Category: Speeches

Yvette Cooper – 2025 Speech on Violence Against Women

The speech made by Yvette Cooper, the Foreign Secretary, at the United Nations in New York, United States on 22 September 2025.

I am honoured to join you today as the United Kingdom’s new Foreign Secretary.

And to be here too, alongside the UK’s trailblazing Special Envoy for Women and Girls, Baroness Harriet Harman, who gave me one of my first jobs in politics more than 30 years ago, including research on women’s equality, not long before the Beijing Declaration was adopted.

I remember at that time just how significant it felt to see countries coming together, from across the globe, committed to advancing women’s equality and women’s rights.

So it is particularly special to be here three decades on to discuss an issue that has been so close to my heart since, and to be clear that this will be a priority for me now, in this role.

Supporting women across the globe, on leadership, on representation, on access to education and economic opportunity.

An agenda set by women, and supported by male allies, who are vital partners for progress.

But I particularly want to draw attention to the topic of Violence Against Women and Girls.

Because we know that safety and security are the bedrock on which all opportunities in our lives are built. Women’s safety is an essential foundation for women’s equality.

And while individual nations and UN agencies have helped to achieve great strides forward, with FGM and forced marriage less prevalent than they were three decades ago.

The facts should still shame us all.

Across the globe, 1 in 3 women will be beaten or sexually assaulted in their lifetime.

140 women and girls are killed every day by a partner or close relative.

And rape and sexual violence continue to be used as a weapon of war.

My Government has described violence against women and girls in the UK as a national emergency, and we have set out an unprecedented mission to halve it in a decade.

But the truth is that this is an international emergency too.

So today I make two calls for action.

First, that we step up our efforts to eliminate violence against women and girls, because everyone has the right to live in freedom from fear.

Including challenging new forms of abuse and collaborating against devastating sexual abuse of children online.

And second, we must ensure that the multilateral system remains a powerful force for the rights and equality of women and girls everywhere because we know that by doing so, we also strengthen our families, our communities, our economies and our nations too.

September 25, 2025
Ed Davey – 2025 Speech to Liberal Democrat Conference

The speech made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, in Bournemouth on 23 September 2025.

Don’t let Trump’s America become Farage’s Britain

What a time we’ve had here in Bournemouth. Lots of lively debates – on so many important topics. And somehow we’ve managed to get through it all without bringing someone up onto the stage to argue that it was Covid vaccines that caused cancer in the Royal Family.

See, Nigel? It can be done!

Friends, when we were last here in Bournemouth – two years ago – I challenged us to get more Liberal Democrats elected to Parliament. And you rose to that challenge. Thank you.

I said we needed to get the Conservatives out of Number 10. And you got that job done too. And now our new team of 72 MPs are getting their jobs done, for their constituents. 72 brilliant community champions, fighting for their local hospitals and schools, local businesses and their local environment too. Paying back the trust of voters, by working hard for their communities every day.

But look at the job our new team is doing in Parliament too. Look at the big changes we have won in the last year alone:

Stronger protections for survivors of domestic abuse. Better support for family carers. A Sunshine Bill, to put solar panels on every new home. Making sure every child living in poverty gets a healthy lunch at school – for free. So much progress – and none of it happens without Liberal Democrats in Parliament. An amazing record of achievement already. And we’re planning much more.

We followed up last year’s historic national success with this year’s set of fantastic local election victories. Gaining more councillors for the seventh year in a row – our best ever winning streak. Winning majorities in Cambridgeshire, Oxfordshire, Shropshire – so we now control more councils than the Conservatives. Winning more council seats than either Labour or the Conservatives, for the first time ever in our party’s history.

Incredible results. Historic results. Thanks to you all.

Conference, the last few years have been the most successful our party has ever had… So far.

Because friends, let me tell you this: In the immortal words of Frank Sinatra, the best is yet to come!

And yes, friends, I will keep doing it My Way. So get the bungee harness ready… Because my ambition – for our party, our values, our ideas – has no ceiling. And our ambition for our country has no ceiling either.

With the threat that Reform now poses to our country and our democracy – friends, we have a moral responsibility to aim high. And we have a historic opportunity to win big – as the only party now representing the views and values of Britain’s decent silent majority.

So let me tell you – in confidence – our secret first target for the next general election. Our first target is to win more seats than the Conservatives, for the first time since Herbert Henry Asquith in 1910. Now we have even more ambitious targets than that – but let’s start with the Tories. For when it comes to the Conservative Party – you might have thought the scale of their defeat would have forced a bit of… introspection?

Maybe they’d… apologise? Show a hint of contrition. Self-awareness?

But no.

Tory ministers who cheered Liz Truss’s budget – now complain about the state of the economy they left. Tory ministers who stopped processing asylum claims and caused the enormous backlog – now make videos complaining about it and protesting outside the asylum hotels they opened.

The Conservative Party today is like a herd of bulls – going back into the china shop with a camera crew, pointing at all the broken china everywhere – and decrying the state of china shops in “woke, liberal” Britain.

The Conservative Party: No shame. No remorse. No wonder the country is saying: No thanks.

Conference, I’ve lost count of the people who’ve told me they voted Conservative all their lives, but now they’ve switched to the Liberal Democrats. And not just because they feel so badly let down by their old party. But because they see their values reflected best in our party.

So my message to millions of former Conservative voters – millions of One Nation conservatives who reject the divisive politics of Badenoch and Farage – my message to you is this:

Come and talk to us. About our ideas to grow the economy. Cut crime. Defend our nation. Come and join us. To oppose this failing Labour Government and offer our great country real change. Come, Conservative friends. Help us save our country. Come and win with us.

But friends, I’m going to let you in on another secret about our plans for the next election. And friends, this is not to leave this hall… We won’t only be targeting seats held by the Conservatives. I said before the election, that just getting the Conservatives out of power wouldn’t be enough.

We were all worried – weren’t we? – that Labour wouldn’t be nearly ambitious enough to make the big changes our country needs. I really hoped Labour would prove us wrong. But they haven’t. They’ve no vision for our country’s future. No plan to really change things.

Conference, don’t just take it from me. That’s what Labour MPs and Labour members are saying about their own government. After being failed and neglected for so long, the country needed leadership. Clarity. Vision. It needed the Government to succeed. To turn things around. To just be better. Instead, they’ve lurched from mistake to mistake. From U-turn to U-turn. Crisis to crisis.

And look at who Labour have hurt along the way: Pensioners. Farmers. Carers. Disabled people. Small businesses.

Every day, Labour is looking more and more like Continuity Sunak. And our country is still crying out for change. And as every day goes by it gets clearer – the two old parties can’t deliver that change. Neither of those old parties can win back people’s trust. Neither of them will win the battle of ideas for the future of our country.

So it comes down to us. Or Nigel Farage.

Liberal Democrat change – true to British values. Transforming our economy, our public services and our politics. The real change people crave. Or Farage’s change. Change away from the country we love. Change towards Trump’s America.

Just imagine – if you can bear it…

Imagine living in the Trump-inspired country Farage wants us to become. Where there’s no NHS, so patients are hit with crippling insurance bills. Or denied healthcare altogether. That is Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Where we pay Putin for expensive fossil fuels and destroy our beautiful countryside with fracking – while climate change rages on. That is Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Where gun laws are rolled back, so schools have to teach our children what to do in case of a mass shooting. Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Where social media barons are free to poison young minds with impunity. Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Where the government tramples on our basic rights and freedoms, unconstrained by the European Convention on Human Rights. Where Andrew Tate – Andrew Tate – is held up as an example to young men. Where racism and misogyny get the tacit support of people in power. Where everything is in a constant state of chaos.

