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  • Ed Miliband – 2009 Speech to Labour Party Conference (II)

    edmiliband

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Miliband, the then Energy Secretary, to Labour Party conference on 28th September 2009.

    Yesterday, I set out why our manifesto needs to be bold. Today I want to talk about what that means for energy and climate change.

    Sometimes we think about climate change as a theoretical prospect for the future. It isn’t, it is a reality today.

    Earlier this month with Douglas Alexander I visited some of the 2 million people in Bangladesh that live on sandbanks or chars. Their homes were swept away by floods in 2007.

    In the village I visited all but four of them were destroyed.

    They are at the frontline of the disaster of climate change and that is why it is essential we get a global deal in Copenhagen.

    It’s not just in Bangladesh. In 2007, in my constituency, in Toll Bar , there were people canoeing up and down the high street rescuing their neighbours from first floor windows as the waters rose.

    I can’t tell you definitively that this was caused by climate change but what I do know is that the floods will be more frequent, the droughts more severe, the heatwaves more deadly unless we have the boldness to act.

    So this Labour government has acted.

    That’s why we’re one of the few countries to exceed our Kyoto targets.

    And we have stepped up the pace.

    The first country to have a legally binding plan to do what the science tells us we need: an 80% reduction in carbon emissions.

    Now the world leader in offshore wind generation.

    A plan for a house by house, street by street refurbishment of British homes.

    A commitment to cut our emissions by a third by 2020,

    And a transition plan for Britain for how all this can happen.

    It’s true at national level and locally too.

    I want to pay tribute to Labour councils leading the way on climate change.

    Councils like Manchester which have signed up to the 10:10 campaign, along with businesses and individuals, cutting their emissions by 10% next year.

    And working with Jeremy Beecham of the LGA, we will work to ensure all Labour councils and Labour groups will follow their lead.

    And it’s to support great councils like Manchester that we are announcing a £10m green neighbourhoods programme today so that twenty areas round Britain can be pioneers for green technology.

    And I’ve learnt something over the last year.

    It came home to me when I was talking about the threat of climate change to a Labour party member.

    He was listening to me talking about the dangers of climate change and said.

    ‘Ed, Martin Luther King didn’t say ‘ I have a nightmare’ .

    He said ‘I have a dream’

    That’s not just an argument about how you persuade people

    That Labour party member was saying that in tackling climate change, let’s not simply set out to avoid calamity;

    Let’s make the transition to low carbon part of our vision of a different kind of country: more prosperous, more secure and fair.

    And fundamentally, we are the people to deliver on this vision because of the society we believe in because we understand the role of government and markets.

    Markets on their own don’t put a price on carbon

    Markets on their own won’t ensure low carbon jobs come to Britain

    Markets on their own won’t ensure fairness

    That’s why we’ve put an end to a markets-only energy policy.

    Take jobs and employment.

    We know the world is going to move to low carbon. We know there will be jobs.

    The question is where they will be?

    Take coal. There is no solution to climate change without a solution for coal.

    There is a way forward: carbon capture and storage, which traps 90% of CO2 emissions.

    It will be a multi-billion pound industry of the future and could create 30,000-60,000 jobs in this country.

    But the idea has been around for ages.

    The market won’t deliver on its own.

    So government needs to act. And this Labour government is acting.

    That’s why in the coming session of parliament, we are proposing to raise billions of pounds to invest in clean coal technology.

    And so companies can’t just stick with dirty coal, alongside this investment we are proposing tough environmental conditions for new coal.

    It’s our approach which says coal can be a fuel of the future, not just a fuel of the past.

    Jobs in coal, jobs in nuclear too.

    I didn’t grow up in a pro-nuclear family and I understand the strong feelings  about nuclear power in some parts of our party.

    But in my view the challenge of climate change is too big to reject nuclear.

    That’s why this government ended the moratorium on nuclear, that’s why we’re right to reform planning laws including for nuclear power and press ahead with plans for new nuclear power.

    The trinity of clean power is clean coal, nuclear and renewables.

    At the core of renewable energy is wind power.

    Last week I announced additional funding for offshore wind and now Clipper Wind power are developing the largest offshore wind blades in the world, larger than a jumbo jet, in the North east of England.

    And today I am announcing a further £20m to support research and development in low carbon industries, including in renewables, marine, tidal and wind.

    But we need to tell the country, all the funding in the world won’t make us a centre for wind manufacturing if Tory local councils around the country stop wind farms being built.

    Sixty percent of wind turbine applications are turned down by Tory Councils.

    And doesn’t this highlight a broader truth and reflect the difference between ourselves and our opponents.

    If you think we need wind power, the Tories wouldn’t build it.

    If you think we need nuclear power, the Liberals wouldn’t build it.

    If you think we need clean coal, the Greens, if they have ever had any power,  wouldn’t build it.

    The truth is we need all the low carbon energy sources.

    All of the other parties would put our green energy security at risk, because they would all say no.

    So we’re right for the climate, for jobs and for energy security too.

    Because what we know also is that when around two thirds of the world’s gas reserves are in Russia and the Middle East, home-grown energy is the way we stop ourselves being ever more dependent on imports.

    Our UK transition plan will mean 40% low carbon energy by 2020, saving us a supertanker of imported gas every four days.

    Low carbon energy is also home-grown energy.

    Jobs and energy security are the benefits of the low carbon transition.

    But we know also, that there are costs too.

    Our values mean we are determined to ensure British people, and in particular the poor and the elderly, are protected from the costs that we all know will come as we deal with climate change.

    That’s why last year government programmes helped insulate one and a half million families.

    It’s why a home gets insulated under warmfront every six minutes.

    My view is simple: as we face higher energy bills, we need tougher regulation to protect vulnerable consumers.

    That’s why we are legislating to be absolutely clear: the regulator cannot rely on markets alone either to protect consumers or to protect the environment.

    It was just wrong that people off the gas grid were charged unfairly for electricity. It was wrong and it has been stopped.

    It is wrong if people on pre-payment meters were ripped off. So from this month, the licence conditions for energy companies have changed to stop it happening.

    And it’s just wrong that the energy companies can bamboozle the most vulnerable customers and don’t provide clear explanations of what the best tariff is. It’s wrong. It will end. And under this Labour government it will.

    And it’s also wrong that social tariffs, reduced rates for the poorest in society, are voluntary and that’s why we are introducing a new compulsory system where the energy companies must provide guaranteed support.

    So for us being green is about being bold on jobs and fairness and the environment.

    And what about the Tories?

    David Cameron is good at green stunts.

    The huskies.

    The bike – with the car and driver following behind.

    The wind turbine on the roof.

    But I tell you this.

    It’s not green to put a wind turbine on your roof when time after time, wind farm applications are turned down by Tory councils, and then refuse to reform the planning laws.

    It’s not green to ride your bike to the House of Commons to vote against investment in green industries this year and next which will create the jobs of the future.

    It’s not green to visit the Arctic circle, but when you’re in Europe, pal around on the with climate change deniers as  part of your fringe grouping in European Parliament.

    For David Cameron, green politics was a way to try and decontaminate his brand.

    Other parties will give you green stunts, empty green promises, we’ll give you real, grown-up, green politics.

    Labour are the real greens in British politics today.

    We know that the stakes are high. It needs substance not stunts.

    And nowhere does it need substance more than internationally.

    We heard from the Prime Ministers of Spain and Norway what they are doing alongside the UK to get a deal at Copenhagen.

    And I can tell you today that the UK will host the next stage of climate talks in London next month. The Major Economies Forum meeting will be a chance for us to push for more progress, where the 17 countries with the highest greenhouse gas emissions can work towards getting a deal in Copenhagen.

    There are 70 days left to the Copenhagen summit.

    The point of Copenhagen is to do what has never been done before: get all countries to play their part in tackling global warming.

    Why is it so important that we succeed now? Because the science becomes ever-more urgent, and if the world fails now, when will we get the chance to act again?

    But in truth, Copenhagen is in peril.

    Pressures all around the world are making it increasingly hard to succeed.

    The world needs leadership and that is why it is so important that the Prime Minister has said he will go to Copenhagen.

    But we also need you.

    So be part of the campaigns around Copenhagen, be part of our Labour party campaign.

    This is the lesson of history.

    Look at the great advances of the past:

    – Rights for people at work

    – Equal rights for women

    – Equality for gays and lesbians

    All of them took progressive government, but none could happen without progressive forces in society.

    What makes change happen is popular pressure.

    We know that change doesn’t just happen because politicians will it to happen

    It happens because people demand it happens

    People who believe that change can happen.

    People who know that defeatism never won a single progressive advance.

    The people who make change happen are people who are optimists and idealists

    People who believe that we can safeguard the world for future generations:

    – We are those people

    – We are the idealists

    – We are the optimists

    We are the people who can make the world a greener, a fairer place.

    Let’s go and do it.

  • Ed Miliband – 2009 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    edmiliband

    Below is the text of the speech made by Ed Miliband, the then Energy Secretary, to the 2009 Labour Party conference.

    Conference, let’s be honest.

    It’s been a hard year to be a Labour party member,

    A hard year for our party,

    A hard year too for anyone associated with politics,

    And it’s been a hard year most of all in our communities as some people have lost their jobs.

    The test for us is as it has always been – whether we can triumph over adversity.

    A year ago when we met, we faced an unprecedented economic crisis. Many said we were in for another Great Depression, a repeat of the 1930s.

    Why didn’t that happen?

    Because one person, more than any other, understood the need to be bold:

    – he didn’t stand by,

    – he didn’t stick with business as usual,

    – he stood up to save the jobs, the homes and the hard-earned savings of the hardworking men and women of Britain.

    That man is our Labour Prime Minister Gordon Brown and we are proud of what he has done at home and around the world.

    Conference, we know we are in for tough times on public spending in the years ahead. We know that we will have to be even more rigorous on priorities, efficiency and value for money.

    But we know also that Gordon and Alistair were right a year ago to take action, and they are right now to keep spending until recovery is established.

    And the Tories were wrong a year ago, they are wrong now, and they will be wrong at the coming General Election to say that before the recovery is established, now is the time to cut public spending.

    Make no mistake, and let’s go out and tell the country, recovery, and the Tory risk to recovery will be on the ballot at the next general election.

    But our argument at the coming election will be about so much more than that.

    Today I want to set out the argument that will inform our manifesto.

    And in the coming days my colleagues will set out policy announcements, and on Thursday we will publish our conference document which will feed into the National Policy Forum process.

    My central argument is that the events that have made politics so difficult over the last year will not go away: they will shape the next five years.

    The implications of the economic crisis, the political crisis caused by expenses and indeed the climate crisis.

    Against, this backdrop, business as usual just won’t do.

    If we are to create the more prosperous, fairer, greener more democratic Britain we believe in we need to be bold in our manifesto and we will be.

    The economy of the future must be different from the past.

    What do I say to the kid in my constituency, whose parents are struggling to make ends meet, and he sees people walk off with millions of pounds in bonuses, not for creating wealth in this country but destroying it?

    I can’t tell him that’s an economy based on people getting their just deserts.

    Being bold means facing up to the fact that irresponsible bonuses don’t just distort our economy, they corrode our society too.

