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Category: Speeches

  • Chris Kelly – 2010 Maiden Speech

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Chris Kelly in the House of Commons on 29th June 2010.

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for calling me to make my maiden speech, and I congratulate you on your new position. I also congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton South West (Paul Uppal) on his excellent maiden speech earlier.

    Today is an Opposition day, so there are even more Labour Members than usual on the Opposition Benches. I am therefore more grateful than colleagues who made their maiden speeches in earlier debates that it is a tradition of the House to listen to a maiden speech without interruption or intervention. I am also pleased to see several fellow black country Members. I am incredibly proud to be black country born and bred. In fact, I could not be more proud of the area I have always called home.

    As the new Member for Dudley South, I thank my predecessor, Ian Pearson, for his service to my constituency and its residents. From the moment that I was selected in September 2007, Mr Pearson was always courteous towards me-so courteous that in February this year he announced he would not contest the general election against me. Mr Pearson was elected in a by-election in December 1994 in Dudley West, and went on to hold several ministerial posts between 2002 and 2010. If I may say so, Graham Postles fought a valiant campaign for the Conservatives in 1994, but so much in politics is down to timing, and Dudley West was Tony Blair’s first by-election as leader of the Labour party. It was therefore the first significant victory of the new Labour era, when Labour Members declared that they were the political wing of the British people. As they left the country on the verge of bankruptcy, that claim now has a hollow ring.

    I also wish to pay tribute to the former Conservative Member for Dudley West, Dr John Blackburn, who sadly died following a heart attack in the Palace of Westminster in October 1994. I never had the pleasure of meeting John, but I know that he was widely admired by his constituents and even by his political foes. He was a hard-working local MP, and I intend to conduct myself during my time in this Chamber very much in the same manner. John’s widow, Marjorie, is a supporter to this day and has been extremely kind to me during my time as the candidate in her late husband’s old constituency.

    If I may, I wish to pay tribute to the late former Member for Coventry South-West, John Butcher, or Butch as I knew him. If I won my seat, Butch and I were due to have dinner to celebrate and to discuss what he called the pitfalls of being an MP. Sadly, we never had the opportunity to dine together in this place.

    Dudley South lies between Birmingham and Wolverhampton on the western fringe of the west midlands conurbation. We local people are fiercely proud of Dudley’s own distinctive identity and heritage. The constituency is situated to the west of Dudley town centre and largely consists of residential suburbs and some rural fringes on the border of glorious south Staffordshire countryside. Wards include Brierley Hill; Brockmoor and Pensnett; Kingswinford North and Wall Heath; Kingswinford South; Netherton, Woodside and St Andrews; and Wordsley. Within my constituency, we have the Merry Hill shopping centre, now managed by Westfield, as well as the largest secure trading estate in Europe in the Pensnett estate, along with dozens of smaller trading estates employing many thousands of people in small and medium-sized businesses.

    The businesses of Dudley South are the backbone of the British economy and typically employ no more than a dozen people each. It is the creativity and ingenuity of so many of my constituents-making, designing, building and fabricating myriad goods-that is so important to the viability of the British economy. I come from a business background and can see all around my constituency that the entrepreneurial spirit of local people is undimmed by 13 years of red tape, bureaucracy and increased taxation.

    Many families in Dudley South are football households. The vast majority of my residents support either the Baggies-West Bromwich Albion, for those who do not know-or Wolves, as I do. In fact, I went to my first game at Molineux when we were in the old fourth division, and three of the four stands were then crumbling wrecks. Many of my constituents know me as a businessman from a well-known local company, headquartered literally in the shadows of the Hawthorns. However, for those constituents who are not Albion fans, I should add that the business also employs people in Kingswinford.

    Not only am I proud of my constituency and my area, I am proud of my country. I am fortunate to have travelled extensively, but no matter how exotic or cosmopolitan the destination, I have always yearned for England. Part of that is the people. The people of my borough are decent people who strive to do the right thing by society and, most importantly, by their families. As they told me during the general election, they get frustrated when they see others ahead of them who have not “done the right thing”. Their sense of fairness was seriously challenged by the last Government. I am pleased to see this coalition Government restoring that sense of fairness and balance while addressing the scale of the deficit and debts bequeathed to us. That sense of fairness has been severely tested over the last 13 years as we have seen neighbouring Sandwell metropolitan borough council receiving far more per head from Whitehall than Dudley metropolitan borough council. That massive disparity cannot be fair, and my constituents have also expressed their unhappiness in large numbers about many of the local government funded quangos with questionable track records of productivity and efficiency, and a democratic deficit, when my constituents struggle to make ends meet and pay their council and personal tax bills.