That is Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Instead of the real change Liberal Democrats have always championed – the change our country desperately needs – Farage is picking off groups of people, one by one. If you’ve got a mental health problem, Farage says you’re probably making it up. Even as suicides have risen to a 25-year high. If your child is disabled or has special needs, Farage says it’s been wrongly diagnosed. Even as parents struggle against the crisis in SEND. But of course, it’s on immigration where he claims to offer the change people want.

So let’s look at Farage’s record on immigration.

Who was it who campaigned to rip up twenty-seven return agreements, where in the EU, the United Kingdom could legally and fairly return people who had no right to be here? Yes it was Boris and the Conservatives – but it was also Nigel Farage.

He caused this crisis, and he should apologise.

And look at this hypocrite’s big announcement on deportation last month. Look at what his plan really means… Sending men, women and children who have fled the Taliban back to Afghanistan to be murdered by them. And even paying the Taliban to do it. That isn’t patriotic. That isn’t British. That isn’t who we are.

And that’s why it’s so frustrating – so infuriating – that Farage gets such an easy ride from the media. As he lies and divides, the BBC and others give Farage so much time and attention. But they never hold him to account for all the damage he has already done. The damage of Brexit. Farage was Brexit’s champion. The damage of Donald Trump. Farage campaigned for him. All the damage of Boris Johnson and Liz Truss. Farage backed them both.

So much that is broken in our country today is broken thanks to Nigel Farage.

And now he wants to break it even more. Unless we stop him.

This will not be easy. The forces of darkness are working together – across the whole world. We all saw another agent of chaos last weekend. Elon Musk. Inciting far-right violence on our streets.

Just like all those revolutionary leaders throughout history, bravely issuing his call to arms – by video link, from an undisclosed location thousands of miles away .

Conference, he’s certainly no craven coward, is he?

But we know why Elon Musk is so keen to meddle in our democracy, don’t we? It’s not because he cares about the British people. It’s not about our rights and our freedoms. It’s all about Musk’s ego. His power. And his wealth. He rails against the Online Safety Act. But not because he cares about free speech.

It’s because Musk wants to run his social media platform without safeguards – without taking any responsibility for the terrible harm it is causing – especially to our children. After Musk took over and slashed the platform’s child-safety teams, X has become a much more dangerous place for children. The promotion of self-harm. Of grooming. Of sexual exploitation. All happening on Elon Musk’s watch.

No wonder he wants to get rid of the laws to tackle it.

And Nigel Farage says we should give Musk what he wants. A Wild West on social media, that only benefits Musk and his ilk – while our children suffer. I say no. The UK must stand up to Elon Musk, and properly enforce our laws so he can’t get away with inflicting harm on our kids. Holding the powerful to account – no matter how powerful they are.

It’s what Liberals are all about. Friends, we are engaged in a fight for the future. One that comes down to the most fundamental questions of all:

What kind of country we are. And what kind of country we want to become.

For the British people, there is a real choice right now. Between the traditional values that have made the United Kingdom great – and dark forces that have threatened our country before. When a country faces so many big challenges on so many different fronts, there are two ways it can respond. One is to set our sights lower. Become smaller, meaner. Give in to the worst in us. Close ourselves off. Turn inwards. Hark back to a simpler time. Talk about all the things we can’t do.

Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

Reform’s vision of the future is not one befitting our great United Kingdom. The other path – the better path – is to do what Britain has always done when confronted by such big challenges in the past. Rise to them together. With guts, determination and hope. You see, I start from a deeply optimistic view of our country.

When I travel the UK and meet people from all backgrounds and all walks of life – working hard, raising families, helping others, playing by the rules – it fills me with pride to be British. And hope for the future. There’s a question Nigel Farage is fond of asking. He likes to ask “Whose side are you on?” Well we know the answer, don’t we? Nigel Farage is on the side of Elon Musk, Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump.

Liberal Democrats are on the side of the British people.

Because unlike Farage, I actually love Britain. I’m proud of our country. There’s no doubt that a lot needs fixing. Crumbling hospitals and schools. Anaemic economic growth. The sewage in our rivers. Crime and anti-social behaviour. Dangerous Channel crossings. Deep inequalities that limit opportunity for young people. The housing crisis. The nature crisis. The climate crisis. The prison crisis. The cost-of-living crisis. All the challenges we’ve been discussing and debating here this weekend.

But we shouldn’t lose sight of the many incredible strengths this United Kingdom has going for it. The best farmers, carmakers and universities in the world. The place Hollywood comes to make Barbie, Spider-Man and Mission Impossible. The land of the Lionesses and the home of Formula One. Windermere and Loch Ness. Male Voice Choirs and Hogmanay. County shows and school fairs. Fish and chips. Village greens and cricket pavilions. And let me tell you – the best rollercoasters and waterslides on the planet.

So much to celebrate about our country.

But above all, our strength lies in the British people and our shared British values. We are a nation that believes in tolerance, decency, and respect for both individual freedom and the rule of law.

That is our United Kingdom.

And that is why I am so confident that, together, we can get things back on track. Because the crises we face… These are not the failings of the British people. These are the failings of governments – Labour, Conservative and SNP. And we know that there are no failings of British governments that cannot be put right by the talents of the British people – as long as they have the power and the freedom to make it happen – and the powerful vested interests are held to account.

And friends, if we are to win this fight for British values – we need to show that the change Liberal Democrats want is the change the British people want. That starts with the economy. We must show – we can show – that only Liberal Democrat change will fire up our economy again. We have to get our economy growing strongly – for so many reasons. To end the cost-of-living crisis and boost people’s living standards. To create good jobs and real opportunities for people in every part of the United Kingdom. To generate the revenues we need for the National Health Service and our other public services – and raise the money we need for our national defence too.

But another benefit of strengthening the British economy is that it would strengthen our hand in dealing with Trump. And here again, only we Liberal Democrats have set out plans for the economy that are both transformational and achievable. Plans to rebuild our relationship with Europe, tearing down the Conservatives’ trade barriers with a new Customs Union – boosting trade and putting us back on the path to the Single Market.

Conference – there is no serious strategy for restoring economic growth that doesn’t involve rebuilding Britain’s relationship with Europe. And beyond Europe, we have set out plans to form a new economic Coalition of the Willing to stand up to Trump’s tariffs – not only with our European neighbours, but Commonwealth allies like Canada and other like-minded nations across the globe. To take control of our own economic destiny, instead of waiting anxiously for the next rambling Trump press conference. And then there’s our plan to cut energy bills in half by 2035 – making sure everyone feels the benefits of the cheapest forms of electricity: wind and sun. Helping families, pensioners and businesses with energy bills out of control due to gas prices and failed Tory energy policies.

Big, bold Liberal Democrat ideas to cut the cost of living and grow our economy. To build a country with opportunity for all. The kind of country we want to be. And there’s something else.

Something that crystallised for me in something Emily said during the election campaign last year, when we were talking about the future we hoped for our son John. Emily said: “What you’ve got to have is a caring community, a caring society. That’s our best hope for the future.” A caring society. A caring country. That’s the kind of country we want to be. A country that properly values care – and properly values carers too.