    We will reform bonuses, raise the living standards of people like his parents and reform our financial institutions so they properly serve the interests of middle and lower income families.

    What do I tell him when he looks around him and asks, “What job am I going to do in the future?”

    Being bold means understanding that for him, and for young people in this country, we can’t build prosperity on financial services alone.

    That’s why even in tough times, we need to, as we are doing, invest in the industries of the future – like green manufacturing.

    And what do we say to his parents, and millions of other people in this country who are worried about their job but also worry about many other things in life too: family time, safety on our streets, caring – all things that make life worth living.

    Being bold means doing more in the next Parliament to give parents more time with their kids and our parents’ more dignity in old age.

    Anyone who’s been through the anxiety of care for an elderly relative knows our system has to change. That’s why Andy Burnham set out a range of choices of individual and government contributions to reform our system.

    Conference, by the time of the manifesto we must complete this process so that we can move, once and for all, from an unfair postcode lottery to a new national service for care in this country.

    So we will be bold through the recession and after and we will be bold on politics too.

    Conference, one of the most depressing things going out on the doorstep is when people of 30,40, 50 years old tell you that they’ve never voted before. One woman said to me recently, “voting, I don’t do that.”

    In those circumstances, business as usual won’t do.

    Bold reform starts with MPs’ expenses but it doesn’t end there

    We need to make MPs more accountable

    It means changing the way Parliament works so we have a system that reflects the 21st century not the 19th  – and that must mean a clear manifesto mandate on democratic House of Lords reform.

    And we must debate all the other big issues in relation to our democracy, and we must be the reformers in British politics today.

    Boldness in economics and politics and on climate change too.

    The single most important lesson that I have learned is that climate change is no longer just an environmental issue.

    It’s about how we get our energy, what job your kids are going to do and how we travel around.

    And business as usual won’t do here either.

    Business as usual says we wait for others to act before we do anything. It’s because we’re bold that we are the first country in the world with a sector by sector Transition Plan to show how we meet our commitments to 2020.

    Business as usual gives a veto to the minority who say no nuclear, no wind power, and no clean coal either.

    But being bold means reforming the planning system as we are the only party committed to do, and the Tories have refused to do, and standing up in the face of the minority who would say “no” to every form of low-carbon energy.

    Business as usual says climate or fairness but not both.

    Being bold means being open about the fact that there are costs to the transition to low-carbon, but making sure that the most vulnerable are not ripped off by the energy companies – including those on pre-payment meters.

    Boldness in climate, politics and the economy. But to do it we need to reform the state and government too.

    It’s the people like us who believe in the role of government who must be its most determined reformers.

    Markets need our values, but the state needs them as well.

    In the 21st century, public services must be more accountable to the people who use them.

    Because of the improvements in our public services, we can offer to people in our manifesto guarantees that were impossible in 1997.

    For example, a guarantee that all schools will be a good school.

    Sometimes this requires things to change.

    For three years I went into a local school and I knew the kids were being failed by the system.

    Now because of the changes made by Ed Balls, it’s under new management by another school, and it is starting to be transformed by a change in leadership.

    And if it happens to that school why not others: so our manifesto will be one which enables the most talented in the public sector to do more, not less.

    That’s what our manifesto is going to be about.

    And here’s the difference with our opponents: we want to reform public services because we believe in them and we want maximum quality and value for money.

    The Tories’ only vision for the good society is to cut public services.

    They would make the wrong choices with scarce resources because they believe in protecting the interests of a different set of people.

    And they say they want to spend billions on inheritance tax cuts of £200,000 a throw for the richest estates in Britain

    And yet at the same time they say they because of the deficit, they have to cut tax credits for ordinary working people.

    What kind of choice of priorities is that?

    And they have a completely different view of public services as well.

    A Tory council has even given it a name: the Ryanair model of public services:

    – lots and lots of queuing and waiting,

    – a bare minimum service for the many while the few get to pay their way.

    That’s the choice we’ve got to lay before people:

    The Ryanair model may be an okay way to run an airline but it is no way to run a hospital, a care home, or any of our public services.

    – The 18-week waiting list guarantee – gone under a Tory government;

    – The 2-week cancer referral guarantee – gone under a Tory government.

    – The guarantee that you can see a GP at the evening or weekends– gone under a Tory government;

    So let’s be clear: the Tories would sell Middle Britain down the river, on health, on education, just like they did the last time they had power.

    I grew up in the 1980s: an NHS where people died waiting more than a year for an operation, children even in affluent areas taught in Portakabins, our great towns and cities forgotten, a country divided between north and south and rich and poor.

    Everyone in this hall knows we can’t go back.

    Millions in the country know: we cannot go back.

    Everyone in this hall knows and millions in the country know: that was broken Britain.

    So don’t let anyone tell you there aren’t big choices at this election.

    It’s not a choice between who’s going to be a better manager of the system, it’s about two fundamentally different visions of Britain.

    It’s not change versus the status quo, it’s what kind of change you want.

    David Cameron used to say ‘let sunshine win the day’. Now what he offers is austerity Britain, pessimistic about Britain today and pessimistic about what can be achieved.

    We are the optimists in British politics today.

    We are the people who say, despite tough times, we can create a more prosperous, fairer, greener and more democratic Britain.

    We won’t  do it with a manifesto for business as usual.

    We won’t do it with a manifesto for safety first.

    The way we will win is with boldness.

  • Ed Miliband – 2009 Speech to Students at Peking University

    edmiliband

    Below is the text of the speech which was made by Ed Miliband at Peking University in China on 4th May 2009.

    Thank you for inviting me to the beautiful campus of Peking University.

    I have come to China to talk to members of the government and others about climate change because this year is a particularly important year, the year that the world has pledged to come together and reach a global agreement at Copenhagen, Denmark in December.

    But I wanted to talk to young people too because on this issue more than any other, you will see its effects, and you need to be powerful advocates for it to be addressed.

    And I feel very lucky to be talking to you, students in China, on National Youth Day, and the 90th anniversary of the May Fourth Movement – when students from this university wanted to modernise China and make it strong, and changed the course of this country.

    I’ve been learning about Cai Yuanpei, the seminal educator and Chancellor of the university 90 years ago, who was such a leading figure in the New Cultural Movement and modernisation. I can’t claim to be an expert, but I know he

    – Opened the doors of this University to women, at a time when it was radical to do so – Transformed the faculty to promote diverse views, even those he didn’t agree with – talking of “broad-minded tolerance” and “freedom of thought” – Encouraged students to be more active, managing their own affairs and forming extra-curricular societies.

    And just as I was thinking how much I approve, I learned he also founded Beijing University Society for the Promotion of Morality – which is fine – but to get a higher rank within the society members had to swear not to become a government official or a Parliamentarian – which I have to confess I have failed on.

    On this trip, I have seen firsthand some of the efforts that in just twenty years lifted more people out of poverty than the whole population of Europe – 400 million.

    It must be one of the most rapid and widespread alleviations of human suffering in human history – and I know that completing the journey, maintaining high growth, remains a top priority.

    I have spoken to policy-makers about how they are investing in reducing energy intensity.

    And yesterday I saw the results of Chinese engineers working with partners abroad to find new solutions to climate change, at a power station that captures carbon dioxide at source instead of pumping it into the sky.

    As the manager said to me, “it has succeeded here, it could succeed in every power station”. And if it does, it could make more difference to the generations that follow us than any other technology currently in development.

    And this experience illustrates the points I would like to talk about today:

    The growth of China – and the impact climate change could have on that growth

    The roles and responsibilities of both developed and developing countries to act on climate change

    And how we can work together – on technology, finance, and a global deal.

    Growth: a resurgent China

    First of all, let me say a few words about Chinese growth.

    What will be remembered, and seen as one of the most significant events of my lifetime and yours, is the rise of China.

    I welcome it.

    My country’s government and businesses support it. We are the leading destination for Chinese investment into Europe, and in return we invest more in China than any other European country.

    For all countries, the recent financial crisis has sent shockwaves through our economies and none of us have been immune.

    We now know how important it is to rebuild our financial system on a sounder footing.

    But what we know also is that just as the financial crisis was a hidden vulnerability which unaddressed has significant consequences, so we face the same situation with the climate crisis.

    I’ve seen in my own area in Britain what extreme weather can do. Two years ago we had very bad flooding. I arrived in one of the villages, near Doncaster, to see instead of the normal streets I am used to, people in boats and canoes rescuing people from their houses – people who had lost everything they own.

    I am going tomorrow to see the Shiyang River Basin, one of the great river systems of north western China. Here, climate change doesn’t mean floods, but droughts.

    Climate change makes more profound existing issues, like the growing need for food and water.

    That’s now. What happens if climate change continues beyond the most dangerous thresholds? We’re working with the Chinese government to find out.

    If we don’t act, scientists tell us that the world will get 5 degrees centigrade hotter by 2100, hotter than it has been for 30-50 million years and human beings have only been on the earth for 100,000 years. And all the evidence is that China’s temperatures will rise more than the global average.

    Even if the scientists are wrong and the world temperature rises by three degrees instead of five, this could mean drought in the Ganges and the Indus, water shortages affecting an extra one to two billion people worldwide.

    Right here in China, it could mean the Himalayan glaciers melting, the rivers beneath them flooding then running dry, and the Mekong River, for example, losing a quarter of its water by the end of the century.

    It could also mean cereal crops declining, the risk of hunger being faced by up to 600 million more people worldwide – and right here in China a fall in rice yields of up to ten per cent. It is equivalent to losing the rice of the whole production of Hunan province, the most productive in China.

    Right here in the lowlands and mega deltas of East China, science suggests the sea will rise by 90 centimetres and the number of people at direct risk from coastal flooding will rise by 7 million – plus all the knock-on effects such as migration.

    That’s why the world is so focussed on preventing climate change beyond 2 degrees.

    Up to this level will see very great challenges for our countries, beyond will see far worse, uncontrollable effects.

    Leadership: a responsible China not just acting but inspiring

    But we should not succumb to defeatism.

    Together we can tackle the problem, on the basis of common but differentiated responsibilities: everyone acting, but on the basis of their responsibility and their capacity to do so.

    I believe that rich countries have the moral responsibility and a historic obligation to take the lead.

    It was because we believe in rich-country leadership that in Britain, for example, we have written our transformation into a low-carbon economy into law.

    Ten years ago I worked in the Treasury in Britain and like all Treasuries they are the people who often say no.

    Then, environmentalists were asking us to measure our carbon emissions from particular policies.

    Today the world has been transformed.

    There is lots of ceremony and tradition in Britain around the announcement of the Budget each year – the chancellor stands in Downing Street, he always holds up a traditional Red Briefcase for photos, Parliamentary debates take a set form.

    Well this year we had a new tradition: we became the first country in the world to introduce national carbon budgets alongside national financial budgets.

    They commit us to cut at least a third of our emissions by 2020, more if there is a global deal, on the way to cutting at least 80 per cent by 2050.

    I believe rich countries should act at home and they should also spur each other on, and that is why we have pressed for ambitious action in the European Union, and now Europe has committed as a continent to cut emissions by 20 per cent by 2020, or 30 per cent if there is a global deal.