    I was born in 1978 under James Callaghan, but I am a child of Thatcher. I was honoured to receive letters from the former Prime Minister both during and after the election, and they now hang proudly on my wall. Baroness Thatcher truly is a guiding inspiration. She comprehensively proved that one person can make a positive difference. My political interest began at the age of 14, when I wrote to the Express and Star, still the largest circulation local paper in the country, about the increase in the entry fee at the local swimming baths. I then joined the Conservative party in 1996 at the age of 18 when I arrived at university in Headington in Oxford, to be greeted by the beaming faces of my hon. Friends the Members for Huntingdon (Mr Djanogly) and for North Swindon (Justin Tomlinson). The former was at that time the Conservative prospective parliamentary candidate for Oxford East, and the latter was the chairman of the university Conservative society. In 1996, who would have believed that, come 2010, Justin Tomlinson and I would join Jon Djanogly, who has been an MP for nine years already, on the Government Benches?

    It is a huge honour to represent Dudley South in this Chamber, and I will work tirelessly to get a fair deal for my residents.

  • David Cameron – 2013 Press Conference with President Hamid Karzai

    Below is the text of the press conference held with the Prime Minister, David Cameron, and the President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai.  The press conference was held in Kabul on 29th June 2013.

    Hamid Karzai

    In the name of God, members of the Afghan and international press, you’re all welcome to today’s press conference between His Excellency, very respected Prime Minister Mr Cameron, and me. His Excellency the Prime Minister is a friend of Afghanistan, and has helped tremendously with Afghanistan’s reconstruction and especially in terms of the betterment of the contacts between Afghanistan and Pakistan. And the last time we met was in Chequers in London, for which we are grateful, and we’re happy to see him again here in Kabul.

    Mr Prime Minster and me discussed on a wide range of all issues of interest and we also talked about the concern in Afghanistan, which is there on the peace process, and that the foreign hands in – should not be able to abuse the peace process in Afghanistan, and I also discussed this with the Prime Minster that, while Afghanistan is happy, and is pleased with its strategic relations with the world, it also believes that the bilateral security agreement with NATO and the United States be based on the interests of Afghanistan, something that could guarantee and assure us peace and security in Afghanistan, and something that provides for a centrally strong and united Afghanistan. And an agreement in which Afghanistan can gain further strength and can walk towards prosperity and stability.

    Mr Prime Minister and I also talked about our relations with Pakistan. We exchanged our views very, very clearly that it’s important for both of us to have good relations and friendly relations with Pakistan, and not that Pakistan makes efforts for strategic depth against – in Afghanistan, because neither Afghanistan soil would be used against Pakistan, nor Pakistan’s soil should be used for activities against Afghanistan. We are seeking strong and friendly relations between the two countries, something based on mutual respect to interests, to mutual interests, so we also talked about all the aspects of the peace process, and that we need to co-operate with each other in moving forward.

    And His Excellency the Prime Minister reaffirmed all the commitments he has previously made to Afghanistan, and also talked about the best wishes and the good wishes to Afghanistan, and I thank him again for the renewed expression of his commitment, and I thank you for all the efforts you’ve made to Afghanistan. And this time too his visit was aimed on how UK can help in, helping the peace process and how they could work with Pakistan and Afghanistan on – in expediting the peace process, and so that we could all be hopeful of ourselves, thank you.

    Prime Minister

    Thank you very much Mr President, and I’m delighted to be back here with you in Kabul. This is a city where Britain and Afghanistan have so much vital work going on. We had very useful talks today, and we share a common goal: a secure, stable and democratic Afghanistan. A country that is no longer a haven for terrorists, that no longer harbours threats to either of our national securities, a country where Afghans themselves are in control and building the peaceful and prosperous future that they deserve.