This is personal for me, as you know. But it’s something our party has always fought for.

Last month, our Liberal Democrat family mourned the loss of the wonderful Annette Brooke here in Dorset.

And it’s been striking to hear the word so many people most associate with Annette: “caring”. In Parliament, Annette campaigned on behalf of blind children and young carers. And after Parliament, she set up a support group and put on tea dances for people with dementia and their carers. We miss Annette deeply. She understood the value of care, and so do we all.

That’s why we have been standing up for family carers – including those hit by the appalling Carer’s Allowance scandal. Tens of thousands of carers, hounded by the DWP and even threatened with prosecution. All because the system simply isn’t fit for purpose. So we took their fight to Parliament. I raised it directly with the Prime Minister. We forced a vote on it. And, with the Guardian newspaper, we secured an independent review.

But it’s not over. When that review concludes – and I hope it’s soon – that will be the moment for the Government to finally overhaul the way we support family carers. Not just to make some tweaks and tinker around the edges. But put in place a system that actually reflects the reality of life as a carer. A system that makes it easier to juggle work with caring responsibilities.

This is the moment for real change for carers. To build a more caring country. And we will press ministers to seize it.

And Conference, we want to be a caring country that honours the ideals of the NHS. Not just in words, not just in theory, but in practice. High-quality healthcare, free at the point of use and – crucially – accessible to everyone, wherever and whenever they need it. Whether that’s the mum, trying to find an NHS dentist for her daughter. The pensioner, trying to get an appointment to see his GP. The teenager, dialling 999 because dad’s had a heart attack. Or the family whose world has just been turned upside down by a cancer diagnosis.

A caring country.

When we were here in Bournemouth two years ago, I told you about a man called Ian. An engineer. From Nottingham, like me. Who lost both his parents to cancer when he was young. Like me. Ian had been diagnosed with bowel cancer. A small stage-one tumor. Operable. But he was kept waiting four months before starting any treatment. His cancer progressed to stage four and spread to his liver. Inoperable. I said then that we owed Ian better than that. I said we would make cancer a top priority. And when we launched our manifesto last year, I got a lovely message from Ian. He told me how pleased he was that we had included a cast-iron guarantee for every cancer patient to start urgent treatment within two months. “Please keep pushing this”, he wrote. And we have.

In March, I got another message – this time from Ian’s best friend. To say Ian had sadly passed away.

Ian will never get to see the Ten-Year Cancer Plan that patients were promised more than three and a half years ago. But I hope it will come very soon – and be as ambitious as today’s cancer patients, and the patients of tomorrow, need it to be. Ian will never get to see whether our 62-day cancer guarantee gets written into law. But he asked me to keep pushing for it, and I promise you Ian – we will.

But I’m afraid the biggest threat to the fight against cancer isn’t our government’s timidity or delay – disappointing though that is. No. It’s what’s happening on the other side of the Atlantic. Because the United States is by far the world’s biggest funder of cancer research – mostly through its National Cancer Institute. But since Donald Trump returned to the White House, he has cancelled hundreds of grants for cancer research projects. He’s slashing billions of dollars from the National Cancer Institute’s budget. He’s even ordered a review of all grants for research involving supposedly “woke” keywords – including the word “women”.

And last month, Trump’s Health Secretary – Robert Kennedy Jr – cancelled half a billion dollars’ worth of research into mRNA vaccines.He did it based on totally false conspiracy theories about these life-saving vaccines. The same type of vaccines that protected us from Covid just a few years ago.

Not only do we need these new vaccines in case of a future pandemic, but they have incredible potential for treating cancer too. They can be tailored to each person’s particular cancer, allowing the body to attack cancer cells and stop them from spreading. It is hard to express the cruelty and stupidity of cutting off research into medicine that has the power to save so many lives. A decision – by the way – that was enthusiastically applauded by Farage’s party at their conference.

Trump’s America. Don’t let it become Farage’s Britain.

And Conference, I don’t think we should let the Trump Administration hold back progress on tackling cancer like this. The UK should step up and say: if Trump won’t back this research, we will. We’ll boost funding for cancer research in the UK. We’ll rebuild a National Cancer Research Institute after it was closed under the Conservatives, to coordinate research and drive it forward. We’ll pass a Cancer Survival Research Act to ensure funding for research into the deadliest cancers. We’ll invest in mRNA vaccines and explore their potential for treating cancer to the full. And to the cancer scientists in the US who have had their research stopped by Trump, let’s say: come here, and finish it in the UK. We’ll set up a dedicated fellowship scheme for you, and we won’t let extortionate Home Office fees stand in your way.

The United Kingdom, stepping into the vacuum left by Trump’s anti-science agenda. Especially after the dangerous nonsense he’s peddling today, about paracetamol for pregnant women.

The United Kingdom, leading the world in the fight against cancer. And giving patients real hope, with the treatment they need.

Britain, delivering on the promise of the NHS. A caring country. A healthy country. A great country. That is the kind of country we want to be.

So despite all the challenges, I have no doubt that together we can build a better future for our country – guided by our British values and our liberal principles. But if we are to change our great country for the better, we have to help change our world for the better too. Too many of the threats the UK faces are international ones. From Putin’s Russia to climate change, from international crime gangs to foreign conflicts that cause chaos around the world and wash up on our shores. So the UK must stand tall on the world stage. Stand together with our allies. Stand as a force for good.

As we have done proudly in solidarity with Ukraine, as they resist Putin’s brutal war machine. No matter what Donald Trump does next, the United Kingdom’s support for Ukraine must never waver. We must continue to defend our Ukrainian friends, defend our continent, and defend the fundamental values of democracy, liberty, human rights and the rule of law. All of which Putin is seeking to destroy.

Democracy, liberty, human rights and the rule of law. Our United Kingdom is at its best when it proudly champions these fundamental values. And that means taking action when they are being trampled over. As they are, undeniably, right now in Gaza.

Friends, I travelled to Israel and Palestine last year. I saw the devastation in a kibbutz raided by Hamas on October the seventh. I joined mourners at the site of the Nova music festival, grieving the loved ones brutally slain by terrorists. I spoke with the families of hostages who are still held captive, almost two years later. I completely share their condemnation of genocidal Hamas. I completely share their determination – their desperation – to get the hostages home. And I condemn – I utterly condemn – antisemitism in all its forms. Including here on our streets in the United Kingdom.

And let us also be clear: Nothing – nothing – can justify what the Netanyahu government is doing to innocent men, women and children in Gaza. We have all seen it. The baby boy – starving and skeletal – held tight in his mother’s arms. The crowds of desperate people, rushing to get food. The bodies of children, killed as they queued for water. Children. A famine unfolding before our eyes. Conference, the actions of the Netanyahu government go well beyond self-defence. They are clear breaches of international law.

I think Omer Bartov – an Israeli historian and former IDF soldier – puts it simply but clearly: What Netanyahu’s government is trying to do is – quote – “to make Gaza uninhabitable for its population.”

Now, there is a case on this before the International Court of Justice. And it is right that we as a party support that process and respect the role of the international courts in upholding and enforcing the Genocide Convention. But the court is unlikely to be able to give its judgment for another two years or more. And I cannot shake the words of two leading Israeli organisations – B’Tselem and Physicians for Human Rights-Israel. They said powerfully and plainly: “in these dark times it is especially important to call things by their name”.

Conference – they are right.

