaningful across different institutions and countries with its Assessment of HE Learning Outcomes (AHELO) feasibility study. The aim is to have a university equivalent of its PISA survey for 15 year-olds or the recently launched assessment of adult skills. Early reports suggest that they too have found the methodological problems hugely challenging.

    A different approach has been proposed by the estimable Graham Gibbs in his work ‘Dimensions of Quality’ and the follow-up report. He argues that student engagement in learning is a good proxy for how well students are learning.

    Engagement can be measured by a range of indicators including class/cohort size (which he attaches more importance to than contact hours); who does the teaching; close contact with lecturers; effective feedback on assessments; and student effort.

    These are different indicators from those we have in our Key Information Set. The KIS has been constructed to reflect what current students say they want to know. Nevertheless, I hope we can continue to reform the wider information landscape to take account of Gibbs’ important findings. Of course, these are more complex factors to communicate. But I challenge the sector to develop a coherent and common presentation of these key factors so that students can easily access them on institutional websites.

    CONCLUSION

    So today I have announced: * further liberalisation on student number controls for 2014/15 to benefit the full range of students and institutions; * joint work with the Department for Education on direct communication about higher education to students who have done well in their GCSEs; * a welcome for the role universities are taking on A-Level reform, while encouraging you not to press for even more specialisation earlier; * a further reduction in the burdens on institutions, with a 20 per cent reduction in TRAC requirements; and * a commitment to make progress on supplementing the Key Information Set with information on where students’ fees are going and fresh measures on student engagement in line with Graham Gibbs’s work.

    I am confident we can work together to achieve this. As always, Hefce have played a crucial role for which I am very grateful. Overall this has been a strong year for the sector and HEFCE as the reforms have come into effect. I am confident that we now have a stronger HE system, with students better served.

  • David Willetts – 2013 Speech at the Policy Exchange

    davidwilletts

    Below is the text of a speech made by David Willetts at the Policy Exchange on 24th January 2013.

    In January last year I spoke at Policy Exchange about the importance of a high tech industrial strategy. There is a lot that government can and must do to drive the development of key general purpose technologies. Today I can update you on the progress we are making and announce where we’re providing more funding for these key technologies.

    Vince Cable set out in an important speech in September 2012 our approach to industrial strategy. It is a long term approach across the whole of government, to give business the confidence to invest and grow. We are taking action to make this happen. Technologies and the broader research which underpins their development is a fundamental part of our approach to industrial strategy. Today I can set out new decisions to drive this forward.

    We are fortunate to have a very broad science and research base. Indeed there is no other medium sized economy which has anything like our range of world class research activity. This is clearly demonstrated in the Research Council impact reports that are being published today. The reports illustrate the value to the economy and to society of the funding that we provide for science and research every year.

    It is not just the Nobel prizes, the winners of the Fields medal and the world famous professors. Whenever there is a crisis, a civil war, or a coup d’état anywhere in the world we are likely to have a historian who has some understanding of the background, anthropologists who know the culture, and someone who can speak the language. This is an extraordinary privilege which we must not take for granted: citizens of very few other countries have such a wide open window on the world. The very range of what we do is one of our greatest assets, especially as great technological and scientific advances depend on breaking down the conventional barriers between disciplines.

    We have the extraordinary advantage of being the only medium-size country that has such a range of scientific activities. We have world class scientific institutes and research intensive universities. This includes humanities and social sciences. It is not just STEM it is STEAM – Science Technology Engineering Arts and Maths. Reed Elsevier’s 2011 review of the comparative performance of the UK Research Base identifies ‘over four hundred niche areas of research in which the UK is distinctively strong’.

    One of the main aims of our science policy is to maintain that breadth and not to find ourselves forced to trade off being world class in life sciences or history or physics. We do not direct our scientific and research community into particular research projects. Instead our science community rightly enjoys extraordinary autonomy as funding is largely allocated on the principle of excellence determined by academic peer review. This is the first pillar for our science and innovation policy.

    There is a second pillar too. After the failure of the economic interventionism of the 1970s and the triumph of the liberal revolution in economic policy of the 1980s we are wary of Government trying to pick winners. In so far as government can raise the growth rate we tend therefore to focus on measures which apply across the economy as a whole – deregulation or lower corporate taxes or ease of setting up a business. We perform well on many of these measures – the UK is already ranked 2nd in the G7 for ease of doing business. Until recently we have tended to favour these so- called ‘horizontal’ measures rather than ‘vertical’ ones which focus on particular sectors.

    Put the breadth of our science base together with the dominant intellectual climate and you get classic British policy on science and technology. We finance a broad range of research selected by fellow scientists on the basis of its excellence. The government is working hard at tearing down the barriers to the smooth functioning of a modern market economy. Strong science and flexible markets is a good combination of policies. But, like patriotism, it is not enough. It misses out crucial stuff in the middle – real decisions on backing key technologies on their journey from the lab to the marketplace. It is the missing third pillar to any successful high tech strategy. It is R&D and technology and engineering as distinct from pure science. It is our historic failure to back this which lies behind the familiar problems of the so-called ‘valley of death’ between scientific discoveries and commercial applications. Also, as we shall see, it helps to explain our belief that we lack a culture of risk-taking.

    We are living now with the long-term consequences of the failure to have a policy backing these key technologies. Look at the business sectors where we are strong – creative industries, financial services, construction, new web-based services. They all share a crucial feature. They are all areas without capital-intensive R&D. So paradoxically the very aversion to backing particular technologies with R&D has itself contributed to a change in the structure of the British economy – an economy which innovates but does not do as much R&D as many of our competitors.

    Focusing on R&D and on particular technologies is not the same as picking winners, which notoriously became losers picking the pockets of tax payers. It is not backing particular businesses. Instead we are focusing on big general purpose technologies. Each one has implications potentially so significant that they stretch way beyond any one particular industrial sector. Information Technology has transformed retailing for example. Satellite services could deliver precision agriculture.

    This is where we face the valley of death. It is after the pure science and before the usual process of individual companies developing particular products and processes. It is R&D. It is also where the British government used to play a crucial role, supporting the military industrial complex of the twentieth century ‘warfare state’ described by David Edgerton.