    We’ve discussed three key issues: our progress towards that shared vision; the challenges ahead; and the role that the United Kingdom will continue to play as a strong friend of Afghanistan after our combat troops have left. Let me say a few words on each.

    First on the progress we have made. This morning I was in Helmand Province, where Afghan troops are now the lead force responsible for security in that province, and for taking on the insurgents. This is the case right across the country – in each and every province and city, Afghan soldiers and Afghan police are assuming responsibility for keeping Afghanistan’s 27 million citizens safe. This is a remarkable transformation. When I first came to Helmand in 2006, there were almost no Afghan forces at all. Today, there are over 340,000. These are capable, determined troops, and we’re on track for them to take over full responsibility at the end of next year.

    But progress is not just limited to the battlefield. In Helmand, 130,000 children are now in school, including 30,000 girls, when under the Taliban there were none. 80% of the population can now get healthcare within 10 kilometres of their home, and, crucially, support for the Taliban has plummeted, from over 20% two years ago to just 5% today.

    And this progress is not just limited to daily life. The political process is moving forward too. Preparations are underway for next year’s presidential elections, which will mark the first peaceful constitutional handover of power in living memory, and it will be a vital part, sir, of your legacy. Afghans are already registering to vote; over 50,000 new voters have already registered, including over 10,000 woman.

    And I believe that the Taliban, watching all this progress, are beginning to realise that they are not going to secure a role in Afghanistan’s future through terror and violence, but by giving up their arms and engaging in a political process. But let me make absolutely clear, this peace process is for Afghanistan to determine; it must be Afghan owned, it must be Afghan led, there is no other agenda that Britain has, that America has, that any country in the West has – no other agenda, other than your stability, your security, and your prosperity. That is why we wish this peace process well, but it must be your peace process and not anybody else’s.

    Now, of course there will be challenges ahead, and there is a lot still to be achieved. We discussed the need for a peaceful, credible election next year, in which Afghans across the country can vote freely, and Mr President, I welcome your commitment to a democratic succession after your second term. The forthcoming elections present an opportunity for Afghanistan to demonstrate its democratic progress, both to its own citizens and to the world. Britain stands ready to assist the Afghan government and the Independent Electoral Commission to achieve this. We are providing financial support for the process, including £4.5 million specifically targeted to increase women’s participation.

    We’ll also do all we can to support an Afghan led peace process. This will not be easy. It will take courage and conviction on both sides. There will be setbacks. But there is, I believe, a window of opportunity, and I’m going to urge all of those who renounce violence, who respect the constitution, who want to have a voice in the future prosperity of this country, to seize that opportunity.

    Finally, the President and I discussed our shared commitment to a strong partnership between our two countries beyond 2014. While our combat troops will return home, we have already committed to support and sustain the Afghan security forces with financial support long after 2014. The Afghan National Army Officer Academy, which you specifically asked Britain to take the lead in, where we will help to train the Afghan army officers of the future. It will take its first students this Autumn.

    And we will continue to support the vital building blocks for growth: the rule of law, the absence of corruption, the presence of property rights and strong institutions. We will maintain our development assistance, and co-chair a ministerial conference next year, to agree the international community’s future support for Afghanistan.

    Finally, here in Afghanistan on Armed Forces Day, I want to pay particular tribute to the 444 British men and women who have died serving our country here in Afghanistan. I think of their family and friends, of all who’ve been injured, whose lives have been irrevocably changed by the role they have played here. We have paid a high price, but since British troops arrived here over a decade ago, we have dramatically reduced the terror threat emanating from this whole region. We came here to make Afghanistan safer, to make Britain safer, and together, we are achieving that. Thank you.

    Hamid Karzai

    Welcome, Mr Prime Minister. Now Prime Minister, would you like to have the first question?

    Question

    If you wouldn’t mind speaking in English, sir.

    Hamid Karzai

    Please, do.

    Question

    We would be grateful. Given the recent attack by the Taliban on your own presidential compound, how realistic is it that you will be sitting down with the Taliban any time soon?