Respecting the role of the ICJ should not stop us from speaking the truth today. We must call it by its name, and we must condemn it unequivocally.

What is unfolding in Gaza is a genocide. And the United Kingdom must do all it can to make Netanyahu stop.

And when I criticise Prime Minister Netanyahu, I do it as a friend of Israel. Knowing that his Government’s actions do not represent the Israeli people. I stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the Israeli parents of hostages still held captive by Hamas. And who desperately want their government to change course. Like Itzik Horn, who I met when I was in Israel. And who last week called on Netanyahu to sit down with him and explain why his son Eitan is still rotting in a tunnel. Conference, I want to get Eitan home to his dad. I want to get all the hostages home.

This has to stop.

I am proud that the United Kingdom has finally recognised the independent state of Palestine. Something we have rightly led the charge on for almost a decade. But this is not the end. It must be the beginning. The moment that the UK finally steps up, and does everything we can to end this appalling cycle of bloodshed. To get the hostages home. To end the aid blockade. To build a viable Palestinian state, without Hamas. To secure a two-state solution. The lasting peace that both Israelis and Palestinians deserve.

Just imagine… The United Kingdom, leading again on the world stage. Standing up for our values, in the Middle East, in Europe and across the world. And here at home.

Our United Kingdom. Not Trump’s America. Not Farage’s Britain.

A country where everyone’s rights are protected and respected.

Our United Kingdom. Not Trump’s America. Not Farage’s Britain.

A country where we take care seriously, and fix our NHS.

A country that tackles climate change and protects our natural environment.

A country with a thriving, dynamic economy – that rewards aspiration and gives everyone the chance to succeed.

Our United Kingdom. Not Trump’s America. Not Farage’s Britain.

A country where everyone has real power to make decisions about their own lives – and where the powerful are held properly to account.

That’s our United Kingdom.

That’s the country we want to be.

That is the change we want to make.

So Conference, this is not a time for caution or complacency. After the chaos and destruction of the Conservatives – amid the mistakes and disappointment of Labour – the failures and division of the SNP – and up against the dangers and lies of Reform – we are in a battle for the very future of our country.

And it’s not a battle we can afford to lose.

So if you believe in a Britain that stands proud for its values – at home and abroad. If you believe in a Britain of growth and opportunity. Fairness and prosperity. If you believe in a Britain that cares.

If you are fed up with the two old parties letting you down. If you are scared of the rise of racism and extremism. If you believe in decency, tolerance and the rule of law.

Because we believe in the British people. We love our country. And together, we can change it for good.

Thank you.

September 24, 2025
Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on the Russian Drone Attack on Poland

The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 10 September 2025.

This morning’s barbaric attack on Ukraine and the egregious and unprecedented violation of Polish and NATO airspace by Russian drones is deeply concerning.

This was an extremely reckless move by Russia and only serves to remind us of President Putin’s blatant disregard for peace, and the constant bombardment innocent Ukrainians face every day.

I have been in touch with the Polish Prime Minister this morning to make clear our support for Poland, and that we will stand firm in our support for Ukraine.

My sincere thanks go to the NATO and Polish forces who rapidly responded to protect the Alliance.

With our partners – and through our leadership of the Coalition of the Willing – we will continue to ramp up the pressure on Putin until there is a just and lasting peace.

KEIR STARMER
PRIME MINISTER OF THE UNITED KINGDOM

September 10, 2025
Paul Nowak – 2025 Speech to TUC Conference
The speech made by Paul Nowak, the General Secretary of the TUC, in Brighton on 8 September 2025.

80 years ago, our Congress met, just weeks after the end of the most devastating conflict in human history

Tens of millions killed on the battlefield.

Millions slaughtered in Nazi concentration camps.

And millions more – across the globe – the innocent victims of war, including more than 200,000 men, women and children who died when the atomic bombs were dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

At that historic Congress in 1945, our then President – Charles Dukes – reflected, that out of the ruins of war,

‘We are offered the opportunity of making a clean new start….

In the hands of freedom loving people, the new world waits to be built.

Peace and security must ever be its foundations’.

But today, as we meet in Brighton eight decades on, that vision, that hope, seems a long way off.

We see a world riven by conflict, by war, by inhumanity.

A world where authoritarian governments act with impunity.

And a world where the populist and far-right are once again emboldened.

So my first call to you today is simply this.

Let us honour the vision set out to delegates at that Congress in 1945.

Let us take a stand for solidarity not division.

And for a world where everyone can live, thrive and work, in peace.

——————-

Congress, I want to start by celebrating our successes.

I want you to compare where we are now, with when I first addressed you as general secretary in Liverpool two years ago.

The Tories anti-strike legislation…now gone…Our right to strike…protected.

Hundreds of disputes across the public and private sector…won

A public inquiry into the scandal at Orgreave…secured.

And the Employment Rights Bill – about to be given Royal assent in a matter of weeks.

Not by chance.

Not by accident.

But because we fought for it.

We campaigned for it.

And we will ensure it’s delivered, in full.

Congress – we are winning for workers.

———————

And that’s not all.

It was unions, and a Labour government working together, that saw Parliament recalled and thousands of jobs saved in British Steel.

It is thanks to our campaigning over decades that Britain’s railways are coming back where they belong – in public ownership.

And it is thanks to us and our calls for taxes on the wealthiest, that at the Budget the Chancellor abolished tax breaks for non-doms, and introduced VAT on private school fees.

Increased taxes on private jets.

And even clamped down on well-known TV personalities buying farms to avoid taxes.

Taxes that are vital for our NHS, and our schools.

Again.

Not by chance.

Not by accident.

But because we fought for it, we campaigned for it , and Congress, we won it.

——————

It is right to celebrate our success, because our movement is needed now more than ever.

The populist right is fuelling the narrative that Britain is in decline.

And of course, we know this country faces huge challenges.

That’s the toxic legacy of Tory destruction:
- 14 years of stagnant wages and living standards.
- 14 years of austerity and cuts to public services.
- 14 years of rising insecurity and inequality.
Congress, the Tories took Britain to the brink, and the public knows it.

That’s why last July, the government was elected on a manifesto that promised change.

But we have to be honest.

For too many people, change still feels like a slogan – not a lived reality.

That cannot continue.

Think about that 1945 Congress, and think about that 1945 government.

Throughout our history, we’ve been at our best when we’ve been ambitious for working people.

So today, my message to the government is simply this.

Deliver the manifesto on which you won a huge majority last July.

Deliver good jobs, decent public services and better living standards in every corner of the country.

Deliver the change people voted for and show working people whose side you are on.

———————-

Congress, if the choice is asking the rich to pay their fair share of tax.

Or cutting our public services.

Then a Labour government must always be on the side of patients, parents and pensioners.

If the choice is a fair deal for low-paid women.

Or pandering to the outsourcing giants who profit from poverty pay

Then a Labour government must always be on the side of the people struggling to make ends meet.

And if the choice is making sure the Amazons of this world play by the rules.

Or allowing corporate bully boys to trample over workers’ rights.

Then a Labour government must always be on the side of workers standing up for a fair deal.

And don’t just tell people you’re on their side.

Show them.

Introduce a windfall tax on record bank profits and gambling companies.

And back it with new taxes on wealth.

Congress – if billionaires can afford fleets of private yachts.

And day trips into space.

And weddings that shut down Venice.

They can pay a bit more tax.

Do what’s best for those who go out to work day in, day out, and still can’t get by – deliver the Employment Rights Bill and deliver it in full.