    It is also what the US still does far more than we do. It is hard to see because you have to look behind the American rhetoric of limited government. Moreover the scale of federal and state activity is hidden because it is divided up between several different agencies. The rationale is often military and security in its broadest sense. There are other reasons too: after President Bush banned federal funds for stem cell therapies, California voted for $3 billion of funding for it in a referendum. I have visited their research funding body and it will not just fund pure research but also help on the new processes needed to manufacture these therapies and use them to treat patients.

    Our research councils tend to focus on more upstream research whereas in the US, Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), the National Institutes for Health and the Department of Energy go further downstream closer to market. Sometimes our approach can look like mother birds pushing their fledglings out of the nest but with too many falling to the forest floor to be eaten by foxes. We think our problem is that we lack the same willingness to take risk as in America. But often we were expecting companies to step in earlier, taking more risk than in the US or elsewhere.

    The Technology Strategy Board is a crucial but underestimated institution which can help plug that gap. It is working more closely than ever before with our Research Councils to get more sustained support from blue skies research to closer to commercialisation. As part of our life sciences strategy we set up a Biomedical Catalyst worth £180 million split 50/50 between the Medical Research Council and the Technology Strategy Board (TSB) to take new medical innovations closer to practical application. Already this scheme is a real success. I am keen to repeat this model elsewhere. Yesterday, I announced a £25 million catalyst fund for Industrial Biotechnology and Bio Energy, linking the Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC) and the TSB.

    The US does other things on a far more ambitious scale than us. They are more imaginative and bold in the use of procurement for example. Their support for innovative small businesses with Ronald Reagan’s Small Business Research Initiative is on a scale far greater than ours. Where government has a big role such as in medicine or security they harness that. The US Orphan Drugs Programme for example provides strong incentives for drug development. DARPA rests on the assumption that US security depends on harnessing key new technologies and they do that not just with research support but with contracts that are offered for new products at a very early stage. Indeed Silicon Valley originally grew on the back of contracts from the military for computers and IT.

    Just showing that they do it in US doesn’t prove the point on its own. There are perhaps four specific objections which we need to address.

    First, we have to accept we make mistakes. We do not have perfect foresight. Some of the technologies for which we have high hopes today will turn out to be clunkers tomorrow. That is because this is all about taking risk – if the risk was much lower then we could indeed leave it to straightforward business decisions. But we do have a wide range of expertise to help us understand scientific and technological trends and we have set out our thinking more openly than ever before. Indeed that is why I am releasing today my pamphlet describing eight great technologies.

    Secondly we are told that the high tech sector is small and the real big commercial issues are elsewhere. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) defines sectors as high tech if they devote more than four per cent of turnover to R&D. This is a demanding test. And companies or sectors which do this are unusual. But they can develop technologies which then go mainstream and have a massive impact way beyond any specific sector. These new technologies may be absorbed by business sectors that themselves do little R&D but are nevertheless transformed.

    Thirdly there is the danger incumbents get the support not the insurgents. New small businesses are crucial and we have a range of programs specifically aimed at promoting them. But the fact is that lot of the R&D spend is in big business. Indeed our shortage of big primes at the top of the supply chain is one of our key industrial weaknesses. So big business does matter. Where we do have key primes – as in automotive, aerospace or life science, they themselves can be protectors of small business as they maintain a supply chain.

    Moreover they may not have a cushy time. These new technologies are often deeply destabilising. They are a challenge to traditional businesses which find themselves having to adjust to the arrival of new technologies which disrupt what they do. The ones that survive have to move way beyond their traditional technologies and sectors. There is an interesting trend of patents being taken out for technologies which go way beyond the traditional activities of a business – the automotive sector taking out more patents in IT for example as it becomes crucial to the performance of a car.

    Finally there is the fear politicians are always seduced by baubles. We go for glitzy new projects rather than what has real potential. That is why it is important we draw on expert advice which has to be more transparent than ever. The pamphlet which I am publishing today identifies eight great technologies. It is not my personal view. It distills work done by experts in the Research Councils, the Technology Strategy Board and foresight exercises conducted by the Government Office for Science. We have published their reports. In an important speech to the Royal Society last November George Osborne listed them and asked if people agreed with them. By and large our analysis has been accepted.

    In the past I have drawn on the well recognised American account of four major technological advances – Bio, Nano, Info and Carbo or BNIC for short. It gives us extra confidence in the analysis behind the eight great technologies that they fit into these categories. The first three on our list of eight technologies are broadly information technologies. Then the discovery that biological data is digital moves us on to Bio. Advanced material design often involves nano technology. And our final technology is, in large part, about reducing carbon in our energy supplies.

    As well as identifying these great technologies today I can set out more fully than ever before what Government is doing to back them. We are systematically working through all eight to ensure they are properly supported.

    There are some basic steps we can take using the convening power of government. So here is Industrial Strategy 101. You set up a leadership council probably co-chaired by a BIS minister and a senior industry figure in which researchers, businesses, perhaps regulators and major public purchasers come together. You use it to get them talking to each other confidently and frankly. Then that group might commission a trusted expert to prepare a technology road map which assesses where the relevant technologies are heading over the next five years or so, where publicly funded research is going, and what business is likely to do. Just this exercise, before any increase in public funding, can transform behaviour. Some of the big companies for example might have a HQ abroad and it means their managers here and also BIS ministers can show to them what we are doing and encourage more investment here. It can encourage businesses sitting on piles of cash to invest when they see how it fits in alongside investment we are committed to putting in. You might go further and find that if the government puts some money up front it can get co-investment by others. You might find some key regulations which need to be eased, or perhaps the opposite and some need to be even introduced to help give confidence a new technology can safely be adopted. Government might be more open about its procurement plans than before and more willing to go for an innovative use of a new technology not settling for the tried and tested. But crucially you have a vehicle for making this happen and building mutual trust. The quality of links between business, the research community and government is itself a source of comparative advantage in the modern world.

    Let me now very briefly review progress on each of these eight key technologies. They will be backed further by the decisions I am announcing today on the allocation of an extra £600 million of funding. This investment in science and technology, announced by George Osborne in the Autumn Statement, is additional to the ring-fenced science budget.