    Hamid Karzai

    Ma’am, the attack that was organised near the presidential palace will not deter us from seeking peace. We have had them killing the Afghan people, but we still ask for peace. This was peanuts, comparatively speaking, quite an irrelevant attack. We’re more concerned when they attack the Afghan civilians; we are more concerned when they attack Afghan schools and children. I wish they would spend all their time attacking the presidential palace and leave the rest of the country alone.

    Prime Minister

    Let me make the point that the Afghan security forces dealt with this attack without any military assistance from others, and they dealt with it very effectively and very swiftly.

    Hamid Karzai

    And very promptly. So I wish they would concentrate all their energies on attacking the Presidential palace and leave the rest of the country alone, leave all children and women and schools alone, not kill them. Even then, we want to talk peace because that’s what we are seeking, because that’s what the country needs, that’s what also the Taliban need. I would ask them once again to free themselves from foreign influence, from the grips of foreign intelligence agencies, and to return to their own country in dignity and honour and work for their own people.

    Question

    Thank you very much Mr President, from [Inaudible]. First, I welcome Prime Minister Cameron to Afghanistan and then, very briefly, what do you think, Mr Prime Minister, about the role of Britain in convincing Pakistan as your traditional friend to help sincerely in ensuring a real peace process for the interest of Afghanistan and of Pakistan?

    And my other question is to President Karzai. There are countries like Britain, UK and Pakistan involved in the peace process in – of Afghanistan. There are – it’s said that there are efforts of these countries that a federal system of governance be introduced in Afghanistan.

    And the other question is about the Taliban’s office in Quetta. Following that, the government of Afghanistan suspended the talks on the bilateral security agreement with the United States. And, a few days ago, you also had a video conference call with President Obama and you talked about – was there any contact on resumption of such talks on the bilateral security agreement, and what agreements have you reached?

    And the third point is that the Pakistani Taliban announced that they welcome the office of the Taliban in Quetta, and they are all led by one single group of the Afghanistan Taliban – Mullah Omar is their overall leader – and say that they will take their commands from Mullah Omar of Afghanistan. What do you think of all this? Thank you.

    Prime Minister

    Well, perhaps I can answer my part of the question first, which is: what is the role of Britain in terms of our relations with Pakistan? We have a good relationship with Pakistan; it’s a long-standing relationship. And we have a very clear view, which is that it is in Pakistan’s short, medium, and long-term interests to have a secure, stable and prosperous Afghanistan, with which they have a good and strong relationship. That is the sum total of what we say to Pakistan about Afghanistan.

    That is why I helped to put together the trilateral talks process between Britain, Afghanistan and Pakistan. And I believe that process has made some assistance in the development of good relations, but we need to keep on. We need to keep on this journey. But I think it is absolutely clear that it is in the long-term interest, short-term interest, medium-term interest of Afghanistan to have a good relationship with Pakistan, and Pakistan to have a good relationship with Afghanistan.

    And I pay tribute to the President for his longstanding leadership and vision on this issue. And I know that he will keep up those efforts. There are always difficulties; there are always blocks in the road, but I know that the President sees past them and knows that this long-term relationship is in both countries’ strong interest.

    Hamid Karzai

    [Inaudible] establishing the so-called federally administered system in Afghanistan, or leading Afghanistan towards such a system, or – or the rumours that we’ve heard and we’ve also seen efforts being made by some outsiders, by some foreign countries. So such efforts into leading the country into a federally kind of a system is not welcome in Afghanistan. We’ve seen such efforts have always failed in the country. So – but recently we’ve seen that efforts are being made to promote such desires for an establishment of such systems through the Taliban.

    So this is – this is an issue that we have spoken about with other countries. Today we also spoke about this with the Prime Minister today on the lunch, and he assured us that not such a thing exists on, of course, their agenda. We too have also heard such things from Pakistan that efforts are being made to that effort. And I don’t know what interests Pakistan is seeking in such a situation. So we believe that would be in the damage of Pakistan; it would be in the loss of Pakistan, not in the interest.

    And the other point you raised about the Pakistani Taliban’s movement, who announced that they fall under the Afghanistan’s branch of the Taliban and that they would accept the Afghanistan Taliban leader as their own leader, so they’ve like separated themselves from Pakistan. So they too can then reach an approach Tal – Quetta’s office of the Taliban too, and then they could – they could sit together in that, and then the government of Afghan would sit with them and talk.