And make it clear – a Labour government will never stand aside and watch a child’s potential be wasted because of poverty – lift the two child cap, and give our kids the future they deserve.

Now Congress it is obvious that over the last 14 months, the government haven’t got everything right, and we have called them out when they haven’t got it right.

But, Congress be clear.

The biggest threat to working class people in this country are the bad bosses and the right-wing populists.

A nasty combination that should worry any trade unionist and any worker.

Just look at the Employment Rights Bill.

The government has a manifesto promise to make work pay.

Stronger rights at work are overwhelmingly popular with voters across the political spectrum

The public knows decent work is the best way to deliver the reset this country needs.

The best way to improve living standards.

And the best way to rebuild our communities hit hard by low pay and insecure work…the sort of communities Nigel Farage likes to say he represents.

But here’s the truth.

There is a world of difference between what Nigel says, and what Nigel does.

Every single Reform MP, including Mr Farage, voted against outlawing fire and rehire.

Against banning zero hours contracts.

And against day one rights for millions of workers.

So here’s my challenge to Nigel Farage.

Say you stand up for working people?

Then ignore your wealthy backers and vote for the Employment Rights Bill.

Say you stand up for British industry?

Then stop supporting Donald Trump and his destructive tariffs.

And say you believe in the NHS?

Then look the British public in the eye and tell them why you support US-style private healthcare.

Nigel Farage, it’s time to come clean about whose side you are really on.

Because here’s the truth:

You’re not representing working people

You are selling them out.

To those who voted Reform at the last election, and to those who are considering voting for Reform…

I get your frustration with mainstream politics.

I get your sense that change isn’t coming fast enough

And I respect your right to vote for whoever you choose.

But ask yourself this fundamental question.

Do you believe, in your gut, that Nigel Farage really cares about the people of Clacton, when he is off collecting his speaker fees in the United States?

That Richard Tice really worries about the people of Skegness, while he’s living it up at home in Dubai?

Or are they just right-wing con-men, lining their own pockets.

And they’re not alone.

The modern Tory Party loses credibility with every single passing day.

And I have to just say this….no amount of TikToks, or Ozempic, or expensive haircuts will ever hide the inner ugliness of Robert Jenrick.

The man who ordered murals painted over in a reception centre for children seeking asylum is, indeed, a xenophobe.

An opportunistic xenophobe helping to create a political climate that ends up with far-right thugs laying siege to hotels, and Black and Asian people being threatened and harassed on our streets.

And let me just say this about flags.

I understand people take pride in the Union Jack, in the St Georges Cross, the Saltire and the Red Dragon.

But patriotism is about much more than flags.

As that 1945 generation knew, real patriotism is about building decent homes, and ensuring no-one is left behind.

It’s about creating good jobs so people aren’t left in poverty and feel pride in their labour..

And real patriotism is never about daubing graffiti on people’s homes or shops or intimidating our friends and neighbours.

That’s not patriotism and it should shame anyone who loves this country.

——-

Congress, the far right, and populist right don’t care about working class people, they don’t speak for working class people, and they never will.

That’s our job. That’s what we stand for.

—–

Now two years ago in Liverpool, I told you about my grandad Joe.

About my pride in him coming to Britain from Poland to help in the fight against fascism.

And my even greater pride in him building his life here in Britain.

Part of that 1945 generation who rebuilt this country, and rebuilt Europe after the war.

His generation, Charles Dukes’ generation, thought they had vanquished the darkness of authoritarianism, and the darkness of war.

But Congress right now, that darkness is everywhere.

In Ukraine.

In Sudan.

And of course, in Gaza.

A humanitarian crisis that shames the world.

Thousands of starving civilians – women and children – killed while queuing for food.

Hospitals, aid workers and journalists deliberately targeted.

Kids seeking clean water attacked by the IDF.

Congress – Israeli and Palestinian Human Rights groups are clear.

Amnesty International are clear

Medicins Sans Frontieres are clear.

And I think we should be clear.

Benjamin Nethanyu’s government is committing genocide in Gaza.

In April, I travelled to Palestine.

And saw the conditions workers and unions face in the West Bank.

One of the communities I visited, where a mosque had been burnt out, has now been erased from the map at gunpoint, by illegal settlers.

Homes, land, livelihoods – stolen.

I’m proud to say we are joined today by Shaher Saed, general secretary of Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions.

Shaher please stand up.

Today, in front of Shaher, let us reiterate our movement’s calls.

A new, permanent ceasefire.

The release of all hostages and political prisoners.

Suspension of the UK’s trade deal with Israel.

Tougher sanctions.

A ban on imports from the occupied territories.

Respect for international law.

An end to licences for arms traded with Israel.

And the immediate recognition of the state of Palestine.

Because you can’t have a two-state solution.

Without a safe, secure and free Palestine.

——

A better future in the Middle East.

And Congress, a better future at home.

A country where your postcode doesn’t determine your life chances.

Where public services are a source of pride – not profit.

Jobs you can build a life on.

Wages that keep up with the cost of living – and then go further.

Thriving communities and high streets.

And a government that puts people, not profit, first.

A better future means a fair, managed and compassionate approach to migration.

A better future means industrial renewal, strong public services and fixing the Tories’ bad Brexit deal.

And a better future means

every new school,

every hospital,

every power station,

every wind turbine,

built with union labour

proper apprenticeships

and supporting UK jobs.

Congress – we have so much to do to put right 14 years of Tory government.

But I know that our movement can, and will, rise to the challenge, because we have done it before, and we can do it again.

In 1945 – when my grandad, your grandparents, our unions and a Labour government.

Battered by six years of war.

Created the NHS.

Built hundreds of thousands of new homes.

Rebuilt our economy.

And not just in 1945.

The minimum wage.

Paid holidays.

Maternity leave.

The right to join a union.

Universal education.

Protection from discrimination.

So much more.

None of these… None of these, were handed down.

They were fought for by people in unions.

At our best when we are ambitious for working people, their families and communities.

At our best when we work together, united, as a labour and trade union movement.

So here is our challenge to government.

Deliver that employment rights bill in full, deliver the change you promised at the election…

…and show working class people you are on their side.

A challenge to employers.

Don’t fall on the wrong side of history.

Don’t repeat the mistakes of opposing the minimum wage.

Respect the government’s mandate to improve rights at work.

And finally, a challenge to me

To every member of TUC staff.

To every delegate in this hall.

And to every trade union activist and rep out there in workplaces.

To grow our movement.

To take those new rights into workplaces up and down the country.

And to reassert the reason this movement exists.

To stand with, and win for, working people in every town, in every sector, every generation, every community.

Congress.

This movement has shaped the history of our country.

Now it’s time to shape the future.

Let’s get to it.

Solidarity Congress.
September 8, 2025
Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on Russian Strikes on Kyiv

The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 7 September 2025.

I’m appalled by the latest brutal overnight assault on Kyiv and across Ukraine, which killed civilians and hit infrastructure. For the first time, the heart of Ukraine’s civilian government was damaged.

These cowardly strikes show that Putin believes he can act with impunity. He is not serious about peace.

Now, more than ever, we must stand firm in our support for Ukraine and its sovereignty.

September 7, 2025
Hilary Benn – 2025 Speech to the British-Irish Association Conference in Oxford
The speech made by Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, in Oxford on 5 September 2025. The text is the Cabinet Office version which is politically redacted.