    1. Big data

    The power of computing and data handling is now becoming so great that classic distinctions between micro and macro effects are breaking down. We are reaching the stage of being able to model airflow across a turbine blade or the movement of a liquid through a tube at the molecular level. Computer modelling of an economy, a substance or a process is therefore becoming very different and far more sophisticated than it was even a decade ago. The importance of these developments is being recognised around the world. I note that I am giving this speech on the same date as the Data Innovation Day in the US.

    We have set up the e-infrastructure leadership council co chaired by Dominic Tildesley, formerly a senior business executive from Unilever, and myself. We share with industry our plans for research funding so as to encourage co-investment by them. We are seeing the benefits already with companies such as IBM, Cisco and Intel making a number of investments into the UK. Business will invest more as they see us invest more in computational infrastructure to capture and analyse data flows released by the open data revolution.

    The government invested an extra £150 million in e-Infrastructure in October 2011. This has been followed by a further allocation of an extra £189 million in the Autumn Statement. This will be invested over the next two years in key areas such as: bioinformatics and environmental monitoring.

    Our investment in data has also ensured we maintain our leadership in social science. We have invested £23.5 million in the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC)–led life study, the most ambitious birth cohort study yet, which will track 100,000 children from birth. The reason it is so ambitious is that it will also link genetic data, environmental data and educational outcome data.

    2. Space

    The UK is once more seen as a leading space science nation. Companies have focussed on making satellite technology more affordable with smaller, lighter-weight satellites that lower the cost of commercial launches. Surrey Satellites Technologies (SSTL), one of the UK’s single most successful university spin-outs, is the world leader in high-performance small satellites. Roughly 40 per cent of the world’s small satellites come from Guildford – and now even smaller nano-satellites are coming from SSTL and Clydespace in Glasgow.

    The Space Leadership Council is co-chaired by an industry executive and myself. The Coalition has made a series of significant investments in space over the past two years, and these investments have given the industry confidence to invest more for the future. Every major public sector investment has triggered commercial investments several times greater. We have also set up a Satellite Applications Catapult at Harwell.

    In March 2011 we launched a £10m National Space Technology Programme in the UK and this original programme attracted £17 million in matched funding from institutional and industry investors. Early analysis suggests the return to the economy from this investment of £10 million will be between £50 million and £75 million.

    Today I can announce that as a result of the Autumn Statement the Government will be investing an extra £25 million in the further implementation of the technology vision through Phase-2 of the National Space Technology Programme. This £25 million of further investment will meet un-met demand as many excellent projects were not supported in the first phase.

    3. Robotics and autonomous systems

    The UK has some distinctive strengths in this area, going back yet again to our abilities in software programming and data handling. Effective handling of data from a range of sources is key to autonomous systems and we have real skills here. It was an extraordinary feat of engineering to land NASA’s Curiosity probe on Mars last year. Its Mars Rover vehicle is however largely controlled from Earth with a delay of at least seven minutes as instructions travel to Mars. The European Mars Rover vehicle, due to land in 2018, is more autonomous, using mainly British technology to enable it to travel further during the Martian day and therefore carry out more investigations during its design life.

    The Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council funds much of the research on robotics. It has so many different applications across different industrial sectors that the R&D effort is fragmented. There is also no single leading major industrial prime leading the development of the technology. In October 2012 I convened a meeting of key experts on robotics and autonomous systems at the Royal Academy of Engineering to discuss what more could be done to promote this important general purpose technology. The discussion showed the need to bring greater coordination of this research. The Technology Strategy Board is now creating a Special Interest Group on Robotics and Autonomous Systems which will shortly produce an outline technology road map to promote future investment. The participants in last October’s meeting also proposed academic centres of excellence that would both conduct basic research but also translate it for commercial application. For this reason I am announcing an investment of an extra £35 million for centres of excellence in Robotics & Autonomous Systems. They will be created in and around universities, innovation centres, science parks and enterprise sites and provide bespoke support for both university and industrial interests. Support from these centres of excellence will provide the missing link between our SMEs and primes in this technology area. They will be hubs of technical expertise and training, providing cutting edge facilities and opportunities for business networking.

    In addition, the Technology Strategy Board will invest up to £1 million in feasibility studies to accelerate the development of novel robotics and autonomous systems concepts towards technology demonstration in multiple sectors. They will launch the competition in February.

    4. Synthetic biology

    Many of the critical discoveries related to DNA were made in Britain, in perhaps the world’s greatest post-War research institute – the MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology in Cambridge. It is not just the original discovery of the structure of DNA by Watson and Crick, drawing on work by Rosalind Franklin and Maurice Wilkins.

    More recently researchers funded by EPSRC, have successfully demonstrated that they can build some of the basic components for digital devices out of bacteria and DNA, which could pave the way for a new generation of biological computing devices. The researchers, from Imperial College London, have demonstrated that they can build logic gates or switches, which are used for processing information in devices such as computers and microprocessors, out of harmless gut bacteria and DNA. Although still a long way off, the team suggests that these biological logic gates or switches could one day form the building blocks in microscopic biological computers.

    We produced a synthetic biology road map last year and a new Synthetic Biology Council has been established to ensure this road map is delivered. I co-chair it with Lionel Clarke, a senior executive from Shell.

    We are making a series of investments in research in synthetic biology. The UK Research Councils and the Technology Strategy Board are spending over £90 million on world leading synthetic biology research and commercialisation including £20m announced by the Chancellor last November. We announced as part of our Life science strategy one year on that a further £50 million will be invested in synthetic biology as part of the subsequent Autumn Statement settlement. This will be used to support implementation of key recommendations from the UK Synthetic Biology roadmap, including establishing multidisciplinary research centres as well as a seed fund to support start-up companies and ‘pre-companies’.

    We also announced that we are investing £38 million in a National Biologics Industry Innovation Centre. This investment will allow the development of a large scale facility for the manufacture of biologically produced medicines such as antibodies and vaccines.

    At present no major pharmaceutical companies manufacture significant quantities of biologics in the UK so this centre will fill a gap in biologic manufacturing capability and strengthen the UK’s case as the location of choice for internationally mobile life sciences companies.

    The centre will be managed by the Centre for Process Innovation (CPI) as part of the High Value Manufacturing (HVM) Catapult and also supports regenerative medicine.