    So we’ve heard of such efforts. We’ve also seen some signals, but such efforts will not yield any results, will be of no avail, so we – and the countries that we – that we know are involved, we are in very clear contact and in relationship with them and we will act based on the Afghanistan’s interest and the unity. So we’ve seen such efforts even very long back, when such efforts came ahead. Even the Taliban themselves then contacted us and said that they were against it.

    So the – the negotiation on the bilateral security agreement is still suspended. I – as you pointed out, I had a video conference – contact with President Obama where he hoped that the negotiations would resume on the bilateral security agreement between Afghanistan and the US, and that if we could reach an agreement by October this year, but I noted and reminded that Afghanistan continues to hold its unchangeable conditions and principles that seeks Afghanistan’s interest, and Afghanistan’s centrality and central government. And Afghanistan’s unity lies in the heart of such conditions.

    So if these conditions and if these principles are met, we definitely – the nation of Afghanistan will definitely be ready to agree or to accept the bilateral security agreement with the US. Anyway, it is up to the people of Afghanistan to decide so the loya jirga, the grand council, will decide on how to move ahead with a bilateral security agreement, and then they will advise their government on that. So they will make the final decision. Thank you.

    Question

    Mr President, if I could just pick you up on the concerns you raised about efforts to create a federal system. Is it for you a red line that the constitution should not be changed, and what do you say to people who say that the constitution vests too much power in the presidency and if you are having a process of reconciliation you need to look at that?

    And Prime Minister, if I could ask you, I believe this is your first visit to Afghanistan since the sort of formal opening of dialogue with the – with the Taliban. What do you say to families of British soldiers, the 444 British soldiers, who may feel that once again a British government has held talks in secret with an organisation that it asks its troops to put their lives on the line to fight? And once again, just with the IRA, you’re now having talks in the open with that organisation whilst your troops, British troops, are still on the line. Thank you.

    Hamid Karzai

    The right question.

    Prime Minister

    Shall I go first?

    Hamid Karzai

    Please, sir.

    Prime Minister

    Thank you. Well, what I would say to everyone in the United Kingdom, and perhaps particularly to British forces and British forces’ families, is that we should be very proud of the work that British armed service personnel have done here in Afghanistan. We came here in 2001 with a very clear purpose, and that was to stop this country being used as a base for terrorist attacks against Britain.

    And we have been successful in that task. The Afghan government, with our assistance, has managed to deliver security and stability across much more of this country than was ever possible in the past, and it is no longer a haven for terrorist plotting and planning. And yes, of course we now believe alongside our security approach, which is about training up the Afghan army and police force, we believe yes, there should be a political process as well, but a political process that will only succeed if those involved in terms of the Taliban put down their arms and stop fighting.

    Now, the encouraging thing about the process so far is the Taliban statement that they made was that they didn’t want Afghanistan anymore to be a haven for terror. They didn’t want it to be a country that caused pain to other countries in the region or in the world. So I think people would expect the Afghan government and its allies and friends to have that sort of political process.

    But I think above all, we should be proud and grateful for what our armed service personnel have done here. We should be very clear that any peace process has to be Afghan-owned and Afghan-led. And let me just make absolutely clear beyond any doubt about the timetable for British troops leaving Afghanistan. I set this out in 2010, and it has not changed: there will be no British combat troops after the end of 2014. British troops are coming home. That is happening right now. Until recently, we were in 130 different patrol bases; we’re now in just over ten. By the end of the year, that will be something like four bases.

    And let me also be clear that after 2014, we have said that our contribution will be the officer training academy that President Karzai asked us to establish. We have not made any other commitments, and nor have I been asked to make other commitments. Now, of course, other NATO countries may choose to do more things to help assist the Afghan forces; not in a combat role, but to assist the Afghan forces post-2014. But from everything I’ve heard today, the Afghan forces are doing a good job, they are highly capable, highly motivated, and they are capable of delivering security for this country.

    Hamid Karzai

    You asked about federal system in Afghanistan. Federalism is run quite successfully in some countries. You have it in the United States, you have it in India, you have it in Germany and – in a more liberal way – in Switzerland. The Afghan experience is different. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and after the years of interference from abroad and the internal incoherence in Afghanistan, it was exactly the nature of a fragmented system in Afghanistan that caused so much bloodshed and misery to the Afghan people. Therefore, the Afghan people are looking forward to a strong unitary form of government that would deliver them to services, that would provide them the goods for a better life.