It is a great pleasure to be back here at the BIA, and to have the opportunity to reflect upon the UK-Ireland relationship with all of you, and thank you, Dominic and Francesca, for the invitation and for all that you do to nurture this really important institution.

It has certainly been an eventful 12 months since last we met.

Continuing war in Ukraine. The unfolding disaster in Gaza. The climate continues to warm. A new partnership between the UK and the EU. And a new President of the United States of America.

But one thing that hasn’t changed has been the growing warmth of the relationship between our two countries.

Simon, I want to say how grateful I am for the friendship and enthusiasm with which you – and the whole Irish Government – have embraced not only the reset in the relationship between our two countries, but built on it with trust, honesty and ambition.

And nowhere has this been more evident than on the issue of legacy, which you and I have discussed at length in all of its complexity, and to which I shall return later on.

You know as well as anyone the Prime Minister’s personal commitment to our partnership – a commitment shared by the Taoiseach – and it was a great pleasure to be at the first of the new UK-Ireland Summits in Liverpool in March.

I was reminded then of the poetic words of President Higgins – whose extraordinary public service we applaud as he prepares to leave office – who said on his 2014 state visit to Britain that the UK-Ireland relationship had progressed from ”the doubting eyes of estrangement… to the trusting eyes of partnership and, in recent years, the welcoming eyes of friendship”.

We are, indeed, today the closest of friends as well as the closest of neighbours.

The UK Government has also, of course, been working to reset our relationship with our European partners.

As part of this, we remain steadfastly committed to the full and faithful implementation of the Windsor Framework.

Not because it is perfect, but given our departure from the EU, the open border, and two entities with two different sets of rules, we had to find together with the EU a means of dealing with a unique challenge, and the Framework was the pragmatic result.

And over the past year, we have continued to try together to ease the flow of goods within the UK internal market by:
- removing unnecessary customs paperwork;
- setting out our plans to safeguard the supply of veterinary medicines;
- and working to protect consumer choice in the final phase of ‘Not for EU’ labelling.
And of course the biggest prize from our commitment to rebuild trust and partnership has been the Common Understanding announced in May between the UK and the EU – our largest and closest trading partner.

What a contrast with the breaking of promises and the threatening to rip up international agreements of recent years.

An SPS agreement in particular will make a big difference once it is implemented.

It will remove the checks and procedures on animal and plant products moving from Great Britain to Northern Ireland – as well as making it easier for businesses across the UK to export to the EU.

This matters for practical economic reasons.

But it also matters to the sense of Northern Ireland’s integral place in the United Kingdom.

And following the publication yesterday of the independent review of the Windsor Framework carried out by Lord Murphy, the Government will of course now give full consideration to his findings and recommendations.

We have also worked to try and reset relationships with the Northern Ireland Executive.

I want to pay tribute to Michelle O’Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly, and to all of the Executive Ministers, for what they have achieved in the 19 or so months since power-sharing was restored.

They have worked constructively together and agreed an ambitious Programme for Government, published a Fiscal Sustainability Plan, brought forward a strategy to end violence against women and girls and a childcare and early learning plan, allocated the first £129m of ringfenced funding from the UK Government for public services transformation, and announced a three-year strategic plan for health and social care, to start getting on top of the long-standing crisis in the health and care system.

There is, of course, so much more to do, whether its on health waiting lists, water quality in Lough Neagh, or the constraints on growth that come from an overloaded waste water system or slow planning decisions.

But there have also been some depressing developments. The disorder and racist thuggery – let’s call it out for what it was – we saw in Ballymena and other towns this summer was despicable, and has no place whatsoever in Northern Ireland or anywhere else in the United Kingdom. When people feel they have to put signs or flags in their windows in hope that this will stop them from being smashed then something is terribly wrong.

We all have a duty to speak out and I greatly welcome the strong statement agreed at the Northern Ireland Executive meeting yesterday condemning racist and sectarian attacks.

The Government is providing £137 million in continued funding to tackle terrorism, paramilitarism and organised crime. The threats are changing and more than ever we have to work together to meet them.

Paramilitarism remains a scourge on Northern Ireland society, and following our agreement earlier this year, the Tánaiste and I will soon jointly appoint an Independent Expert to scope the prospects for paramilitary group transition to disbandment. I know that not everyone agrees with that decision – of course paramilitaries should have left the stage long ago – but the fact is they’re still here and still causing harm to communities.

As demand for more and better public services continues to increase and pressures grow on the public finances of governments across the world, in these straitened times, all of us know that we need to raise revenue – and spend it as effectively as possible – if we are going to deliver on our commitments.

This Government is clearly showing our support for Northern Ireland through continued and significant investment.

At the Spending Review the Chancellor announced a record funding settlement of £19.3 billion per year through this Parliament – the biggest since devolution.

This will ensure that Northern Ireland continues to be funded above its level of relative need. And it has ended the prospect of a financial cliff-edge in 2027, which had been left hanging over Northern Ireland by the previous government.

With its unique strengths in cyber and AI, in green technologies, in the creative industries and in defence manufacturing, Northern Ireland has so much to offer.
That is borne out in our modern industrial strategy, and the forthcoming defence industrial strategy.

It is reflected in the £310 million the UK is investing in Northern Ireland’s City and Growth Deals, the deal announced by the Prime Minister in March to supply Ukraine with more than 5,000 air defence missiles from Thales, and in the £30m investment we announced last month for Northern Ireland’s science and tech sectors and Local Innovation Partnerships Fund, £2m for Queens University Belfast’s Cyber AI Hub and £46m a year to fund Local Growth.

And at the first meeting of the East West Council under this Government in June I announced the Connect Fund, which will award up to £1 million to strengthen collaboration between community groups in Northern Ireland – whose work is so important and so valuable – with their community organisations in Great Britain.

These are all further examples of this Government’s commitment to Northern Ireland’s future.

And I hope that PM the £50m investment by the UK Government in the redevelopment of Casement Park, alongside the investments we continue to make in football, rugby and other sports in Northern Ireland will now enable progress to be made on both the GAA stadium and the sub-regional stadia programme for football. And of course we have the enticing prospect of Northern Ireland being part of the UK’s bid for the 2035 Women’s World Cup.

In the same spirit of partnership, the new Irish Government has shown its continued commitment to infrastructure development and tourism in the border regions through the Shared Island Fund, with a welcome €50 million in new funding announced earlier this year.

All of this means that the Executive has what I think is an unprecedented opportunity ahead of it to build on the positive start it has made and to do the hard work of reforming public services, generating further investment and improving the lives of all the people of Northern Ireland.

Now, it shouldn’t need to be said, but [political content redacted] let me be absolutely clear that this Government’s commitment to the Good Friday Agreement – in its entirety – is unwavering and absolute, and I know that is shared by the Irish Government as co-guarantor with us.

The Agreement on that miraculous Good Friday brought an end to three decades of appalling violence in Northern Ireland and across the United Kingdom.

[Political content redacted]

To try and unpick the Good Friday Agreement would not only be dangerously irresponsible but would also disrespect all those who sacrificed so much to help bring about the peace that the people of Northern Ireland – and across these shared islands – now enjoy.

The GFA, as Nancy Pelosi once said in a speech to the Dáil, a “beacon to the world”.