    5. Regenerative medicine

    Regenerative medicine involves restoring function by replacing or restoring human cells, tissues or organs. There are three main approaches researchers are pursuing – transplantation of cells, tissues and organs, stimulation of the body’s own self-repair mechanisms; and the development of biomaterials for structural repairs. This is led by world class research in centres such as Edinburgh (where Dolly the sheep was cloned), Cambridge, Leeds, and London. Our research has moved on from Dolly the sheep to Jasper the dog. He had spinal injuries but was able to walk again by injecting his spinal cords with a specific type of stem cell. The potential applications for human medicine are easy to envisage.

    The Research Councils and TSB recently published ‘A strategy for UK regenerative medicine’, including commitments of £25 million for the UK Regenerative Medicine Platform, (which is establishing multidisciplinary programmes to address the key roadblocks in developing therapies in this area) and £75m for translational research. Our Cell Therapy Catapult has now opened at Guy’s Hospital in London. An extra £20 million capital was allocated to the Regenerative Medicine Platform at Autumn Statement 2012 to provide imaging and cell manufacture technologies and a clean room.

    6. Agri-science

    Britain did not just lead the Industrial Revolution, we pioneered the Agricultural Revolution too. From leading that Agricultural Revolution in the late eighteenth century to new biotechnology-led advances, the UK has remained at the forefront of agricultural research.

    Chickens are a prime example. Chickens are the world’s biggest source of meat, and are particularly important in Asia. We breed the world’s chickens – of the £85 billion global poultry market, 80 per cent of breeding chickens come from genetic stock developed in the UK. Thanks to our genetics research you get twice as much chicken for a given amount of chicken feed as 20 years ago. Each year we launch a new breed of chicken which will produce many generations over a year or more before a new improved version comes along. This is possible because of close links between the Roslin Institute, with its world leading R&D, and our commercial sector.

    BIS and DEFRA are working together with industry to strengthen links between research spend and agricultural policy. This work will be brought together in a new agri-tech strategy over the next few months. We are already investing £250 million in the transformation of the Pirbright Insititute of Animal Health as well as Babraham and Norwich research park. The Autumn Statement package earmarked £30m for capital investment in BBSRC’s world-leading agri-science campuses. A candidate for this funding is the construction of a new National Plant Phenomics Centre at Aberystwyth University.

    7. Advanced materials

    Advanced materials are a key tool for advanced manufacturing. UK businesses that produce and process materials have a turnover of around £170 billion per annum, represent 15 per cent of the country’s GDP and have exports valued at £50 billion. There has been quite rightly a flurry of interest in 3D printing, or ‘additive layer manufacturing’. This new technology is possible not just because of advances in IT but also because of advances in the materials that go into the process. It is no longer just a matter of printing out designer dolls: Southampton University has used advanced materials to show how we could print out a new aeroplane.

    The Prime Minister convened a seminar last summer on advanced materials which showed the importance of advanced materials for advanced manufacturing. As a result I can announce an extra £45 million in advanced materials research, for new facilities and equipment in areas of UK strength such as advanced composites; high-performance alloys; low-energy electronics and telecommunications; materials for energy; and nano-materials for health.

    In addition, we announced at the Autumn Statement a £28 million Expansion of the National Composites Centre (NCC), located on the Bristol and Bath Science Park. The NCC is one of the seven centres within the High Value Manufacturing Catapult. This investment will expand the NCC from 6,500 sq m in a single building to 11,500 sq m across two buildings, and give it the space to install equipment to work on larger structures made of composite materials.

    It will also enable the NCC to increase the level of skills development it undertakes, by creating a new training centre for higher level and vocational skills development, training the next generation of engineers in manufacturing and materials technologies.

    8. Energy

    Efficient energy storage technologies could allow the UK to capitalise on its considerable excess energy production. While UK consumption peaks at 60GW, the UK has generation capacity of 80GW but storage capacity of only 3GW (primarily from the single Dinorwig water system in Wales). Greater energy storage capacity can save money and reduce the national carbon footprint at the same time.

    It has the potential for delivering massive benefits – in terms of savings on UK energy spend, environmental benefits, economic growth and in enabling UK business to exploit these technologies internationally. Energy is one of the largest single themes in Research Council funded research, with a portfolio of over £600 million of total current awards. In addition the government will invest an extra £30 million to create dedicated R&D facilities to develop and test new grid scale storage technologies.

    We are also considering a strategic opportunity to partner with the US Department of Energy in the development of small modular reactor technology.

    Behind these technologies lie a network of research labs and facilities. They are a shared national asset for scientists but also of use to business too. We are systematically investing in them and trying to strengthen links between researchers and industry. Many of them are located on university campuses. We are promoting university/business collaboration by our imaginative Research Partnership for Investment Fund which has secured £1 billion of new investment on R&D facilities on our campuses. We are working with our partners to create the new Crick Institute in London which should be one of the world’s leading new medical research facilities when it opens in 2015. We are also creating seven Catapult Centres linking business and public funding for new technologies. We are stimulating research clusters like Harwell and Daresbury which are both now enterprise zones. I am delighted to announce that an extra £65 million from Autumn Statement 2012 will be invested in buildings, joint facilities and infrastructure to promote co-location of industrial and academic groups, and support high-tech business on campuses. Investment will mainly be focused around the development of four campuses: Rothamsted Research Campus, Aberystwyth (IBERS as I have already said), Harwell Oxford, and SciTech Daresbury.

    This will enable the UK to accelerate the exploitation of its world leading research base to deliver jobs and growth by bringing together substantial, internationally significant research capabilities with a variety of users, supporting the setting up and development of innovative knowledge based companies in sectors ranging from food and farming through to the production of synthetic diamonds.

    Scientists also need constantly to upgrade their equipment and labs. Indeed the inter-action between science and technology is itself one of the great drivers of innovation. For this reason we will be investing an extra £50 million in these over the next two years.

    We are also encouraging academics to think about the wider impact of what they do. It does not mean faking forecasts of likely benefits. I welcome the recent step by EPSRC to tackle these anxieties.

    For all these eight great technologies to come to market we also need excellent measurement and as part of the Autumn statement I can today announce we are providing an extra £25 million to build a state of the art laboratory for cutting edge measurement research. The creation of advanced facilities at the National Physical Laboratory in Teddington will allow scientists there to undertake leading edge research in key nano and quantum metrology (measurement science) programmes.