    Any system that is imposed on us or effort is made to be imposed on us from abroad – federalism or any other structure – the Afghan people would reject. Especially an effort for federalism through delivering a province or two to the Taliban will be seen by the Afghan people as an invasion of Afghanistan and as an effort from outside to weaken and splinter this country. Therefore, there will be a strong opposition to that. Therefore, there was the massive, strong reaction to the manner in which the Taliban office in Doha was inaugurated.

    So our message is clear. The constitution is the work of the Afghan people; they are empowered to bring any changes in the constitution that they want. The Taliban, once they’ve joined the peace process, once they’ve begun to talk to their Afghan brothers and sisters, if they have any demands, they should put them forward, and then there is a mechanism provided in our constitution for amendments in the constitution through the Afghan loya jirga, and the Afghan loya jirga can look at all those questions as the right given by the Afghan people to it. The power to the President of Afghanistan? The constitution, well, it’s a presidential system. Therefore, the President has powers.

    Any more questions, Mr Prime Minister? One more?

    Prime Minister

    It’s for you to decide.

    Hamid Karzai

    Well, Mr Prime Minister, I will decide on your instructions. So…

    Question

    I would ask my question in English. What specific actions should be taken in order for negotiations to begin? What does Taliban want? What does US want? And what does the Afghan government want? And also, what does the US, Taliban and Qatar government want the Afghan government to do? Thank you.

    Hamid Karzai

    Well, sir, who is this question asked for, Prime Minister or myself? Alright. Well, we know what we want, the Afghan people, from the peace talks. We want peace and stability in Afghanistan, we want the return of the Taliban back to their country. We want them to be part of this society and this policy and to work for their own country. That’s our desire, and we hope the peace talks will begin as soon as possible.

    As to what the Taliban want, we will hear it from them once the – once the peace talks start. Our desire is for a unified and strong, peaceful Afghanistan. Thank you. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. Mr Prime Minister?

    Prime Minister

    It was very good to see you again. I hope to see you again soon. Keep in touch? [Inaudible] as soon as possible.

    Hamid Karzai

    It did, a lot. And more of that to come from the Americans.

  • Michael Kane – 2014 Speech after Winning Wythenshawe and Sale East By-Election

    Below is the text of the speech made by Michael Kane after winning the Wythenshawe and Sale East by-election on 13th February 2014.

    Tonight the people of Wythenshawe and Sale East have sent a very clear message – they want a government will to stand up for us all – a One Nation Labour government.

    It’s a result which emphatically demonstrates that people here know the NHS is not safe in David Cameron’s hands, and that we’ve had enough of his utterly out of touch government.

    But tonight we are thinking of those across the country affected by storms, by flooding and by the dreadful weather which we also experienced in Manchester on Wednesday.

    I will be an MP speaking out on the issues that matter to you:

    Fighting for a fair deal for Wythenshawe A&E.

    Exposing the cost-of-living crisis felt by families and pensioners across our area and beyond.

    And on the unfair and disproportionate cuts to local services – Wythenshawe and Sale has said tonight: enough is enough.

    This was the by-election nobody wanted.

    My dear friend Paul Goggins achieved so much for the people of Wythenshawe and Sale East, and their love and respect for him will be one of my abiding memories of the campaign.

    Paul’s legacy is matched by the legacy of my mentor and my inspiration Alf Morris, who championed the rights of the chronically sick and disabled.

    To be returned as MP for the area both Alf and Paul served so well, the constituency in which I’ve lived all my life, is a humbling moment for me.

    My message to you tonight, whether you voted for me, for one of my opponents, or you didn’t vote at all, is that I will represent everyone in this constituency and I will be your voice in Westminster.

    Almost 200 years ago Benjamin Disraeli stood on a spot across the road from here and spoke of One Nation – and he said “What Manchester does today, the world does tomorrow”.

    Well, Manchester has rejected David Cameron today…and the rest of Britain will tomorrow.