    In the US too, we are now seeing new environmental leadership.

    President Bush envisaged US emissions continuing to rise until 2025. President Obama has said they will cut emissions well before then, falling back to 1990 levels by 2020.

    We hope he will go further still, but he has transformed the debate on climate change. I saw it in Washington last week, when I was there with a number of countries including China.

    As an emergent great power, China, too, has the ability not just to act but to lead; to be great not just in size but in influence; to energise others around the world.

    And what does leadership consist in? What will determine whether China’s actions are followed by others?

    Partly it is by spreading the word on China’s successes so far:

    How energy intensity of the economy reduced through the 1980 and 1990s from three times what it is today How forest cover doubled over the same time. And it is through the actions you are taking now:

    The targets in the five-year plan to reduce energy intensity still further The commitment to 15% renewable power by 2020. But above all, what will elevate Chinese leadership is if this December, when the world comes together in Copenhagen, its ambition is crystallised into a public commitment in a global deal.

    And I believe China will commit to ambition.

    China’s commitment to this cause will propel others to commit to it too.

    So there is great potential for us to act together, on the basis of our responsibilities.

    But the clear message I want to say, is that there is huge scope for China, through its commitments, to encourage others to go further and to increase global action.

    China has an ability to lead.

    Partnership: technology and finance

    And I’d also like talk about how we can work together to achieve our ambitions, with partnership and shared goals between countries at different levels of development.

    All of us recognise that the world is moving towards low carbon. There are huge industrial opportunities for Britain, China and other countries in this: these are the jobs of the future.

    China is investing part of its stimulus plan in low carbon; Britain is preparing too for the low carbon economy of the future.

    Co-operation can benefit both of our countries. Today, we are announcing a joint venture between the Carbon Trust and the China Energy Conservation Investment Corporation, with £10 million to help British and Chinese companies work together and learn form each other.

    We think there is £100 million of investment that will come from this co-operation, benefitting many British firms and opening new markets.

    These firms will benefit from investment by Chinese enterprises, developing low carbon technologies in China.

    This is the sort of co-operation we need: joint ventures to further our mutual interests.

    And we need to look at this kind of co-operation in other areas, protecting intellectual property –as both of our countries would wish—but at the same time, working together where possible to drive the demonstration and development of new technologies forward.

    When I visited the power station yesterday, and saw how they had worked with other countries to demonstrate carbon capture, it showed me very clearly how we both have an interest in driving this technology.

    And it was clearly not just a case of one country having the technology, and another being given it. Both sides added knowledge and expertise – and that’s true across the board, for example with the major European partnership for Near-Zero Emissions Coal. The question is, “can we turn coal from the dirty fuel of the past to the clean fuel of the future?”

    So that’s why I will be working with China to make sure that driving technology demonstration and development is an important part of any global climate change agreement.

    Of course for some countries, particularly less developed countries, technology access is not enough and we also need to find ways of providing finance, including through the carbon market.

    And I was only hearing yesterday about how support from the carbon market was bringing international investment into wind farm projects viable in China, diffusing new technology for mutual benefit.

    I am clear we also need stable and predictable forms of finance to help make the transition to low carbon – and this too must be part of our agreement in Copenhagen.

    Conclusion

    Let me end with this thought:

    On the dangers of climate change,

    On the potential of China to inspire others through international commitments,

    And the importance of countries working together,

    It is only right that on national Youth Day we think about the role of you, the young people of China.

    A seminal figure in the May Fourth Movement, who you will all be more familiar with than me, was Chen Duxiu.

    His article that inspired the movement, Call to Youth, said the role of youth in society “is like… a newly-sharpened blade” shaping the new era.

    It reminds me of a line by the American Senator, Robert Kennedy, who when touring South Africa in 1968 said that to “lead in the introduction of a new order of things”, “the world demands the qualities of youth; not a time of life but a state of mind”.

    There are more people under the age of 24 in China than there are people in North America, Australia and Russia combined.

    There is more potential for you, the young people of the youngest great power, to reshape the order of things than for most generations that have ever lived.

    In British Universities at the moment, there are not only more students from China than from any other country, there is a movement to tackle climate change reaching out to you from there to here.

    Some people say that China’s moment is coming. The truth is, China’s moment is now, and nowhere is that more true than on climate change: none of us can say in the future that we weren’t warned about the scale of the problem or that we didn’t have the opportunity to tackle it.

    We know what the science is telling us. We know the urgency of the problem. We have many of the technologies we need.

    The test for us is whether we have the political and popular will to make it happen and protect the world from dangerous climate change.

    In the years ahead, we will look around and see either our success or failure at this task.

    Young people will enjoy the benefits of that success the most or will live longest with its failure.

    I hope we can work together – Britain and China, young people in Britain in China – to show something important: that we have secured our legacy as the first generations to understand and prevent climate change – not the last that didn’t.

    I hope we choose to work together and together, we can choose to protect the planet for future generations.

  • Maria Miller – 2014 Speech at LGA Conference

    marimiller

    Below is the text of the speech made by Maria Miller, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, to the LFA Conference in Portsmouth on 3rd March 2014.

    I’m delighted to be here in Portsmouth today. As you might be aware it stood, partnered by its long-time rival Southampton, as a candidate for our 2017 City of Culture competition. And a very worthy candidate it was too.

    And as the home of the Mary Rose, HMS Victory, three theatres and a football team that has seen its fair share of success over the years, it is an extremely appropriate venue for this conference.

    It is a city which clearly understands the value and importance of culture, tourism and sport – which is the underlying theme to this conference.

    The precise topic of the conference is actually ‘making the most of your cultural, heritage and sport assets’.

    I think this topic reflects two things:

    Firstly, it acknowledges that times remain tough. We all now have to think differently, plan differently and deliver public services differently. That is true both in central Government and local Government.

    But secondly, on a much more positive note, I think it reflects the central importance of culture, heritage and sport in communities up and down the country. It reflects the fact that these activities really are the bedrock of our modern lives. And that we all care about them a great deal.

    In local government, as you all know only too well, the arts… culture… sport… are not statutory services. But they remain essential services. Good local authorities recognise that fact. They realise that their local residents expect these services to be provided and provided well. And they realise the benefits which these services offer.

    The same arguments apply in central Government as in local Government. We continue to prioritise these areas both because we know people care about them deeply… and because we know what activity in these areas can achieve.

    Today I want to talk, if I may, about some of the arguments we have at our disposal when we argue for support for these areas. I want to talk about the balance between national and local government funding and what we have done to help these sectors. And I want to talk about the role of partnerships, in particular, as a means by which we can all make the most of our assets.

    Intrinsic Value

    I’d like to begin with a simple proposition.

    I believe that culture – and I’m using the word in its very broadest sense… to include the arts… our creative industries… our built heritage… and also including the central role that sport has in our lives… is absolutely fundamental to who we are.

    It has a privileged place in our lives. It is uniquely able to move us, inspire us… make us laugh and make us cry. As I said recently in a speech, it’s what makes our hearts sing. In my opinion this, in and of itself, is a compelling enough reason for any government – central or local – to continue to fund these sectors.

    I feel proud and privileged to have responsibility for these sectors at a national level. And I am sure you feel the same in your local areas. Trips to the theatre… family kick-arounds in the park… visiting local heritage sites…these are a central part of Britain and being British.

    So, undoubtedly, there is a powerful intrinsic argument to be made for support for the arts, heritage and sport. But the case does not start and stop there… we can also point to evidence of the myriad benefits that these activities can help secure.

    Instrumental arguments

    Whether we are talking about economic, educative, health or community benefits, there is a clear and compelling case to be made. If I may, I’d like to give you a few brief examples to illustrate this.

    The economic case is captured here in Portsmouth. The new Mary Rose museum has only been open for nine months but has already attracted more than a quarter of a million people.

    Similarly in Wakefield, the council has invested and has been rewarded by half a million people visiting The Hepworth Wakefield in its first year. This has contributed around £10 million to the local economy.

    Yorkshire will also host the opening stages of this year’s Tour de France – an event which should bring millions of pounds in for the local area.

    The educational benefits of both the arts and sport have been well demonstrated. Not only can sport be used as a hook to keep children engaged in education but sport programmes have been shown to improve the learning performance of young people. And recent survey data shows that those participating in the arts are much more likely to claim that they are ‘very likely’ to go on to further education.

    In health, the sporting case is obvious but I’ve been struck by emerging evidence about the positive impact culture can have on physical and mental health.

    A 2007 report from UCL, commissioned by my department and the Department for Health, showed that arts participation lead to mental health improvements.

    Both culture and sport are proven to help increase motivation, inspire hope, provide relaxation and reduce the symptoms of depression.

    And the case in terms of physical health is equally compelling. Physical activity is linked to a reduced risk of 20 illnesses, including cardiovascular disease and even cancer. Regular sports activity is estimated to save thousands of pounds per person in healthcare costs over a lifetime.

    And an interesting piece of research to be published shortly – again commissioned by my department –shows that people who had engaged with the arts were also more likely to report good physical health than those who had not.

    Again this can mean big savings for the NHS. In fact, taken together, this research suggests potential annual savings of more than £3 billion thanks to activity in the arts and sport.

    And I am delighted that cCLOA (Chief Cultural and Leisure Officers Association) will publish guidance tomorrow on the vital role of culture and leisure in improving the health and wellbeing of local communities.

    Communities

    But perhaps the most compelling of the so-called instrumental arguments for culture – and one which I think clearly marries the intrinsic value with the instrumental benefits – is the way in which it can bring people and communities together.

    A great example of this is to be found in the amazing work of East Lindsey, who have transformed Skegness through a cultural programme, centred on the now-regular SO Festival. Yes this has a big economic impact on the local area, but more importantly, it has helped bring the local community together and allowed them to get behind what they, quite rightly, see as their event.

    This idea – that culture brings people together, instils civic pride and lifts the spirits – is one of the main reasons why the City of Culture competition has been such a success. .

    We saw this take place in Derry-Londonderry last year and the omens are very good indeed for Hull when they take on the mantle in 2017.

    I was delighted to hear that when Crystal Palace supporters recently travelled to Hull for a Premier League match, they were greeted by home fans chanting ‘You’re only here for the culture’.

    And undoubtedly sporting success – whether that is through a local team or thanks to inspirational local stars such as Jessica Ennis Hill from Sheffield or Nicola Adams from Leeds – can have a huge impact on a local community.

    Sir Tom Finney, who passed away just last month, is a perfect example of how sporting excellence, civic pride and loyalty to a local community can have a resonance long after a sporting career is over. Described by Bill Shankly as “the greatest player to ever play the game” he never thought of leaving his home-town club, Preston North End, and his funeral last week quite literally brought that town to a standstill.

    So these factors – economic benefit, civic pride, educational achievement and health benefits – should be central to our case when we argue for investment in culture, sport and heritage.

    But it is also important to remind ourselves of the intrinsic value of these activities. And to remember that making these instrumental arguments does not contradict a belief in an intrinsic value. Put simply, there can be instrumental benefits without compromising intrinsic value.

    What we’re doing in Central Government

    In central Government we believe in both the intrinsic and instrumental potential of the arts, heritage and sport. And we have therefore done all we can to protect these sectors despite the tough times we find ourselves in.