    This ability to make accurate measurements underpins the UK’s competitiveness in both existing markets and to underpin new technology that will support growth in the UK economy. For example Rolls Royce would not have been able to supply turbine blades to Airbus without measurement traceable to NPL; graphene could not have emerged as a viable proposition without the pioneering research work that NPL performed to be able to measure its properties.

    Also to underpin the development of the technologies within these eight areas, we need highly skilled individuals. To support this EPSRC is making a £350 million investment in Centres for Doctoral Training (CDTs) to develop the talented people that will create future growth and a more sustainable future.

    Centres will be in areas including the digital economy, renewable and nuclear energy, synthetic biology, materials technologies, regenerative medicine, data to knowledge, and advanced manufacturing.

    This investment will refresh the current portfolio of Centres for Doctoral Training announced in 2008. Current students of these centres are helping change the world from reducing risk in the financial sector to pioneering 3D inkjet printing for individually tailored therapeutic drugs.

    The government’s investment of £600 million through the Autumn Statement 2012 in Research Council infrastructure, and the facilities for applied research and development (R&D) will support the development of innovative technologies and strengthen the UK‘s competitive advantage in areas such as big data and energy efficient computing, synthetic biology and advanced materials.

    I can now set out therefore the allocation of the extra £600 million of extra science funding committed from the Autumn Statement . There will be:

    £189 million for big data

    £25 million for space

    £35 million for robotics and autonomous systems

    £88 million for synthetic biology

    £20 million for regenerative medicine

    £30 million for agri-science campuses

    £73 million for advanced materials

    £30 million for energy

    We have also committed a further:

    £35 million for research campuses

    £25 million for the advanced metrology lab

    £50 million for transformative equipment and infrastructure

    Conclusion: a date for your diary

    The pamphlet on our eight great technologies is being published today. I would like to invite you back in ten years time on 24 January 2023. There are risks of course. I may not be around. Policy Exchange may not be. But I hope most of us are and that we are still excited about science. Imagine that today we are burying a time capsule and we are going to open it up in ten years when we can take stock. One possibility is that of course technology has developed in a way completely different than set out here. I am still waiting to commute to work on a personal jet booster pack as operated by James Bond in Thunderball. There could well be new technologies which we just have not considered. We are not claiming perfect foresight. But in addition there are six real possibilities for the long-term impact of our strategy for these eight great technologies. Here they are.

    1. False dawn

    We are still waiting. The analysis broadly stands but it all takes longer than we had hoped. Robots for example are still trundling round labs but not yet waiting at our tables.

    2. Transmutation

    The technologies will not have worked out in the way we expected but new businesses have emerged in a more indirect route. As every romcom shows, things rarely work out in the direct routes we expect. ARM originates with the BBC Acorn computer project run out of Bristol.

    3. Gone abroad

    The technologies play out roughly as we describe but it all happens abroad. We have a few multi-millionaires who sold their ideas to foreign multinationals but not much else. This is one of my fears. It is the observation that we grow the world’s best corporate veal.

    4. It’s here but it isn’t ours

    We have grown the companies here so they have put down roots and we have got genuine expertise which cannot be shifted. But ultimately they are owned by a big corporate which has HQ somewhere else. Illumina is a happy example.

    5. We have grown big new companies

    Just as the US has got Google Amazon Facebook Ebay. We have got more companies like Vodaphone or GSK or Rolls Royce. We get regulations right. We have patient capital. We are the home to more top 500 companies than we are now.

    6. We are purveyors of R&D to the world

    We host the world’s clusters. From Formula One in Oxford/Warwick/Birmingham to Tech City in East London and space activity around Harwell, we are famous for our world class R&D centres. The emerging economies are keen to work with us because creating a world-class university from scratch is hard. It is smarter to work with ones you have. Britain is increasingly recognised as the world’s best R&D lab. We have achieved our ambition of being the best place in the world to do science. Multinationals base their R&D facilities here. Smart people from around the world want to come and research here. We have also earned a reputation as the best managers of big international scientific projects.

    I believe that with our eight technologies we will probably have a mix of these outcomes. But I am optimistic. With our strong public support for R&D and these new measures for converting discovery into commercial opportunities we can indeed achieve a lot. We can help new businesses grow. We can be world’s R&D lab. We can indeed be the best place in the world to do science.

  • Stephen Williams – 2013 Speech on Housing

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Housing Minister, Stephen Williams to the National Housing Federation on 19th November 2013.

    Very glad to be here. Thank you for inviting me and that kind introduction.

    Early days for me in this new role, but I am already very well aware of the important work of the National Housing Federation – the key organisation leading and coordinating the vital work of housing associations in getting new houses built and providing a home for thousands of people across the country.

    We are all here today of course to talk about housing associations and the importance of building regulations and standards. This might seem a backwater to some, or a technical and arcane area. It’s certainly a complex area and one I’m still learning about. But the complexity should absolutely not detract from its importance.

    If you ask someone in the street what matters in their lives, a roof over their head would feature at or near the top of the list every time.

    Housing isn’t always a glamorous issue, but it matters every bit as much as good schools or healthcare. And it’s an area where we have serious challenges to take on.

    Some of you might have seen recent claims that 1997 was the year housing affordability started to become out of reach to a groundswell of people – a growing, locked out and significant section of society.

    Now we can argue about both the scale and the exact timing of the phenomenon. But it’s clear the phenomenon is real and significant.

    We know there are millions of people who want to buy a first home but cannot, and families who have had children and outgrown their home but are unable to take the next step on the housing ladder. We must help and are helping these people, working with you who are on the frontline.

    The causes of the problem however are multiple and like housing standards they are complex. Previous governments built too few homes for too long.

    We have tackled all these causes:

    – our £4.5 billion affordable homes programme – rising to almost £20 billion with private sector funding – is on course to build 150,000 new affordable homes this Parliament

    – the national planning policy framework and guidance reviews have slashed many needless pages of red tape, but maintained sustainability policy

    – the new homes bonus is giving incentives for new home building

    – councils can now tackle empty homes through increased Council Tax on owners who abandon homes

    – but on top of this the standards we set for building are also vital

    – the quality of what we build will affects how homes are used, how comfortable they are, and how long they will last

    – and they affect the sustainability – with buildings accounting for almost half of the UK’s carbon emissions this is a major factor in tackling climate change.