    Today’s Tories have abandoned Disraeli’s principles.

    It’s the same old Tory attitude of “them and us” , and people here are sick of their constant attempts to divide our communities.

    But as Ed Miliband told Wythenshawe when he came here during the campaign: we are a party for everybody – uniting communities, building on the best of Britain … not pandering to the worst.

    That’s what One Nation Labour is all about.

    I want to thank the returning officer, Sir Howard Bernstein, the staff and the police who have all worked hard at the count tonight.

    And thank you to my opponents for what has been predominantly a robust but fair contest … I wish them a safe journey home.

    I’d like to thank my agent and all those who have worked so hard on my campaign, so often battling the elements…

    And I want to pay special tribute to my wife Sandra who has been at my side all the way and without whom I wouldn’t be here tonight.

    But most of all I’d like to thank the people of Wythenshawe and Sale East.

    They have rejected the failed policies of the out-of-touch Tories…

    They have rejected the isolationism and scaremongering of UKIP.

    Labour is proud of Wythenshawe and Sale, and this is the place I am proud to call my home.

    Today the people have said loud and clear: Labour is on your side.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 2003 Speech on George Bush

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn in November 2003.

    Tomorrow the streets of London will be filled with a cross-section of the entire community as we march from Malet Street to Trafalgar Square via Kingsway, Waterloo and culminating in a march along Whitehall. This itself is a product of weeks of negotiation with the Metropolitan Police, to try and protect the right of free speech and assembly in our capital city. Having been a party to all these talks I have always had the feeling that there were huge pressures being placed on the Police to try and prevent any access to London by anybody whilst Bush was visiting.

    Bush’s visit, the first state visit by a US President (as opposed to the lower status ‘Head of Government’ visits by Carter, Regan, Bush Snr and Clinton) is really bizarre for any observers of this scene. Refused an open procession in the State Landau with the Queen, Londoners will at least see a horse and carriage, with appropriate cycling outriders when the Stop the War Coalition put on this event later this morning.

    All visiting heads of state or Government visit the Palace of Westminster and make an address to an assembly of both Houses, and some even answer questions. President Mandela came twice and happily answered questions on one visit for over an hour; he led no one into war, showed the courage of the South African people to oppose, and defeat the vile apartheid system. His State visit was the most popular ever. Bush Jnr on the other hand has no history of ever standing up for anything, unless avoiding being drafted into a war which he claimed to support counts as principle.

    Since he is the centre of attention this week, and those of us who oppose his visit are being accused of “crude anti Americanism”, it is worth looking at his record.

    On Sunday evening I was privileged to meet Vietnam veteran Ron Kovic and introduce him to the audience at the Prince Charles Cinema in Leicester Square, and then watched the film with him. The film is really a journey of discovery of a young man growing up in a patriotic American household in the sixties. Convinced of his country’s rightness and opposition to the communist menace he joins the marines, and in his fervour, does two tours of duty. Almost killed and paralysed in 1968, he comes home to indifference and hostility and in time, becomes opposed to the brutality of the Vietnam War.

    Ever since that time Ron has devoted his life to opposing the military policies of the United States. On Monday morning he led a delegation to Downing Street to ask that Bush’s visit be cancelled.

    Tomorrow the march will be led by a group of United States citizens who are opposed to the war. Far from being anti-American, the peace movement has united the ordinary people on both sides of the Atlantic, in the cause of peace.

    George Bush, for the red carpet and £4 million worth of security and hospitality being spent, is the only US President to be elected by the Supreme Court, and as a result of the greatest ever expenditure, by Corporate America, on his campaign. Since then he has repaid with interest: tax cuts, welfare cuts, huge arms budgets, oil drilling and now contracts to rebuild Iraq to the same companies who provided the weapons to destroy it.

    Globally, his administration has opposed the Kyoto protocol, supported cruel World Trade Organisation conditions and methods, and continued dumping surplus US food on the poorest countries – destroying much sustainable agriculture.

    Post September 11th the US never took stock and looked at the world; war in Afghanistan followed; the Axis of Evil speech; and then the build up to Iraq. Afghanistan is presented as a victory, yet 8000 died and opium production is soaring, so it is hardly complete.