    At the last Spending Round, we only passed on a five per cent reduction to the arts, museums and sport. This was a far lower reduction than for many other sectors.

    And, we increased the shares of Lottery income going to the arts, heritage and sport from 16 per cent to 20 per cent.

    This means hundreds of millions of pounds of extra Lottery funding for these sectors over the course of this parliament.

    I am proud of this record. But I don’t agree with those who seem to think funding is the be all and end all. After all, it is true that – in real terms – funding has fallen for arts over the last few years. Yet participation in the arts has gone up over the same period. It is currently at an all-time high with almost 4 in 5 adults participating in the arts last year.

    And since London was awarded the Olympics in 2005, the number of people participating in sport has gone up by 1.5 million.

    If we can do more for less, we always should….. In local government you know that better than most.

    The important role of local authorities

    The role you play in providing cultural, heritage and sporting services up and down this country is vital. You are the largest funders of culture. In fact, you spent almost £4 billion on cultural and related services – including sport – last year. Clearly, you are the backbone of support for these areas.

    But you, like us in central Government, are having to think differently these days. Budgets are tight and choices have to be made – prioritisation is the name of the game.

    But what local authorities have also proved is that reduced spending doesn’t have to mean public dissatisfaction. In fact, the LGA’s own research shows that overall satisfaction amongst the public with the way their local council runs things remains high, with almost three-quarters of people fairly or very satisfied. This, I think, is a pretty clear indication that customer satisfaction is not just a matter of funding – it is also about how things are done and how services are provided.

    Partnerships

    As I have travelled the country, I have been really encouraged to see how local authorities are innovating to reduce costs and to deliver services more effectively.

    These innovations include establishing charitable trusts, creating mutuals, outsourcing, and sharing services across a number of LA areas.

    For example Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery have joined forces with Thinktank and Birmingham Science Museum, to form ‘Birmingham Museums’, the UK’s largest independent museums trust.

    Luton Cultural Services Trust – a registered charity – who manage 12 venues and provide cultural services across Luton. And Hampshire County Council, with Winchester City Council, have developed a new charitable trust to support arts and museums in the county.

    So partnerships are being established. And I think they spell a very exciting way forward, working within the grain of how culture works in this country.

    After all, culture is not a monolithic, state-controlled entity. It is delivered by many organisations. These partnerships reflect that.

    Arts Council England and the national tourist board, VisitEngland, work together to boost cultural tourism in England making £3 million available to local culture and tourism partnerships.

    Universities are forming partnerships with cultural organisations. For example, “Evolve” at the University of Derby offers support and space to new and growing businesses, and the University is a vital supporter of the theatre in Derby.

    And I’m very pleased to see so many of our National Cultural institutions, including those funded by central Government, working in partnership across the country.

    National institutions reaching out

    Digital technology, in particular, is providing new ways to extend the reach of our national institutions. These days the amazing productions that are thrilling audiences at the National Theatre on London’s South Bank are also being broadcast to cinemas all over the country. Barn-storming performances like James Corden’s in ‘One Man, Two Guvnors’, or Adrian Lester’s stunning handling of ‘Othello’ can now be enjoyed by audiences right across the UK.

    Then there’s the Plus Tate network which aims to support the development of the visual arts across the UK. Tate contributes resources to help create a network of organisations – 18 so far – who share ideas and expertise, as well as programmes and collections for the benefit of the wider public.

    This is good for Tate because it expands its reach and expertise, and great for people outside the immediate orbit of Tate’s main galleries by increasing public access to the national collection of British and international modern and contemporary art. More than 3.5 million people have visited the shared collections since it began.

    Tate also administers the spectacularly successful ‘Artist Rooms’ programme which has reached almost 30 million visitors in scores of exhibitions at museums and galleries in all corners of the UK. This programme means these works can dazzle… inspire… and make hearts sing in so many more places.

    Tate is not the only national institution operating nationally, of course. To take just one other example The Roman Empire: Power and People is a British Museum touring exhibition developed with Bristol Museum and Arts Gallery, which is visiting Norwich Castle, Coventry, Leeds, Dundee and Wallsend.

    This is the way of the future and I believe this sort of activity will help extend regional organisation’s reach far wider than ever before.

    The balance of regional cultural funding

    I know that the current balance of funding is being questioned at the moment – in particular people ask if the capital gets more than its fair share?

    Well my view is that London’s international reputation for excellence in both culture and sport, and its appeal to tourists from around the globe, is extraordinarily valuable

    There is a debate to be had about the relationship between the capital and the regions but it’s worth remembering that London is a gateway to the UK and it benefits all of us, no matter where we live.

    I would rather people outside London did not see themselves as competing with the capital. Instead, I would prefer it if people think of London’s cultural offer as providing a rising tide which carries all ships.

    This includes the partnership work that the capital’s institutions should focus on round the country.

    It is true that half the inbound visits to the UK are to London, but this last year has seen big increases in visitor numbers and spending in other parts of England and the rest of the UK by overseas visitors.

    So the evidence suggests that we are seeing more and more visitors going through the gateway and seeing what the rest of the country has to offer.

    The GREAT campaign has played a big part in this. It showcases the very best of our country. And it won’t surprise any of you here today that the imagery the GREAT campaign consistently uses is from your sectors. The worlds of culture, the creative industries, heritage and sport.

    Conclusion

    So, when you campaign to the public – and to central Government, of course – on behalf of the arts, heritage, sports and tourism, you are doing so very much within the grain of our thinking. We believe that these sectors are at the heart of a free and dynamic society. We believe they are the cornerstone of what central and local government do. And what people care about. The public’s appetite for these sectors is obvious and shows no sign of diminishing,

    Whilst public finances remain extremely tight, central Government’s support for these sectors is assured. And I know the same is true for all good local authorities.

    What we need to do now, and in the future, is to keep forging partnerships…to continue championing the intrinsic value of the arts…. as well as the amazing things culture and sport can help achieve…and to take pride in the fact that we are all working in some of the most exciting, creative and valuable areas that this country has to offer.

  • Maria Miller – 2014 Speech at Oxford Media Convention

    marimiller

    Below is the text of the speech made by Maria Miller, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, on 26th February 2014.

    This year is the 25th anniversary of the World Wide Web, and it is truly extraordinary – I think – that it was only such a short time ago that Sir Tim Berners-Lee and his colleagues at CERN made that first thought connection that changed the world.

    Our creative industries are the fastest growing sector of the UK economy. The internet is a key part of this fastest growing sector. We have to get the internet right if we’re going to get the creative industries right. We have to foster the internet we want.

    For most of us, the internet is now an intrinsic part of our lives. And for your industry in particular, it has had and will continue to have a transformative impact. It is revolutionising the business models for how content is created, shared and monetised. The future of the internet matters, so we want to foster the sort of internet that adds value to content and that adds value to our creative industries.

    I want to reflect this afternoon on the transformative impact the internet has had for freedom of expression. Be that political, cultural or personal – the internet has given us all a voice and an audience.

    That is a powerful change. A force for good. A force for liberation. A force for democracy. We have to protect that. So I also want to talk about the responsibility we all have for nurturing this phenomenal technology – to ensure it remains a force that improves and enriches peoples lives.

    The responsibility we have for protecting the openness, innovation and security – that underpin it.

    Open, so everyone can access the internet and enjoy the opportunities it provides.

    Innovative, so technological development can keep pace with human creativity.

    Secure, so that the infrastructure is robust and our data – whether personal or IP – is protected and we keep the most vulnerable people safe. I am sure we have all been struck by the role the internet and social media has played in world affairs from the Arab Spring to bringing to light the horrors in Syria.

    The internet has made the world accessible and given every individual the possibility of access to a global audience. The internet has provided enormous opportunities in delivering public services such remote education and e-health, or even just renewing your car tax.

    Massive Open Online Courses (or MOOCs) are opening up education to the world. Farmers in Ghana are saving time and money by using their smartphones to trade their products before they go to market. None of this would be possible without the internet.

    An internet for life

    And it is not only at the high-end of human endeavour that the internet has changed our lives. For our children it is fundamental part of their world. Fewer than one in ten children in the UK do not use the internet at all. Most research and do their homework online. They watch TV or films, play games and use social media. The devices they use and location for these things may change, but the constant is the role of the internet.

    This is no different for adults. Many of us also choose to spend leisure time on social media, gaming with friends, downloading or streaming films and music or sharing our own content.

    So for the avoidance of doubt, let me make my starting point clear – and perhaps Government doesn’t say this enough – the internet and all that it has done for us in the past, and all that I think it will do for us in the future is – overwhelmingly – a very good thing indeed.

    The internet is one of the great enablers for Freedom of Expression. It is the equivalent of the invention of the printing press many hundreds of years ago.

    This freedom is the cornerstone of British democracy. And it drives our creativity, our culture, our economy and equality.

    Rights and Responsibilities

    But Freedom of Expression doesn’t just happen because the technology allows it. It is in our DNA. It is something that we must all actively nurture and protect through our actions and behaviour.

    We have a responsibility to work together to ensure that everyone can approach the internet excited about what we can learn, what we can find, not frightened of where it might lead us.

    So how should we approach this responsibility?

    The starting point, I would suggest, is a straightforward principle.

    The internet isn’t a ‘Second Life’, it isn’t something where different rules apply, where different behaviour is acceptable – it isn’t the wild west.

    To put it simply the rules that apply offline are the same rules that apply online.

    The same rules offline also apply online.

    This is at its most clear when it comes to the law. If something is illegal offline, it is illegal online. We have laws in this country to protect our freedom… it is no different online.

    Whether it is images of child abuse or terrorist material we will use the full force of the law, national and international, to take down that content and pursue the perpetrators.

    If you have vilely insulted, or threatened to attack someone in person on the street, you do so expecting to be arrested and probably charged.

    The same already applies on social media.

    The legislation is already in place. And we have the guidelines by the Attorney General on contempt of court – and the Director of Public Prosecution’s on prosecutions involving social media communications – put together they present a strong and durable framework.

    As the recent imprisonment of two people for the abuse suffered by Caroline Criado-Perez shows, being online does not mean the law doesn’t apply to you. And the law is being used. Last year 2000 people were prosecuted for sending electronic communications that were grossly offensive or menacing.

    In tackling child abuse online, the new National Crime Agency is bringing greater resources to bare. Last month Operation Endeavour resulted in 46 arrests across 14 countries, demonstrating the NCA’s global reach. And yes, of course, there will be challenges of jurisdiction on the internet. But the internet is not the only space where working across borders presents legal challenges.

    There are many countries that have sought to regulate the internet in ways that we would not consider, but I think you’ll agree that the debate has moved on from whether it can be done, to what is the responsible way for all of us – individuals, industry and state – to foster the web we want.

    In other areas we don’t argue the law should not apply because it is difficult. And we will continue to work with other Governments and law enforcement agencies to bring the perpetrators of serious online crime to justice, where ever they are.

    The Sensible Consumer

    But society is not only governed by laws.