    But quantity is important too.

    Some costs associated with building are essential – ensuring buildings are safe and warm for instance. Concerns I know you share on behalf of all your tenants. But unnecessary red tape makes building homes more expensive, and puts off house builders, housing associations and buyers. It widens the affordability gap.

    So, like everything in politics, the housing standards review has tried to strike a balance. Between costs and quality. Between sensible rules and limiting bureaucracy.

    I’m sure lots of you are awaiting the outcome of the review and hoping for something today. We’re not quite there yet.

    So while I can’t set out today what happens next, I can at least rule out some things that won’t be happening. To bust some myths, and bring some clarity.

    Let me start by thanking you for your helpful responses to the housing standards review. We are highly reliant on external advice and responses from professionals and experts on the ground like you.

    The review has generated huge interest – 700 substantive consultation replies. Also several thousand more if you include the emails we received after Stephen Fry retweeted a link to the work. We are wondering whether space standards will come up as a question on QI.

    Why are we doing this review? Quite simply to tackle the issues of housing supply, cost and sustainability.

    Part of the picture is the regulatory burden. There is widespread recognition of the need to sort this out.

    We needed to unpack this “plethora” of standards to see if it really could be sorted out, to rationalise standards to a core of what is really needed.

    But I should stress that in this review we are in listening mode – the consultation has been very open, seeking input and evidence.

    But we have provoked quite a discussion. Also there has been a lot of misinformation over last few months. Some have said the review is only about reducing costs, to sacrifice quality. Well, no. Not true. A great many have welcomed the reduction in bureaucracy and contradictions about housing standards.

    There is no case for having 20 or 50 different versions of the same standards. So why not rationalise these into a single resource?

    Energy

    We have taken important steps to strengthen the energy performance requirements in the building regulations with the recent part L announcement and set out our further thinking on the zero carbon homes standard. These are major milestones.

    Did you know that more carbon has been saved, over the years, through the building regulations than from any other policy area in government? That’s another one for QI.

    These are demanding requirements – don’t underestimate challenge meeting them. That’s why the consultation said we don’t need extra standards. And the Merton Rule (Planning & Energy Act 2008). Another misconception. The consultation didn’t say it is being abolished. It asked what its value would be in a world where we have set out demanding building regulation requirements. Why have 2 sets of conflicting targets?

    Security

    I know that security is a particularly important issue for the social housing sector. We are proposing a standard with a baseline level of provision which might apply across the board, together with a higher level which could be equivalent to “secured by design part 2”.

    Access

    Similarly access is a very important issue, and again particularly for the social sector, as consultation makes clear.

    We have worked hard with lifetime homes and wheelchair housing specialists to work up these options, which are very carefully considered. The proposals set out a single, sensible national standard set.

    Space

    The specialists amongst you may recall the old Parker Morris standards only applied to affordable housing. We have asked for views on whether space standards are appropriate across all tenures, linked to access. This clearly shows that quality considerations are important in our thinking.

    Other standards

    Some have said the review is stopping other standards (such as materials, or overheating). Wrong again. The review didn’t rule these out. It just asks what is the evidence? What is the standard? Are standards the right route, or is this something the market could lead on instead? We’ll listen if the case is sound.

    We have all along said it is about the right tools for the job. If an issue is already covered under one regime, such as national planning policy or guidance, why duplicate it with another? This just adds to complexity, cost and bureaucracy.

    Local choice

    Some people have suggested the review is anti local, or that any outcome will be difficult or costly to apply.

    We have suggested the triggers for standards could be local, so how is that anti-local? Authorities are closest to their local housing situation and know what the needs profile looks like.

    If you mean authorities should just be allowed to apply anything they want, regardless of need or cost considerations, well that is not right. Takes us full circle back to the current proliferation, which people have told us needs fixing!

    Transition

    I recognise transition is a complex issue. How and when would any new approach be applied, and what would the impact be on planning, or on the housing quality indicators? We are thinking this one through.

    But we would like the benefits of rationalisation to be felt early. It will help make your lives simpler as you plan and bid for new rounds of social housing. It will also reduce your costs.

    Tenure issues

    I have also heard claims that the review is anti-affordable housing. The housing standards review is cross-tenure for good reason.

    We recognise that pressures and demands in your sector are often higher than the private sector (eg access, space, security). That’s why the proposals include these possibilities. The essential elements of the housing quality indicators have been captured.

    But we recognise too how affordable housing provision is changing, with more open market competition. Making standards cross tenure accommodates shifts in stock ownership over time – a more flexible stock.

    Process

    The review has also come up with proposals to regularise compliance checking. We need to reduce the current tangle of different agencies all involved in assessing standards.

    We have proposed that building control specialists are best placed to check on technical building standards. This plays to the skills and strengths of this sector and could also help to improve compliance.

    We are of course eager to make decisions as soon as possible, but there is work we need to do on the issues which I have discussed. And that will include continuing to talk to many key partners, such as you.

    There are a wide range of possible outcomes – reflecting our genuinely consultative approach. These are exciting and creative times, and as a new minister I am enjoying this challenge! We will get there and most importantly get the right result.

  • Kirsty Williams – 2013 Speech to Liberal Democrat Conference

    Below is the text of the speech made by the leader of the Welsh Liberal Democrats, Kirsty Williams, to the Liberal Democrat Conference in Glasgow on 16th August 2013.

    Conference,

    In just over a year, the people of Scotland will come to a fork in the road.

    As Liberal Democrats we must welcome the opportunity for the people of Scotland to have their voice heard in a referendum,

    But also, as Liberal Democrats, we must campaign harder than ever before to persuade the people of Scotland to remain with us.

    Our mantra of being stronger together in the European Union applies equally, if not more, for the union of the four nations that make up the United Kingdom.

    And Conference, it is no surprise that Liberals have played such an important part in trying to create a federal Britain.

    Gladstone, practically inventing the concept of home rule.

    Lloyd George, championing home rule at the beginning of the last century.