And it is with that in mind that I am greatly looking forward to welcoming foreign ministers from the Western Balkans, alongside other European friends and partners, not least yourself, Simon to Hillsborough Castle in October, as part of the UK’s hosting of the Berlin Process, which promotes prosperity, security and reconciliation in South-Eastern Europe, specifically the former Yugoslavia.

At home and abroad, let us continue to talk about our countries’ shared experience and pass on the lessons we have learned to the next generation.

Which brings me to the legacy of the Troubles.

Helping bereaved families to get answers about the deaths of their loved ones ultimately proved to be beyond the architects of the Good Friday Agreement.

But they knew it needed to be done.

They said: ”The participants believe that it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of violence as a necessary element of reconciliation.” But they couldn’t quite get there, given everything else they had to deal with.

Everyone in this room knows that there have been numerous attempts at fulfilling this promise but I’ve met a lot of people who are still waiting for those answers. Their voice above all needs to be heard in the current debate.

The 2014 Stormont House Agreement, negotiated by the Conservative-led coalition government and the Irish Government, came close, with its commitment to an independent Historical Investigations Unit and a separate, joint information recovery body.

But in the years that followed, the political courage required to deliver on that agreement dissipated.

[Political content redacted]

That legislation was rejected across Northern Ireland, a number of its provisions have been ruled against by the Northern Ireland courts, and this Government came into office committed to repeal and replace it.

The independent Commission, that was created by the Act, now has a growing caseload – including some of the most high profile terrorist murder cases from those awful times, like the Guildford pub bombing and the Warrenpoint ambush.

But it is clear that the Commission in its current form does not command enough confidence in Northern Ireland. So, if it is to be successful, it urgently needs significant reform.

I have always said that I want a legacy process that is capable of commanding support across all communities. And it has always been my view, and that of the Prime Minister, that – if at all possible – this should be a shared endeavour with the Irish Government, with reciprocal commitments from both sides.

That remains the objective of the agreement with Ireland that we have been working on. And I would say we are now close to being in a position to announce that.

I have already set out many of the things that we intend to do, building on the principles of the Stormont House Agreement and drawing on the lessons from Operation Kenova.
A reformed, independent and human rights compliant Legacy Commission that gives families the best possible chance of finding answers, with investigations capable of referring cases for potential prosecution where evidence exists of criminality.

A new oversight body for the Commission, a Victims Panel as in Kenova, public hearings and representation for families.

The maximum possible disclosure of information, in line with the disclosure process for public inquiries.

The potential for a separate information recovery body, as envisaged by Stormont House and the subsequent treaty between the two governments.

The resumption of a number of inquests that were prematurely halted by the Legacy Act.

And – for the UK Government’s part – protections to ensure that anyone who served the State in Northern Ireland to keep people safe and who is asked to participate in a legacy process as a witness is treated with dignity and respect.

Most of us here lived through the Troubles, in my case at a distance but not for many of you. I remember watching the reporting on television and reading about terrible events in the newspapers, and like you I despaired.

But unless we went through the experience, none of us will ever fully be able to appreciate what was – and still is – felt by those people who lost dearly loved family members, but who have never been able to find answers about what happened to them.

Answers that have been hidden for too long. Answers that some people may not like. Answers that are uncomfortable or shocking or a painful reminder of grim times and brutal deeds.

Great Hatred Little Room, Jonathan Powell’s account of the Northern Ireland peace process, concludes with these words:
“The burden of history remains, and before the two sides become truly reconciled they need to find a way to deal with the past…. If I have one wish, it is that the people of Northern Ireland find an acceptable way to lay the past to rest.”

How right he was. But I am under no illusions. This is difficult. It remains highly contentious. Different views are understandably and passionately held. And the pain and the trauma still run deep.

We all know that a perfect outcome is not attainable – not everyone is going to get everything they want – remembering that wonderful quote in the Ulster Museum Troubles exhibition. ‘We have a shared past, but do not have a shared memory’.

But I am also certain that, with trust in each other and with continued resolve, we can find a way forward to deliver on the unfinished business of the Good Friday Agreement and put in place our best chance to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of the violence as we seek to find answers for all.

So as our two countries turn to face the future, let us neither be burdened by the past, nor turn our backs upon it.

A way forward is now within our grasp and that is why we must find the courage to do this, and do it now.
September 7, 2025
Keir Starmer – 2025 Statement on the Death of Her Royal Highness The Duchess of Kent

The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 5 September 2025.

I wish to send my sincere condolences to His Majesty The King and the Royal Family on the death of Her Royal Highness The Duchess of Kent.

For many years, she was one of our hardest working royals – supporting our late Queen Elizabeth II in her official duties at home and abroad.

She brought compassion, dignity and a human touch to everything she did. Many will remember that moment at the Wimbledon Ladies Final, when she touchingly comforted the runner-up, Jana Novotna.

Later, when it was discovered she had been giving her time and working anonymously as a music teacher at a school in Hull, it seemed typical of her unassuming nature.

In so many ways, the Duchess sought to help. My thoughts are with her husband, His Royal Highness The Duke of Kent, her family and all those whose lives she touched.

September 7, 2025
Keir Starmer – 2025 Letter to Angela Rayner Accepting Her Resignation

The letter sent by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, to Angela Rayner, on 5 September 2025.

Letter (in .pdf format)

September 7, 2025
Laurie Magnus – 2025 Letter to the Prime Minister on Angela Rayner’s Flat Purchase

The letter sent by Laurie Magnus, the Independent Adviser on Ministerial Standards, to Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 5 September 2025.

Letter (in .pdf format)

September 7, 2025
Peter Kyle – 2025 Mansion House Speech

The speech made by Peter Kyle, the Secretary of State for Science, Innovation and Technology at the Mansion House in London on 3 September 2025.

I want to talk about a society and economy where AI benefits every person and community in the country.

Where there is opportunity for anyone, no matter their background. Where our huge potential for wealth creation isn’t centred in the capital but is distributed where talent lies – which is everywhere people are.

And where we finally become a country that celebrates entrepreneurial zeal, and those can who move from innovation to commercialisation, and thrive in a modern Britain.

To get there, the question I’m seeking to answer in government isn’t ‘do we want to be a country that adopts AI or not’…because AI is going to happen. We know it is.

That’s true for every country from Britain to North Korea.

The better question is: do we want to use all the power and agency we have, as a government to shape how it unfolds?

This will be my focus tonight.

And what better setting than here, in Mansion House.

The place where the future of this country has so often been debated, and yes, defined.

Almost 70 years ago, in April 1956, this room was the setting of a major Cold War summit.

Where Nikita Khrushchev came, after Stalin’s death, with a delegation from the USSR.

On the way here he stopped by Claridge’s. Clearly nothing is too good for the workers.

Before coming for dinner here, with Clement Attlee and Anthony Eden.

Mansion House was done up, looking its finest.

The Lord Mayor gave a speech.

And the team put on a delicious spread, as always.

It was a huge effort.

But we know now, looking back at history…the charm offensive didn’t really work.

Khrushchev returned to the USSR as resolved as he ever had been to lead, through technology.

Racing to be first to the space rocket, the microchip, the bomb.

Thankfully, those Cold War days are behind us.

But on the world stage, the tech competition remains as fierce as ever.

Only this time, the defining competitive advantage of this century – I believe…is going to be AI.

Artificial intelligence will shape our economies, our security, and our place in the world.

Those who wield it in their national interest – who invest in the right skills and hardware, while they have the chance…will be the economic superpowers of the future.

Look at the US, and China.