    We have social and ethical responsibilities for our own behaviour as well -online, just as we do offline. Freedom of Expression, creativity, entrepreneurship – these are repressed, not enhanced, by failing to treat people fairly, or with respect. We want the reassurance of knowing we are protected online, but equally we must be responsible for our own actions. The veil of anonymity the internet provides may be valuable but does not give licence to insult, cheat or exploit.

    And the responsibility we take for our own and others’ belongings equally apply online.

    You wouldn’t leave your front door unlocked with a handy map pinned to it, showing where you kept your valuables. So why use the word ‘password123’ as your on-line banking password?

    If you wanted to see a film or listen to a CD, you wouldn’t sneak into a shop and steal it off the shelf, so why do the online equivalent and download it illegally?

    It’s about good citizenship… as well as what’s legal and what’s not.

    Changes can be made

    And we already know that when the industry and Government work together we can make changes. We know that work can be done to enhance the protections that we see online. An example of this is the steps forward we have made with child internet safety.

    The work that ISPs have done since last summer to deliver on filtering is a great example of a responsible industry supporting the people who use it to have the confidence in the internet.

    And it works, not least because we’ve been able to demonstrate that the solutions to these problems are not always best arrived at through more regulation. But I am also clear that technological tools, can only ever go so far. Parents have – and understand that they have – a responsibility to know what our kids are up to, and help guide those choices. As parents, we know that when it comes to our parental responsibilities there is no substitute for talking to our children about the difficult challenges and the difficult decisions they have got to make. Industry must help us take responsibility and give us the information and tools to navigate this landscape. To allow us to make sensible choices about where we go and what we do and help to guide our children too.

    That is why I so welcome the industry’s £25 million a year awareness campaign to help parents keep their children safe online.

    Common Media Standards

    Many of you are working at the cutting edge of these issues and realise you are facing more technical and legal challenges.

    The advent of new technology from smartphones to tablets is changing the way we access media content online – from news, to celebrity gossip, to our favourite TV shows.

    Different media are governed by different rules –we expect impartial news coverage on a TV news bulletin, but not so on social media where people are actively seeking personal viewpoints.

    We expect traditional broadcast television to meet a ‘gold standard’ of accuracy and quality, whereas when we view a user-generated video online we know to be more circumspect.

    But with people old and young alike increasingly able to access not only broadcast channels on their TV, but hundreds of YouTube channels, as well as videos on social media, in just a few presses of the family remote, it can be unclear to consumer which standards apply and to parents what broadcasting controls apply, if any.

    It is important that viewers can be confident about what they are getting at the press of a button.

    This works both ways. If the viewer is confident, then businesses can be too, and that can only be a good thing, which is why so many of you – from the BBC to YouTube – are already active in signalling to consumers – for example, the age appropriateness of material.

    I think there is a responsibility to help make this clearer still.

    I would like industry and regulators to come together to assess how they can most effectively give consumers clarity about the standards that apply across different platforms, and how they complain if those standards are not met.

    That is why I have asked Ofcom to kick-start this work, and I look forward to seeing how that progresses.

    Transparent media standards will help deal with the world as it is today rather than the world pre-internet.

    Setting the standard

    Your industry is at the cutting edge too, of demonstrating how behaving responsibly online can be rewarded. The standards and sensibilities that the media industry brings to creating content on line – whether news, kid’s entertainment or programming – is setting the bar for quality and driving consumer confidence online. Far from being a race to the bottom, the high standards of broadcasters become a valuable selling point for online content in the future.

    Brands such as the BBC are becoming an important navigation tool for consumers looking for sources of content they can trust, and I know many of you here have worked hard to develop your reputation and relationship with consumers. For instance the work Channel 4 has done to create an award-winning data strategy that has allowed it to evolve its business model through a deeper understanding of its customer base, but with a ‘Viewer Promise’ that gives viewers transparency and control over their data.

    This leads me onto the next area of challenge for industry.

    Data as Currency

    Information – or data, if you prefer – is the currency of the internet. Part of what I’m talking about today – quite a large part, actually – is the need for all of us to have clarity about the impact of the choices we make. This includes choices we make about our personal data when it comes to the internet

    Understanding the value we and others place on it, how we spend this currency, what we are being sold, and at what cost.

    Of course commercial broadcasters have been doing something similar for decades – viewers accept TV advertising as the trade for programmes they want. Personal data is the next evolutionary step.

    The explosion of data as currency is not necessarily a bad thing. It delivers tremendous choice to consumers, allows us to access a huge range of content free at the point of consumption, and provides a level of convenience we could not have dreamed of a few years ago. I think of the App that tells where the nearest bus stop is, which buses go there and when the next one will arrive. Amazing.

    But we must be intelligent consumers. We must understand the price we are paying for this extraordinary service. We’ve all experienced it. Ads for restaurants popping that seem spookily close where we are. Spotify or Amazon suggesting songs or books we might like. And we do!

    We need to recognise that a commercial transaction has taken place – that our details, location and preferences, have been bought and sold and that is the cost of the convenience we want.

    Using data intelligently has the capacity to transform how the public sector delivers services and reaches the most hard to reach groups, to drive medical research and inspire market-changing products and services – such as the work by Channel 4 I mentioned earlier.

    What’s more, this virtual marketplace creates thousands of new jobs.

    But, I go back to the principles of openness, innovation and security. If we are going to reap the benefits that an open, innovative internet can deliver, we must have confidence that our engagement with it is secure.

    Data is a driver for growth and creativity. I believe that transparency is essential if consumers are to feel safe and empowered by the use internet, and the data that flows across it.

    Good progress is being made here. For example the Ad Choices self-regulatory work on transparency means consumers can now not only see which advertising networks use their data, they can opt out of targeted behavioural advertising if they wish. Just as TV advertising sits within a proportionate regulatory framework, so too must the use of personal data.

    We must continue to negotiate solutions. In the EU we are negotiating a new data protection framework which must reflect the realities of modern enterprise if they to deliver economic growth, promote the use of open data and protect citizen’s rights.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude where I started, by saying that the internet is an incredible invention that has opened up our world.

    But we are wrong to say this is a different world, where different rules of personal behaviour apply. The opportunities an open, innovative and secure internet have given us are precious. We must not crush it with thoughtless, harmful behaviour, the naked pursuit of profit, or overly burdensome regulation. And I am confident that our approach – self regulation first, regulation only where necessary – is the right one.

    I look forward to working with you to promote an environment that preserves what we value, both online and offline – Freedom of Expression, creativity and prosperity.

  • Maria Miller – 2013 Speech to the Advertising Association Conference

    marimiller

    The below speech was made by the Culture Secretary, Maria Miller, on 31st January 2013 in London.

    Thank you Cilla Snowball and to the Advertising Association for putting on this event and asking me to speak to you today. With my background in the industry, this is a particularly special moment for me, addressing so many influential people from across the advertising world.  You’ve heard already today from companies that advertise, agencies that create ads and the media in which the ads appear. Clearly, the Government has a strong interest – and an important role to play – in the success of all those parts of the chain. There can be no doubt as to the value that advertising has, as a driver of investment, tourism and growth.  Making this case is something that I am personally committed to. I believe it is vital that we enable the advertising industry to maximise its impact on the UK economy while at the same time, loosing none of its reputation for originality and creativity. I want to talk to you today about what we can do together to make the most of the huge potential for economic growth driven by the advertising sector that Deloitte have identified in their new report for the Advertising Association ‘Advertising Pays: How advertising fuels the UK economy’.

    UNIQUELY BRITISH ADVANTAGE

    It won’t surprise you to hear me say that the biggest problem facing this country is how we get the economy growing again.  I have the great responsibility of running a department which has a key role to play in that. Often you hear people talking about manufacturing or the financial sectors in regards to boosting economic growth. However, I firmly believe that we need to look in another direction, towards creative industries like advertising which have a holistic benefit to the economy and to Britain.

    DCMS estimates that advertising directly contributed £6bn to the economy –  a very sizable portion of the total £36bn the creative industries contribute to GVA altogether, ahead of TV and film and more than design and architecture combined.

    Deloitte’s report looks deeper than this and asks: what’s the wider role that advertising plays in the economy? The answer the report comes up with is impressive – £16bn of annual expenditure on advertising in the UK adds £100bn to UK GDP by raising the level of economic activity and boosting productivity.  In other words, according to Deloitte, for every £1 spent on advertising, £6 is generated for the economy.

    More of that in a moment, but reading these eye-popping figures, it struck me that a really significant part of what makes our ad industry so successful all over the world is its very Britishness.

    Whether its Burberry reaching out to new markets in Russia, Hong Kong and India on youtube or international computer giant Acer choosing the UK agency ‘Mother’ to create an exciting new European campaign harnessing the power of the latest animation technology, the UK is leading the world. We lead because of our history, culture and arts, because of what the world associates with being British. There isn’t any better example of what we did than last summer, when Britain was marketed to the world.  Global brands come to Great Britain to get the best market for their products, and Great Britain brands gain a global market through the strength of our advertising talent. This adds up to an export business for advertising services worth at least £2bn.  And this doesn’t include the huge value advertising adds to economy in terms of selling Britain – as a GREAT tourist destination and GREAT place to do business.

    I hope it’s becoming clear that I am hugely proud of our ad industry, the impact it has on our economy and on our reputation abroad.  I am determined to be its champion and cheerleader. And I think one way to do that is to identify what gives us a special British advantage and challenge you to maintain it.  I would argue that a key part of the domestic and international success of the British ad industry is that is reflects our unique culture.  The industry’s direct connection with the diverse UK population and a culture of openness and tolerance allows us to engage creatively with people all over the world.  I expect the strong tradition of robust self-regulation to continue and that you will all play a part in upholding the UK ad industry’s worldwide reputation for decency and honesty – as well as creativity.

    ADVERTISING AS A DRIVER OF GROWTH

    What’s really eye-catching in Deloitte’s report is their claim that that increasing spending on advertising leads to a beneficial impact on GDP.  So advertising could be the oil in the machinery of a recovering market economy. The levers work in a number of ways:

    Advertising promotes innovation and differentiation within a market;

    It drives price competition;

    It encourages overall market growth;

    It funds media and the creative industries (I want to come back to that one);

    And it supports a wide range of employment.

    Deloitte’s estimate puts the number of jobs supported directly and indirectly by the £16bn of advertising spend at 550,000.

    It’s clear that advertising has a significant potential part to play in the future growth of the economy.  The challenge I want to put to you is, what should we be doing to unlock that potential?

    I was pleased to see in IPA’s 2012 census that of the nearly 20,500 people employed in UK ad agencies, 50 percent are female.  I was slightly more concerned by the fact that women occupy only about a 5th of senior positions in the industry.  This might not be bad compared to many other industries, where women are lucky to find a seat round the Board table at all.  But in a world where the majority of advertising is aimed at women, is it sustainable to have most of that created by men?  I think there’s work to be done here to ensure we retain that critical British advantage.

    I know that some of you feel that there’s potential for the Government to offer more help to small and medium sized businesses.  As a government, we are committed to ensuring that SMEs get the best possible chance to do business, but we want to hear from you about what else we can do.