    Jo Grimond who called for a federal United Kingdom in his House of Commons maiden speech in 1950.

    Liberals who have fought hard before us had the vision and the courage to call for greater autonomy for the people of these nations.

    I would like to thank Sir Menzies Campbell for continuing that fight for home rule.

    His commission, set up by Willie Rennie, seeks to put the United Kingdom on track to become a federal union.

    Because we cannot allow the SNP to run the constitutional agenda of the UK.

    It is up to us, Liberal Democrats, to steer that debate, and to bring it back from the extremes of separation towards a more balanced settlement.

    A settlement that recognises the need for more autonomy across the UK

    In Wales and Scotland  – yes

    But also London, England, the regions.

    On this most important of issues, people agree with us.

    Only 9% of people in Wales want independence but they do want more powers

    In Wales, the Welsh Liberal Democrats and I have been making a strong case for the devolution of fiscal and further powers for the National Assembly through the work of the Silk Commission.

    It was hard work writing that commission into the coalition agreement in the first place

    It was a struggle to get the Tories to make good on that agreement.

    It will be harder still to get the Conservatives to implement its recommendations.

    But I know that Nick Clegg, Danny Alexander and Jenny Randerson will push and push and push for the powers that Wales needs.

    This isn’t power for its own sake.

    Wales needs power over stamp duty to boost the housing industry.

    Wales needs the power to vary income tax to ensure the Welsh Government takes responsibility for spending.

    Wales needs borrowing powers to invest in infrastructure to stimulate the economy.

    The Scots are not buying the idea of being separated either but they do want to have more say over their own affairs.

    As Sir Menzies eloquently said in his commission,

    “Liberal Democrats strive to ensure that individuals have the freedoms to control the circumstances of their lives for the benefit of themselves, their families and their community”.

    “A federal framework with as much power as feasible exercised by the nations and regions”.

    That is what our constitution says.

    Because when the nations of the United Kingdom come together, we are stronger, it is a much fairer system.

    Stronger and fairer because individuals and communities will have more say in the governance of their own lives.

    Stronger and fairer because every part of the United Kingdom will have more responsibility over their own affairs.

    Devolution and federalism, it’s not just a Scottish thing or a Welsh idea.

    It is a key Liberal Democrat philosophy and a belief that we need to continue to fight for.

    The Conservatives are conflicted.

    Labour confused.

    Nationalists just want separation.

    Our view, the Liberal view for 100 years and more is the people’s view.

    Now, while Willie and the Scottish Liberal Democrats are fighting the SNP government here in Scotland, the Welsh Liberal Democrats, on the other hand, are playing opposition to a weak and lacklustre Labour Government in Wales.

    Labour, governing on their own, cannot be trusted to run a country.

    Labour, in charge, by themselves, cannot run a decent health service that provides for those in need, or an education system that gets the best out of our pupils, or grow an economy that will give us those much needed jobs.

    Ed Miliband has said that accident and emergency is the barometer of the NHS and that A&E waiting times hadn’t been met in England for the past two months.

    According to Mr Miliband’s barometer “the NHS was in distress.”

    I wonder what he says behind closed doors about the A&E waiting times in Wales – under the leadership of his colleague, Carwyn Jones, the most senior elected Labour politician in the UK, the First Minister of Wales, because those A&E targets have NEVER been met in Wales.

    Last March, Mr. Miliband said that “We have a great deal to learn from the great things that Carwyn and his government are doing.”

    Great things? Really?

    If you need an ambulance urgently in Powys, the Welsh side of the border, there’s only a 50/50 chance that the ambulance will get to you within the target 8 minutes.

    Are you waiting for an operation on the Welsh side of the border?

    Good luck to you as you could be waiting more than 8 months for treatment while your neighbour just across the border waits 18 weeks.

    Wales’ biggest hospital has been branded dangerous by the Royal College of Surgeons.

    Senior medical staff are openly writing about lives being put at risk in our A&E departments.

    We have cancer treatment targets that have not been met in five years, A&E targets that have never been met and ambulance response times that are by far the worst in the UK.

    All this despite the huge efforts and commitment by NHS staff in Wales.

    But don’t take my word for it.

    Listen to senior Labour MP Ann Clwyd, who is conducting a review into the English NHS

    Her verdict?

    “Wales is behind England in every instance”

    “Great things” Mr. Miliband?

    What about education?

    In Wrexham, a child on free school meals gets £450 under the Welsh pupil premium.

    A child from a few miles across the border, in Chester, gets £1,300 towards their education.

    The Welsh Liberal Democrats had to bring the Labour party kicking and screaming to fund the pupil premium in our budget deal. You would have thought that Labour would jump at the change of helping poorer students.

    In the next budget round, my team and I are fighting to see that amount increased.

    Because £1,300 per child compared to £450 per child. Well that’s simply not right.

    Poorer Welsh children will fall even further behind their English counterparts.

    So much for Labour’s commitment to social justice.

    6 out of 22 local education authorities have been placed in special measures.

    Over 65,000 children being taught in education authorities assessed as inadequate by the government’s own inspectors.

    Great things, Mr. Miliband?

    Or what about job creation and the economy?

    On the Welsh side of the Severn Estuary, not a single brick laid and not a single job created in the Cardiff Enterprise Zone.

    The Bristol enterprise zone on the other hand is employing hundreds of people since last April.

    Unemployment in Wales is consistently higher than in England, especially amongst our young people.

    There’s been a 35% increase in the number of apprenticeships offered in England since 2010.

    In Wales, that number has fallen by a third and communities risk losing a generation of talented young people.

    Welsh businesses complain

    – of a muddled approach to small businesses.

    – of a review of business rates sat gathering dust.

    – of stifling bureaucracy and red tape.

    But then the Welsh Labour Economy minister famously once said that she regretted capitalism.

    Great things, Mr. Miliband?

    For anyone who needs a reminder to see what Britain would look like under Labour, come to Wales.

    We can show you what it’s like to have Labour in charge.

    Miliband has tried to distance himself from the legacy of New Labour.

    But in Wales we’ve never had new Labour, just 14 years of the same old Labour party.

    So come and see for yourselves how Labour can’t be trusted to run the economy.

    See for yourselves how Labour can’t handle public finances.