Or the Gulf states, vying to compete.

Time and again, we see that a nation’s sovereign interest rests on its technological edge.

It’s the lesson Khrushchev almost learned – but not quite.

You see, in the years after his Mansion House visit, Khrushchev set about increasing the USSR’s tech capacity.

As part of the plan, he wanted to have his own Soviet Silicon Valley.

He ordered the creation of a new city, on the outskirts of Moscow: Zelenograd.

The city had its own cinema, billboards, homes and offices. And a massive statue of Lenin.

And the whole place was designed for engineers, racing to design microchips.

The idea was simple: copy what worked in America, but do it faster.

The Soviets got their hands on a prototype for a US microchip, the SN-51.

Alexander Shokin, the official in charge, summoned the engineers of Zelenograd into his office, and he ordered them:

“Copy it, one-for-one” – without a single deviation.

This, ultimately, was their big mistake.

The Soviets chose to imitate rather than innovate.

At a time when the pace of change in chips was impossible to keep up with, without their own domestic research capacity.

American speed proved too difficult for the Soviets to match.

Individual US entrepreneurialism outpaced Soviet central control.

And Silicon Valley won the chip race.

Today, history is repeating itself in the development of AI and the new technological revolution.

And the UK must think like the US, not act like the USSR.

The computing power needed to train leading AI systems has doubled roughly every 6 months for the last decade.

If we don’t keep up – with a domestic AI ecosystem of our own, on British shores, we’ll always be beholden to others, following where they point us.

Buying off-the-shelf, from overseas.

That’s a precedent I am not willing to set when it comes to our military tech, the integrity of our NHS, and data protection.

Or when the prize is a huge competitive edge for our economy.

Fortunately, we’re starting from a good place.

We currently rank third for AI, after the US and China. We have 4 of the world’s top ten universities. The lowest corporation tax in the G7. And more venture capital investment than anywhere else in Europe.

Only this year, the chief executive of NVIDIA, Jensen Huang, said the UK is in a ‘Goldilocks’ moment for AI.

Because we are country not burdened by over-regulation, or a lack of ambition.

Britain is striking the right balance.

I remember, before this government came to office, I spent ages asking businesses what they needed from us.

You certainly weren’t shy in telling us.

Take AI seriously. Regulatory reform. Make sure we don’t fall short on talent.

And ever since, we’ve been getting on with it.

It started in January, with the AI Opportunities Action Plan.

It outlined the 50 steps we are taking to grow the economy, and create scores of new jobs as part of the government’s modern industrial strategy.

An early priority for me was skills.

In June, we launched our TechFirst programme – backed by £187 million in funding which will bring digital and AI learning directly into the classroom and reach every secondary school pupil in the country.

Next, we looked at the workforce. Forming a skills partnership with firms like Barclays, Amazon, BT, and Google.

Together, committing to train 7.5 million people in AI – a fifth of the country’s workers.

It’s fantastic to see how so many of you have risen to that challenge.

After that, we looked at hardware.

If we wanted to compete, we knew we had to improve our physical machinery.

The raw processing power we have on offer, here in the UK, to churn through the mountains of data that will be required.

The Compute Roadmap I set out in July charts that course.

And I recently launched Isambard – our new supercomputer, the most powerful in the country.

A machine that will be able to process an unthinkable amount of information, in seconds.

We have another one, Dawn, in a lab in Cambridge.

And I’ve announced the creation of a national supercomputer that will be based in Edinburgh.

All told we’re on track to increase our compute capacity 20-fold between now and the end of the decade.

We have our plan for the National Data Library.

AI is pretty straightforward in its basic form. It is chips. It is data. It is software.

We talk about chips a lot. We talk about software a lot. But we need to talk much, much more about the data that fuels it.

AI is only as good as the data it uses, and Britain has the best data in the world.

We will be safely harnessing it to power scientific and medical discovery, to drive our understanding of the human condition, and as potentially the biggest engine for the commercialisation of innovation in our country’s history.

And we’re not slowing down any time soon.

Our next big priority is our AI Growth Zones.

These will be dedicated hubs of AI development.

The first will be just 60 miles away, in Culham.

And we’re getting spades in the ground for sites in Wales and in Scotland.

Each has the potential for a full campus – bringing together companies, researchers, and investors.

These efforts have been met by a wave of commitment from the private sector.

With £14 billion in investment announced by firms like Vantage Data Centres, NScale, and Kyndryl.

A brilliant British company, Synthesia, has announced they are expanding their London office just a few weeks ago.

And global firms like Cohere, Open AI, and Anthropic have followed suit – choosing our capital as their home from home.

That is a vote of confidence not just in our tech sector, but in the UK’s future.

So this evening, I’m proud to publish the next 2 parts of our plan.

The first is a roadmap for a new British AI assurance industry.

Backed by a fund worth £11 million.

In the next few years, AI assurance will bloom into a unique profession, worth up to £18.8 billion to our economy, based on a growing pool of independent experts with the skills to verify that new AI innovations are secure, and trustworthy.

We hope it will give firms the tools they need to build trust with both customers and markets, especially smaller teams, who lack the in-house expertise to do this work themselves.

Applications for that fund will be opening in the Spring – please do keep an eye out.

Lastly, we’re looking very closely at regulation.

I know this is a crucial issue for many of you. So I want to make it plain:

British companies shouldn’t have to wait months for approvals, whilst competitors overseas race ahead. If AI can speed things up, even a little, then we will do everything we can to make that a reality.

As part of this effort, today we announced our new AI regulator capability fund.

Designed to support 5 UK regulators – from Ofgem, to the Civil Aviation Authority with up to £2.7 million in funding, to help them both use and regulate AI better.

Whether it’s a new AI assistant. Analysing huge datasets. Or streamlining approvals.

This is our challenge to regulators:

Use every tool at your disposal to get new products to market quickly, without sacrificing safety.

In aviation, for example, this might mean getting faster at clearing the skies for new drone technologies.

Or, for the Office for Nuclear Regulation, we’re investing more than a quarter of a million pounds in a project that will enable the nuclear industry to test new AI tools in nuclear plants.

Including things like making us more efficient at handling high risk nuclear waste.

I want to personally thank the team at our Regulatory Innovation Office, set up last year, for being so forward-looking on this. I’m immensely proud of the work that it’s already doing.

So that’s where we are today.

A little over a year after I first set foot in the Department for Science, Innovation, and Technology, I don’t think a single person in this room could say, hand on heart, that we haven’t got stuck in.

And it’s starting to pay off.

In our first 12 months of in government we’ve attracted more than £44 billion worth of investment into the British AI sector. The average deal last year was worth £5.9 million.

And we have doubled the number of AI firms in Yorkshire, Wales, the Midlands, and the North West compared to just 3 years ago.

We have learned the lesson of history: countries can only prosper if they get the big calls right; if they decide to go beyond the expected and embrace the future; to innovate not imitate; refusing to be constrained by the problems of today by taking on the challenges of tomorrow.

In these uncertain times, I am certain that’s what it takes to get a global competitive edge.

So, if there is anyone here who still doubts our commitment.

My message to you is simple:

Britain is preparing for the challenge of the new technological revolution.

We want you to keep investing here, keep building here. List here. Scale here.

And if you invest in Britain, you will share in that competitive edge.

I look forward to working with you all as, together, we create the security and opportunity society people are counting on us to deliver.

Thank you.

September 7, 2025