    Others may feel what you really need to grow is better access to consumer data. It’s absolutely crucial that we strike the right balance between the protection of consumers and the ability of business to use data to deliver products and services that people want.  I know we face challenges with the EU Data protection proposals and I will work hard with our colleagues at the Ministry of Justice to ensure our approach to negotiations reflects your concerns. We must ensure that the impact and the practical effect of the current proposals is clearly understood by our friends in other Member States and indeed by members of the European Parliament. If we can achieve this I am confident that we will have a data protection framework that is both practical for business and delivers real safeguards for consumers.

    ADVERTISING IS THE KEY TO UNLOCKING THE DIGITAL AND CREATIVE ECONOMY

    One of the things I loved about working in advertising was the feeling that we were both feeding-off and driving creative and technological innovation.  In my view, advertising, like many of the other creative industries, is an important landmark in the UK’s cultural and artistic landscape.

    The creative talent that makes Britain a breeding ground for great films and TV, amazing special effects and wonderful music is the same creative talent that inspires and makes our advertising.  Would Tom Hooper, director of the Les Miserables film, be the toast of Hollywood today without his grounding in making ads? The same could be said of Ridely Scott or Sam Mendes, two great talents to come out of your industry.

    What’s more, the benefits flow in both directions.  The advertising industry is absolutely critical to funding the creative industries and promoting them to as wide a market as possible.  Deloitte show the UK cinema box office could have lost out on £300m in 2010 – 27 percent of total revenues– without advertising getting audiences through the doors.  Almost 30 percent of TV revenues come from advertising.  As David Abraham showed this morning, broadcasters like Channel 4 still have a symbiotic relationship with advertisers – yes, one that is changing and evolving – but still as critical as ever. 68 percent of newspapers’ revenue comes from advertising and over 500 local and community radio stations around the country are supported by advertising.

    The Creative Industries are at the heart of economic growth, they are what makes Britain unique, they inspire investment and tourism and growth. I hope I have outlined the crucial role that advertising has to play in that.

    CONCLUSION

    In conclusion, let me say again that I personally take very seriously my responsibility to fly the flag for the British advertising industry.  The value that I seek to make around the importance of advertising to the economy is not a new case, but it is perhaps a case that hasn’t been made loudly enough before. There is a critical role for you to  play in the future growth of the economy.  Now, I just ask you to retain that critical British edge by representing our unique, diverse culture; and to keep telling me and government what we need to do to help you prosper.

  • Maria Miller – Speech to 2011 Capita Conference

    marimiller

    Below is the text of the speech made by the Minister for the Disabled, Maria Miller, made at the Capita Conference on 5th April 2011.

    It is a great pleasure to see so many people here today focused on the issues of child poverty. There are few more important – or emotive – topics in politics. We all know that tackling the problem demands far more than warm words or political posturing. We recognise that money matters, whether it is measured in relative or absolute terms.

    Yet we also know that dealing with child poverty demands more than just thinking about poverty in cash terms. Poverty of aspiration, lack of life chances and inequality of opportunity are all powerful factors too. So let me say right now that this Government is determined to tackle the underlying causes of child poverty – not just the symptoms.

    Indeed, this is already the starting point for so many of the actions we are taking to promote greater social justice across society. It lies at the heart of our welfare reforms. And in the long run, it is the only way we will deliver the fairer and more responsible society we all want to see.

    Before he became Secretary of State, Iain Duncan Smith spent years examining exactly these issues with the Centre for Social Justice. Under his lead, the Government fully recognises that far broader social issues are at play – debt, addiction, family breakdown, educational failure, and worklessness, to name but a few. Any one of these topics represents a huge social challenge in its own right.

    Every person in this room will have worked with families trapped in situations where they feel it is very difficult to break out and where benefits alone are not going to provide the answer:

    families where feeding an addiction has become a greater priority than feeding the children

    working with people frightened about payday loans hanging over their heads

    or picking up the pieces after a childhood spent in the care system.

    These are the type of challenges many of you deal with day in, day out. I am sure we can all agree, it is only by Government accepting that there are not going to be many quick fixes – that we can start to gain a deeper understanding of the challenges, and then work together to find ways to meet them. Accepting that there are a whole host of issues to tackle along the way also helps us to understand how best to deliver for the poorest. If I take just one statistic, I could point to the fact that we have spent £150 billion on Tax Credits alone since 2003. Yet despite the apparently vast resources being aimed mostly at families with children, real progress on child poverty all but stalled in the years that followed.

    We all know what the results are today:

    2.8 million children still living in relative poverty

    1.6 million children still in absolute poverty, and

    almost 2 million children living in workless households – one of the worst rates in Europe.

    Clearly, simply throwing money at the problem has not worked. I believe in the principles underpinning the Child Poverty Act and the Government is determined to meet the challenge it sets. So we need a new approach. That means moving away from the goal of getting every child one penny past an arbitrary income threshold. And instead, it means focusing on helping each child to move out of poverty in the real-world sense. That is why we need to start looking at child poverty through a sharper lens and start tackling the underlying issues of poverty such as education, debt and worklessness. This is also why the Government is so focused on tackling welfare dependency.

    The benefits trap presents a very real barrier to many of the poorest in our country. They become isolated from broader society. They get stuck in a rut where aspiring to work and a better life actually represents a real risk to income levels. And as if all that were not bad enough, it costs the taxpayer a fortune to maintain this broken benefits system.

    This is why we are so committed to fundamental welfare reform:

    completely rethinking our approach to people on incapacity so that we don’t abandon them to a life on long-term benefits

    reinventing welfare to work with one of the biggest work programmes this country has ever seen

    and just as importantly, rewriting the incentive base for jobseekers through the Universal Credit to make sure work pays.

    The introduction of the Universal Credit on its own is forecast to lift some 600,000 working age adults and 350,000 children out of poverty. Yet it is the long-term behavioural changes inspired by the three legs of these welfare reforms that we expect to have a bigger impact.

    We will move towards a benefit system that is there to support people when they need it, but without trapping them in a cycle of intergenerational poverty. We will move those who can work back toward employment so that we reduce the number of children who think it’s normal to have no one in the house heading out to earn a living in the morning. And at the same time, we will work to tackle some of the other big issues that too often leave children trapped in poverty. One of those is educational attainment. This is an area that has been flagged by both Graham Allen and Frank Field in reports commissioned by the Government, to help us find new ways of making a positive impact on the life chances of children.

    I think everyone here today can agree just how important education and early intervention are in tackling child poverty. That’s why, for example, the Department for Education is targeting extra money at pupils from deprived backgrounds – pupils we know are at high risk of poorer outcomes. This is a key priority for the Government, which is why we are increasing the funding available under the Pupil Premium to £2.5 billion. At the same time, we recognise the huge role that local authorities play in influencing the life chances of children. As a result, we are allocating £2.2 billion this year under the Early Intervention Grant to help local leaders act more strategically and target investment early, where it will have greatest impact. This will help fund new investments such as early education and 4,200 extra health visitors to build stronger links with local health services, which can make all the difference in early years.

    And of course, we are also reforming the child maintenance system to ensure that we put child welfare firmly at the centre of our policy approach and prevent the state from exacerbating potential disagreements between parents. These are just some of the many actions this Government is already taking to help children in the UK escape the poverty trap and the consequences that too often follow. We have to make taking action on child poverty a continuing priority – just as we have in these first 11 months of Government. The Child Poverty Strategy is a document that will bring together the details of all these policies and plans and it will be published very shortly.

    What I can tell you is that the Government takes child poverty extremely seriously and we have quite deliberately waited to publish our strategy at the right time – not some arbitrary deadline set by the previous administration. Rather than rush the strategy out as just another piece of Government business, everyone involved has been determined to make sure it is right so that we can deliver the change that this country needs. This reinforces just how highly child poverty features on this Government’s policy agenda.

    As a new Government taking a fresh approach to child poverty, there is a real determination to do our best. It is the only way we will achieve the joined-up approach we will need to make a real impact on children’s lives – in central government, at local authority level and across the third sector and civil society. Clearly, we have a great deal to do. But I am convinced that by working together, we can deliver the right solutions for the children of Britain.

    That is the challenge, and I look forward to meeting it with you.

    Thank you.

  • Maria Miller – 2011 Speech on Equality for Disabled People

    marimiller

    Below is the text of the speech made by Maria Miller, the then Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Disabled People, in London on 20th October 2011.

    It’s important to recognise the practical work the Mayor is doing to support disabled people in London to live more independently.

    The Government wants to support disabled people to make their own choices, to have full control over their own lives and to reach their full potential.

    In part this is about taking practical measures, like those the Mayor has mentioned, to remove the physical barriers to independent living.

    This could involve making some basic adaptations so disabled people can live in their own homes, making transport facilities more accessible and ensuring public buildings are accessible to everyone, including disabled people.

    There is, of course, a requirement, in law, for organisations to anticipate necessary reasonable adjustments for disabled people to access their services.

    This not only encourages service providers to proactively consider how to make their businesses more accessible – it also provides disabled people with the right to challenge if the legal requirement is not met.

    But changes to legislation and improvements to physical accessibility can only go so far.

    We have not yet seen these changes translate into complete equality and independence for disabled people in their everyday lives.

    The Mayor and I know for disabled people to enjoy truly independent lives we must transform attitudes and support aspirations, as well as transforming buildings and buses.

    Too often it is societal barriers rather than the person’s impairment that prevents disabled people living independently.

    Findings on public perceptions of disabled people, published by the Office for Disability Issues (ODI) earlier this year, revealed that out dated attitudes about disability still exist.

    Worse yet, we know very well that prejudice exists. ODI’s findings showed that eight in ten people believe there is prejudice in society towards disabled people.

    This prejudice may not be expressed openly. Although we know from some of the dreadful hate crime cases we have encountered over the last few months that too often it is and in the most awful terms.

    Thankfully it is a minority who behave this way. But ODI’s research shows that prejudice about disabled people exists within many more people.

    Three quarters of people believe disabled people need caring for.

    This “benevolent prejudice” is perhaps the most prevalent. There are still many, well-meaning people, who believe disabled people need to be looked after, protected from the world, and supported in a way which means they are detached from mainstream society.

    It must be addressed because whilst well-meaning, it is harmful, holding disabled people back and preventing them from realising their full potential.

    This is particularly clear in education.

    We know that the aspirations of young disabled people are the same as those of young non-disabled people.

    But too often these aspirations go unfulfilled.

    The ODI findings discovered four in ten people admitted they thought disabled people could not be as productive as non-disabled people.

    We have a responsibility to support disabled young people to overcome the lack of expectation that surrounds them.

    The role of society should be to inspire young people, whether disabled or not, to achieve their full potential in life.

    I want to make sure that at every stage of their lives disabled people are encouraged and supported to make the most of the opportunities that are available to them.

    One of the things I am particularly interested in is developing a really clear route for disabled people through the education system and into work.

    In education – we know that the experience of disabled young people at school and beyond has an enormous impact on their ability to fulfil their potential.

    In the right environment, aspirations are encouraged and young disabled people will flourish.

    I want to ensure we create more of the “right kind of environments”.

    The Department for Education has recently consulted on how to support young disabled people at school and beyond to achieve their ambitions.

    The Special Educational Needs and Disability Green Paper set out far reaching changes to improve the support that young disabled people get from birth to adulthood.