    See for yourselves how our education system and health service struggles.

    Labour has no vision for Wales.

    Tom Jones may have famously sung about the Green Green Grass of Home,

    But I can assure you.

    The grass is not greener on Labour’s pastures.

    Now if you think that Labour governing on their own is bad just what kind of country would we be living in if the Conservatives were let off the leash in Westminster?

    When the Liberal Democrats were busy ensuring that the Queen’s Speech was full of new laws to strengthen our economy and ensure fairness in our society, Tory backbenchers were also busy conjuring up their own alternative legislation.

    We had Steve Webb’s Pensions Bill ensuring that saving for retirement is simpler and fairer, while the True Blue squad wanted to decimate the overseas aid budget.

    Ed Davey wants the Energy Bill to create as many as 250,000 jobs, creating that stronger, greener economy we all strive for.

    The Tory climate change deniers want to abolish the Department of Energy and Climate Change altogether.

    Liberal Democrats want to legislate to help families with the cost of childcare, supporting people who want to get back to work.

    The Bone-Squad wanted to turn back the clocks and reintroduce national service for young people. And ban the burka, and abolish sexual harassment claims in the workplace, send all asylum seekers away, come out of the EU altogether, reintroduce capital punishment, and my favourite of all – a day celebrating Margaret Thatcher,

    We may well laugh, but these people are serious.

    And Peter Bone said those madcap ideas “could form the basis of a future Conservative manifesto.”

    Well I don’t share his vision for Britain. I want my children to grow up in a country that is liberal, accepting of the fact that regardless of your sexuality, you should be able to marry the person you love.

    And a country that is tolerant, recognising that diversity is a strength, not a threat,

    And a country that is fair, where your future is determined by your abilities not your parent’s pay cheque.

    The Liberal Democrat stamp was on that Queen’s Speech back in May.

    Our Liberal Democrat team, Nick, Danny, Vince, Ed and the others, they’re all ensuring that a strong Liberal streak runs through the UK government’s policies.

    Fighting to ensure that the coalition’s moral compass is pointing the right way.

    A headline in the Daily Mail read……… Now, I know it’s not a promising start to a sentence in any speech but bear with me…

    A headline in the Daily Mail last year read:

    “I’d govern like a true Tory………… if it wasn’t for the Lib Dems.”

    David Cameron’s own words.

    He’s right.

    If it wasn’t for the Lib Dems in government, regional pay would have been introduced, making Wales and our poor regions even poorer.

    If it wasn’t for the Lib Dems in government, the police and the intelligence service would be allowed to read our emails, snooping into your affairs.

    If it wasn’t for the Lib Dems in government, we would be on our way out of Europe, languishing on the side-lines without power and influence.

    The Tory axe would have cut deeper into the welfare budget.

    The super-rich would be hoarding more of their money, aided and abetted by Tory inheritance tax breaks.

    And private companies would have taken over our schools and running them for a profit.

    If it wasn’t for the Lib Dems, Britain would be a very different country now.

    But with Liberal Democrats in government, we have a fairer tax system where millions of low and middle income workers see more of their hard earned money back in their pocket.

    A policy that was on the front page of our manifesto.

    In difficult times, these are the people who we should be helping.

    Pushing the income tax threshold up and up is already having a huge impact on many people.

    If you are on the minimum wage, the Liberal Democrat income tax policy means that you will have had your income tax bill halved.

    In Wales, over 100,000 workers aren’t paying any income tax at all and over a million are seeing 600 pounds back in their pocket.

    With Liberal Democrats in government, pensioners have seen the link between the basic state pension and earnings restored.

    With Liberal Democrats in government, thousands of young people are being offered training as apprentices, ensuring them a good job with skills and a decent salary – and more importantly, a stake in our society.

    But as much as I like seeing Nick stop the excesses of the Conservatives, we are not in government just to hold back the Tories.

    We are in government to push forward our policies, our vision and our liberal agenda.

    Liberal Democrats, we can be proud of what we are achieving in government.

    We’ve stopped talking about how we want to make a difference.

    In government, we are making a difference.

    And I want us to continue turning party policy into the laws of this land after May 2015.

    But conference, Nick, Paddy, Willie and I, we can boast, brag and blow our own trumpets about our achievements in government, about how we are actually creating a stronger economy and a fairer society

    However, unless the people of Britain know what we’re doing and how hard we are working to deliver our policies on their behalf, we can forget about being in government in May 2015 and retreat back into opposition. On the side-lines.

    The people of Wales and Scotland are used to coalitions.

    Liberal Democrats have been in government twice in Scotland and once in Wales.

    I know that the junior party in any coalition has to be able to show it has made a difference.

    Not just on issues of concern to their core supporters, but on issues that matter the most to the rest of the voters in the country.

    Welsh Liberal Democrats were proud of what we achieved in coalition, but when you have three other parties also campaigning in an election, also trying to catch the attention of the voters, your achievements can be lost in the political ether.

    We weren’t rewarded in the ballot box for our successes in government because we didn’t concentrate on the issues that mattered the most to people.

    So from now until 2015 we have to be more focused in what we say, our campaigning issues relevant to voters and the people in this hall and beyond, we must take ownership of that message and deliver it over and over and over again.

    Jobs – A million plus new jobs and a million more on the way

    The economy – Back from the brink of Labour’s disaster.

    Fair taxes – £700 back in your pocket. The super rich paying more.

    Pupil premium – enabling everyone to get on in life.

    Liberal Democrats delivering.

    Like all of you in this hall today, I am campaigner, with leaflet ink on my fingers and letter box scars on my hands.

    Give me an evening, a village and a bundle of leaflets, and I will deliver and so will my team.

    But we all need to deliver.

    Like many of you in this hall today, my campaign is to get as many Liberal Democrat MPs back to Westminster as possible.

    Because without Liberal Democrats in government, you know what will happen;

    We’ll have a lacklustre, uninspiring, incompetent Labour Government, like in Wales, wreaking havoc on our public services.

    Or an intolerant Conservative government, hell bent on protecting the very wealthy while trampling on everyone else.

    With Liberal Democrats in government,

    Britain is recovering, our economy, stronger

    – our society, fairer

    – our country, one where everyone can get on in life

    Thank you.