    Proposals include a single assessment process andcombined education, health and care plan from birth to 25 years old.

    For the first time people with special educational needswill have one plan that follows them through from birthto adulthood.This is a really radical idea that many people have been talking about for a long time.

    Early intervention is of course key. A child’s early experiences can have such a powerful impact on their lives we cannot leave this to chance.

    We must ensure young disabled people are getting the right messages about what they are capable of from a young age. And for many disabled people, the short answer to that is anything they put their minds to.

    Following a recommendation from the Sayce Review, I have formed a new cross-government ministerial group on employment.

    One of the issues this group will be considering is how we can ensure young disabled people have the support they need to identify their path in life, achieve in education and move on into work and be the best they can be.

    But our philosophy is not just about making sure disabled people are able to do well at school, or even about smoothing the route into employment.

    It is about ensuring disabled people are able to fully take part in life – that means forming friendships and relationships, being spontaneous with friends, enjoying the freedoms many of us take for granted.

    And that means we have to really transform attitudes.

    The public perceptions research revealed that one in six people still feel discomfort and embarrassment around disabled people. This is a real barrier to equal participation in society.

    Changing such attitudes is difficult and takes place over a long period of time.

    But we have some real opportunities coming up to challenge out-dated perceptions of disabled people – as well as celebrating our sporting heroes, and inspiring new ones.

    London 2012 is the first Games to bring together the Olympics and the Paralympics.

    More than 100, 000 people applied for 1.14 million Paralympic Games tickets.

    Sixteen sports were oversubscribed in at least one price category, including athletics, swimming, and track cycling. Tickets for these events will be balloted.

    Having some sessions already oversubscribed a year before the Games, has never been seen before in the history of the Paralympic Games. To have such interest and hunger in the Games really is unprecedented.

    The Government wishes to build on the inspirational power of the Games by using this opportunity to encourage more disabled people to take part in sport and become involved in their communities and to challenge the perception of disabled people in society.

    The Paralympic Games will enjoy more UK airtime than ever before thanks to Channel 4 and BBC Radio, and overseas the Games will be broadcast in more territories than previous years. These Games will show disabled athletes performing at their best.

    And it’s not just the mainstream media and sporting worlds that have a role to play in changing attitudes towards disabled people.

    Government is responsible for setting the public agenda and has an important role to play in driving change.

    But it would be entirely wrong for Ministers alone to be at the forefront of this change – disabled people must lead change by telling us what they want, and of course, wider society has an integral role to play.

    Government departments are increasingly involving disabled people in developing government policies and services.

    We want more disabled people to be involved in taking the decisions that affect all disabled people.

    The Government is serious about this involvement. We want to ensure it is meaningful and representative and that disabled people have the tools they need to influence and engage in the right way.

    That is why we are investing £3 million in User Led Organisations (ULO) – groups that are run by disabled people, for disabled people.

    These organisations have a unique insight and are a powerful voice for the disabled people they represent both locally and nationally – as well as providing important support to disabled people.

    We want to secure their continued role by supporting them to develop their skills and build their experience.

    We want every disabled person to have access to a good ULO in their area so we will work with disabled people to improve coverage across the UK.

    We also want to see more disabled people in positions of influence.

    Direct, meaningful contact with disabled people plays a major role in promoting positive attitudes and this is why the participation of disabled people in public life and at work is so important.

    We want to support disabled people to become MPs, councillors, other elected officials. To put them at the heart of the decision making process.

    We recently asked disabled people what would make the biggest difference to them if they were to run for elected office.

    On the basis of their answers we have developed the Access to Elected Office strategy which includes practical measures such as training and development and funding to provide additional support with disability related costs.

    The change we want will be hard won.

    You cannot change attitudes overnight.

    But we have a very clear sense of what we are trying to achieve.

    Working alongside disabled people we want to create a completely accessible world – in every sense of the word.

    One in which disabled people have the adaptations they need to live in their own homes, are able to spontaneously go out with friends without having to make complicated travel arrangements and check accessibility as a matter of course.

    One in which society’s attitudes and expectations do not prevent disabled people from participating fully in every aspect of life.

    A world in which disabled people are able to live truly independent lives, achieve their aspirations, fulfil their potential and be the very best they can be.

  • David Miliband – 2010 Speech to Demos

    davidmiliband

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Miliband, the then Foreign Secretary, to the Demos conference on 23rd February 2010.

    The Prime Minister asked on Saturday that voters take a second look at Labour. He set out serious plans for the pursuit of noble causes based on clear values. This speech is about those values, and how a re-elected Labour government would make them real.

    The core value we espouse is a commitment to use government to help give people the power to shape their own lives. The power that comes with income and wealth. The power that comes with skills and confidence. The power that comes with rights and democratic voice. Not just for the few but for all. It is a fundamentally progressive vision of the good society.

    In this lecture I want to explore why and how only the centre-left, social democrats and radical liberals, can realise the progressive insight that a free and powerful people is made not born.

    I grew up in the 1970s and 1980s, when “progressive” was a word that neither Labour nor Conservative would have considered a compliment. Labour was struggling to reconcile the Labourism of its old right with the utopianism of the new left, the Tories sloughing off the pragmatism of Edward Heath for the radicalism of Margaret Thatcher. “Progressive” didn’t really capture what politics was about.

    But after 1989 and the fall of the Berlin Wall, progressive became the catchword for centre-left politics, for the less ideological more values-based ideas approach that united Clinton and Blair with the governments of Havel and Mandela. It is a compliment to our time in government that after 2005 our opponents tried to learn our language. David Cameron and George Osborne have both made speeches in which they tried to claim the idea of being a progressive force for the political right. But it is not a claim that withstands serious scrutiny.

    In the 1990s , spurred by David Marquand’s book The Progressive Dilemma, Labour embraced a more pluralist centre-left politics, in a conscious effort to draw on its liberal as well as social democratic heritage. That coalition has now dominated politics for a decade, bringing together individual rights in a market economy with collective provision to promote social justice.

    I am proud of the long lists of changes in each category. I think we have changed the country for the better. The liberal achievements – gay rights, human rights, employee rights, disability rights – on the one hand. The social democratic ones – childcare, university places, health provision – on the other. And then those areas that fused the best of both: a New Deal for the Unemployed that uses the private and voluntary sector, devolved budgets for disabled people, the digital switchover, Academies, all combine government leadership with bottom up innovation and engagement.

    It is very striking the extent to which this agenda continues to dominate important parts of political life. After all, one reason the Conservative leadership are currently tied in policy knots – backing away from health reform, back to front on government’s role in sponsoring marriage, facing both ways on economic policy – is that they have felt it necessary to assert that they too seek progressive ends, contrary to the history of conservatism. It is quite a bizarre situation. New Labour was built on the application of our traditional values in new ways. The Tories are saying that they have got new values – in with social justice, out with no such thing as society – that will be applied in old ways, notably an assault on the legitimacy and purpose of government itself.

    New Labour said the values never change but that the means need to be updated. The Tories want it the other way round. They say the values have changed, but, miraculously, the policies should stay the same. They even boast about not needing a ‘Clause IV moment’.

    This is actually not just a dry technocratic debate. It is about how much hope we invest in the future. Progressives are optimists about change. Conservatives are fearful that change invariably means loss. We think things can work better. Conservatives worry that they never will. We trust, as Bill Clinton used to put it, that the future will be better than the past, and we all have a personal responsibility to make it so. The Conservatives think, as they always have, that Britain is broken.

    Now the polls show the British people are not feeling particularly optimistic at the moment: the political system is in disrepute, our financial system has had to be rescued from deep collapse, the moral authority of the West is contested, and international institutions are all but paralysed on issues like climate change.

    That explains why the Tories, after promising to ‘let sunshine win the day’ in 2006, have decided that not only that it is raining but that it will never stop. That is why they have embraced a rhetoric of national decline, and are now promising an Age of Austerity. They think they’ve spotted that people are miserable and if they can only make them more miserable still, they can benefit.

    Personally, I think this pessimism is overdone. David Halpern’s work on the hidden wealth of nations provides some backing for this. And in any case, the purpose of politics is to change people’s minds not read them. As then Senator Obama said in his Jackson Day Dinner speech in October 2007, when his campaign started to catch fire, principles are more valuable than polling.

    The truth is that the routines and assumptions of 20th century Britain are all under threat of change. So there is a sense of discontinuity and rupture, and no settled destination. Jobs, communities, families are changing. The changes in the space of one generation are stark; some times they are alarming.

    But that does not mean to say that Britain is inevitably declining. The right way to see how Britain is changing is not through the prism of decline, but through the prism of transition. Transition in the economy, society, politics. Transition too in foreign policy. So we should judge parties on whether they understand the challenges of the modern world, and whether they have a vision for how to meet them.

    The transitions through which we are living are profound:

    – A multi-polar world, where the rise of the Asian middle class, at a rate of some 70m a year, is not just the growth market of tomorrow; it is an indicator of how economic power, and political power, is going to shift from West to East.

    – A world that has to find a way to stop consuming resources as if there were three planets rather than one. It’s dropped off David Cameron’s top ten reasons to vote Conservative. It’s not dropped off ours.

    – The twin challenges of better bringing up children and adjusting to ageing populations.

    – Economies where manufacturing and services depend on intensive learning, knowledge creation, and scientific development.

    – Societies that are more open and diverse than ever before, but where trust needs to be renewed.

    – A world of political systems that develop new multilateral arrangements at the regional and global level, and embrace subsidiarity at the national and local level.

    We know, in each area, where we have to get to. We know too that the old ways are not going to work. So we have to chart a new course. These are big questions and I cannot deal with all of them today. That is what our manifesto will do. But I do think there is a principle which applies to them all. I think it is a principle too that means the future requires philosophical and policy thinking that can only be supplied by the centre-left.

    That principle is that power needs to be vested in the people, but we do not reveal a powerful populace simply in the act of withdrawing the state. In fact a powerless government simply means more power for the already powerful. That is the error that runs through David Cameron’s speeches. We make powerful people by providing a platform on which people can stand.

    It is not just that Government must be a countervailing power to vested interests, which is what the Competition Act has done to protect consumers; or that Government must address inequalities, which is what tax credits and labour laws do; or that Government must forge alliances around the world, which is what the European Union does; or that Government must protect people from risks beyond their control, which is what our bailout of the banking system has done.

    It is that the big challenges of the modern world require an alliance of active government and active citizens. And that although government may be more needed than before; it is more questioned than before; so as the Prime Minister said in launching the Smarter Government White Paper it needs to be more reformed than before, not more reduced than before.

    The expansion of capacity in public services – not just staff but also capital investment – has achieved a qualitative shift in public service provision, both in its scope and its depth. Part of our job in the Labour Party is to persuade people that they don’t need another period of Tory government to remind them what its like to have underfunded services. But we know that in the next ten years investment cannot be the driver of reform in the way it has over the last ten. We simply will not manage chronic diseases that account for 80 per cent of the NHS budget without empowering the people who suffer those diseases; we will not restore trust in politics unless we bring the public into the decision making tent at local as well as national level; we will not reduce fear of crime or increa se creativity in education through the actions of police officers and teachers unless they build new kinds of relationships with people, parents, pupils.

    The argument of the Right is that this alliance should be based on a zero sum view of relationships between government and society. To roll society forward you need to roll government back. That’s not how I see it. The transitions we face as a country require three interlocking commitments from government to nurture a country of powerful people.

    First that it guarantees what markets and self help cannot provide. The reason the welfare state grew in the 19th and 20th centuries across Europe was simple: self help could not offer the services and protection that people needed. That remains true today – with new risks like care for the elderly added to old ones like the need for healthcare.

    Today the Prime Minister is setting out how it is the responsibility of government to build an empowering education system for the future. It applies in other spheres too. If government does not guarantee apprenticeship places for young people, or a job guarantee if they have been unemployed for more than six months, no one will.

    Guarantees do not always mean government funding; the social care debate, or university funding, shows that. They do not always mean government delivery: childcare shows that. But they do mean being clear about the birthrights of people, and committing to fulfil them: clear on the goals, pragmatic on the means.

    It’s just bogus to say that when government takes on commitments it necessarily disempowers individuals. The right to a cancer diagnosis within a week, to see a specialist in two weeks, puts power in the hands of patients; to abolish the right is to empower the manager. The right to be treated for all conditions within 18 weeks is a powerful tool in the hands of individuals precisely because it is accompanied by the commitm ent that if they are not helped by the NHS within those periods they can go to an alternative provider.

    Second, the role of government is to provide a platform for markets and civil society. Strong government can nurture citizen responsibility not stifle it. As James Purnell – soon no longer to be my colleague but a good friend who has a big contribution to make to public life outside Parliament in the future – said two weeks ago, the point about the modern centre-left is that we seek empowering government, dynamic markets and strong communities as supports for and disciplines on each other.

    The role of government is not to eradicate markets but mobilise them. The fight against climate change is a good example. Carbon markets will not exist without a powerful role for government. And without carbon markets there will be no efficient reduction in carbon emissions. The plans for feed-in tariffs from April this year will enable citizens and communities to s ell renewable energy back to the grid at guaranteed prices. Alongside this there will be new incentives to install renewable heat and a financing scheme to make home energy insulation more affordable. This is not Government crowding out citizen initiative.

    And governments are not an alternative to self help networks for the elderly and disabled to manage their own care. They are a key support to them. That is why the NHS is creating expert patient programmes and enrolling diabetes and Alzheimer’s patients in self-help networks. Strong government can be a platform for civil society when it becomes more porous, open and interactive in the use of its information, buildings, infrastructure and budgets. That is why the UK alongside the US is leading the world in opening up public data to the public.

    Nor do we ignore the danger that Governments will tend to bureaucracy or obduracy without the check of strong communities, with strong rights of redress against poo r treatment, and ready-made levers to take power for themselves. That is why we have legislated for staff coops in the NHS. Whether employee or citizen led, the Labour Party has rediscovered its mutual tradition in the last decade not just the last month, and with the Cooperative Party and the Commission on Ownership we are not going to let it go.

    We also know government has to promote rights to neighbourhood management in local services. It’s ironic that when I went to Hammersmith on Friday the Tory Council was resisting people power on its estates, as communities sought to use powers brought in by the Labour government to enable them to run, and save, their estate, in favour of bulldozing what the leader of the Council called “ghettos” to make way for more expensive housing.

    Third, government only works as an ally of powerful people when power is situated in the right place – starting locally. We can only do that through what Phil Collins and Ric hard Reeves call turning Government upside down. We should start with the assumption that the individual should have power, but never forget that government needs to have enough power to stop the individual being overpowered. In government we would call it subsidiarity – so that fewer people would understand. In practice it means a more central role for local government, but also devolution to neighbourhoods.

    Britain was built by powerful city government, but we have got the balance wrong between universality and dynamism in the last fifty years. That is one reason I favour in the next Parliament a referendum that is not just about the Alternative Vote for the House of Commons, but also about local government, fixed term Parliaments, and the House of Lords. Call it a Reset Referendum.

    But localisation is not a strong enough recipe for powerful people in the modern world. Localisation without internationalism just means sink or swim. This applies in spades in our relations with the European Union:

    – We will not make the transition to being a low carbon economy without European regulation.

    – We will not make the transition to systemic financial regulation without effective European regulation.

    – We will not make the transition to effective security for an age when terrorism not invasion is our risk, without effective European security cooperation.

    Labour’s challenge is not its philosophy. It is that it has to answer for every time government does not fulfil this vision. But the Tories’ problem is that their instinct is the oldest deception in politics: that government just hurts the little guy. In essence it is an extension of Charles Murray’s dependency culture thesis about the welfare state from the 1980s, and applying to all functions of government not just welfare.

    David Cameron’s Hugo Young Lecture last year was intended as a corrective to his disastrous foray into policy substa nce at his party conference where he said that the state was always the problem and never the solution. As he sought to allay fears that he had used the economic crisis to show his true colours as a small state Reaganite, he still showed what he really thinks.

    The kernel of his analysis of Britain today was this: “There is less expectation to take responsibility, to work, to stand by the mother of your child, to achieve, to engage with your local community, to keep your neighbourhood clean, to respect other people and their property”. It was declinist. It blamed government for all ills. And every single assertion that can be measured in his list was wrong. Divorce rates are falling. School achievement is rising. Volunteering is up. Crime is down. The Tory dystopia of modern Britain relies on a picture of what is actually happening in Britain that has as much basis in reality as Avatar does. They need to believe that 54% of children born in poor areas are teena ge pregnancies for their politics to add up.

    But though the instincts are clear they are split down the middle. Not right versus left. There isn’t a Tory left any more. But head versus heart. Radicalism versus reassurance. The heart says cut government, attack Europe. The head says: watch out, don’t say that, the voters might hear.

    The Tories say big government is the problem, but promise a moratorium on change in the health service, the biggest employer in the world. They say Britain is heading the way of Greece, yet will not say how their deficit reduction plan differs from ours. They say we are a broken society…and will heal it through a social action line on Facebook. They say we have sold our birthright to Europe, but don’t want a bust up over it. Everyone knows we need to reform social care so people can grow old without fear, and all the Tories can do is put up scare posters.

    I recognise the Tory difficulty. We faced it after 1994. You need to reassure people you are not a risk; and you need to offer change. But while we promised evolution not revolution in the short term, like sticking to Tory spending limits, we offered a platform for radical change in the medium to long term, from the minimum wage to school investment. Cameron’s got himself facing the other way round. The heart insisted on radical change in the short term – cuts in inheritance tax for the richest estates, a marriage tax allowance, immediate cuts in public spending, bring back fox hunting. But after that, the head gives the impression that it really doesn’t know what to do, other than press pause on reform, offer a £1 million internet prize for the best policy ideas, and then go off and play with the Wii. They have managed the unique feat of being so determined to advertise pragmatism that they have completely obliterated any medium term vision to their politics, while cleaving to short term commitments that leave the impression they are ideological zealots. It’s the precise opposite of the New Labour approach in the 1990s.

    The result is that today’s Conservatism looks more and more like a toxic cocktail of Tory traditions. The government on offer from David Cameron would be as meritocratic as MacMillan, as compassionate as Thatcher, and as decisive as Major.

    So yes Labour is behind in the polls. We are the underdog. But this is an exciting time to be on the centre-left of politics. The changes in our country require values of social justice, cooperation and internationalism if they are to benefit more people rather than fewer. We have learnt lessons in government. And the Tories can try rhetorical accommodation. It has been tried before. Salisbury talked about “Tory democracy” but bitterly opposed the extension of the vote and self government for Ireland. Macmillan talked about a Middle Way, but battened Britain down in a straitjacket of social conservatism.

    What Labour offers is the courage to continue reforming so that Britain can prosper from the transitions shaking the modern world. So that Britain continues to believe in progress. Progressive reform is Labour’s mantle and we will not relinquish it.

  • David Miliband – 2013 Resignation Letter

    davidmiliband

    Below is the text of the letter written by David Miliband to his constituency Labour Party chairman confirming that he is standing down from Parliament.

    I am writing after a great deal of thought to explain that I have been approached about, and accepted, the post of President and Chief Executive of the International Rescue Committee (IRC), a global humanitarian aid organisation based in New York that saves lives and protects people around the world. This means that with real sadness I will in due course be resigning my seat as MP for South Shields. I wanted to set out the reasons for this difficult decision.

    In every job I have done, in and out of Parliament, I have sought to make a difference to the disadvantaged and vulnerable. The IRC does this on a daily basis and a large scale for some of the most desperate people in the world. Its 12 000 staff work in over 40 countries to help millions of people who have been displaced by civil conflict or climate stress and have no place, and in some cases no country, to call home. Its work from Mali to Pakistan to Jordan, as well as in the US, represents the best of humanitarian innovation and ideals. The organisation was founded at the suggestion of Albert Einstein in the 1930s for those fleeing the Nazis, so given my own family history there is an additional personal motivation for me. I feel that in doing this job I will be repaying a personal debt. It is a strong, innovative and inspirational organization, with the potential to change lives and help shape the global conversation about the growing challenge of displaced people around the world. Starting in September, this job brings together my personal story and political life. It represents a new challenge and a new start.

    Of course it is very difficult for me to leave Parliament and politics, friends and colleagues. As you know, I see every day the damage this shocking government is doing to our country, and passionately want to see Labour back in power. After the leadership election, I felt I could be most helpful to the party on the front line, in South Shields and around the country, rather than on the front bench in Parliament. I felt this gave Ed the space and at the same time the support he needed to lead the party without distraction. He has done so with real success, leading a united team that has taken the fight to the Tories. I am very pleased and proud that our shared goal of making this a one-term government is achievable.

    I have had the extraordinary privilege to represent my constituents in Parliament; to lead major change in schools, local government and environmental policy; and, for three years, to represent our country in the wider world as Foreign Secretary. I will always be committed to social justice in the UK, and I am determined to continue to support the work of Movement for Change, which is already making a difference in communities around the country. I will forever be Labour. But after writing two election manifestoes in 1997 and 2001, and serving as a Minister for eight years, I now have to make a choice about how to give full vent to my ideas and ideals. I hope you will understand that the opportunity to lead the IRC represents a unique chance to put my experience into practice on behalf of some of the least fortunate people on Earth.

    It has been a genuine privilege to represent the people of South Shields in Parliament since 2001. The town is justifiably proud of its spirit, achievements, attractions and political history. It is a community I have come to know, respect and admire, and a place where I feel at home. There have been big changes in the last twelve years. When I walk into our new schools and see inspiring teaching and learning, I know what difference a Labour government makes. The reductions in crime have been real and improvements in housing pathbreaking. The vision for renewal of the local economy, despite the recession and its aftermath, holds out great promise for the future. The values and determination of local people have been an inspiration for all of my time as their MP. For Louise and the boys, as well as myself, South Shields and its people will always be a special part of our lives. It has been a home and a safe harbour, where we have made lifelong friendships and put down roots that will endure.

    I am grateful for your support over the last decade. I look forward to discussing with you and the party the precise timing of my departure. I am writing to party members today, and will, of course, arrange to hold a meeting to thank them profoundly for their support.

    Yours,

    David