    In Iraq, the military ‘victory’ of May, and the premature celebrations have been brought to a halt, as the casualties mount, and the effects of cluster bombs and Depleted Uranium are felt by thousands of wholly innocent Iraqis and their children.

    Bush’s cabinet contains those who met and financed the Saddam Hussein section of the Ba’ath Party and they will be well aware of the problems that the unilateral and illegal war has created. Nobody who opposes the war ever supported the regime, but most people want to see a peaceful Iraq with an accountable Government.

    In his determination to go to war in Iraq, Bush flouted the UN, and now wants the world body to pick up the pieces, without any legal authority.

    Whilst the war in Iraq and Afghanistan gain all the publicity, we should not forget the on-going gruesome and grim conflict in Colombia, where the pro US Government is rapidly losing support as the US maintains its military presence on the pretence of being part of an anti drugs crusade.

    Whilst many issues unite the peace and anti-war movements in this country, the Government’s support for the Bush-inspired National Missile Defence system has mobilised many members and supporters of CND; we opposed the US inspired cruise missiles in the 1980’s; NMD is equally as dangerous to world peace.

    Amidst all the opposition to Bush we should reflect on one positive aspect: the world, as John Pilger reminds us, is divided into one superpower and world opinion. The unwanted visit of George Bush has helped to create a huge Trans Atlantic movement for peace and justice. Merely being allowed to hold the march tomorrow shows the strength of public opinion and the power of peaceful protest.

  • David Jones – 2014 Speech on Growth in Wales

    davidjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Jones, the Secretary of State for Wales, in Cardiff on 30th June 2014.

    It is generally recognised that there nothing more important for our nation’s long-term economic prosperity than investment in infrastructure.

    It is what gets people to work, facilitates communication and helps British businesses to compete in what is an increasingly globalised economy.

    I am pleased, therefore, to be here today to speak to you about what we in government are doing to ensure that Britain gets the infrastructure it needs to compete effectively in the global race.

    Our inheritance

    It is now just over 4 years since the coalition government came to power.

    Our inheritance here in Wales was an infrastructure that had been severely neglected, was in dire need of upgrade, and was inadequate to cope with modern demands.

    There was little plan for investment, not even on the main road route into South Wales – the M4 – despite general recognition that its improvement was desperately needed.

    Energy infrastructure was coming to the end of its operating life without any commitment on the investment required to replace it.

    Indeed, it is fair to say that for almost a decade under the last administration, Britain was without any coherent energy policy.

    Wales’s railway infrastructure was neglected, too.

    At the end of 13 years of the last government, Wales remained the only part of Europe, other than Albania, without a single centimetre of electrified railway track.

    And Wales also lagged well behind the rest of the UK in broadband provision. It was notorious for “not spots”.

    Mobile telephone coverage in large parts of Wales was, frankly, appalling.

    Not only did the last government fail to “fix the roof while the sun was shining”, it failed to fix the infrastructure, too.

    Wales was being expected to compete in a 21st century global economy when it was struggling with an obsolete, 20th century infrastructure network – it was an impossible ask. Wales – and Welsh businesses – deserve better.

    Long-term economic plan

    We know that investment in infrastructure is one of the driving factors of economic growth.

    And when we came to power we didn’t just inherit an infrastructure that was unfit for purpose; we inherited an economy that had suffered the worst economic downturn since the 1930s and a deficit that was the largest in peacetime history.

    We had to get the deficit down and to do so required difficult, and sometimes unpopular, decisions.

    But because of the difficult spending decisions we have taken, we have been able to prioritise public investment where it is needed most and to create the right conditions for private investment in infrastructure.

    Ensuring the United Kingdom has first class infrastructure is a crucial part of our long-term economic plan: supporting businesses, helping them create jobs, and offering the prospect of a brighter future for the British people.

    And – whisper it – our plan is working!

    Britain is now the fastest growing major economy in the West. There are more people going out to work than ever before, and confidence is returning.

    But, as any business man or woman here will recognise, getting banks to lend has sometimes proved problematic.

    So we have also used the strength of the national balance sheet to provide £40 billion of UK Guarantees to get infrastructure projects going, which otherwise would have stalled because of financial difficulties.

    So in this year alone, new projects worth an estimated £36 billion are due to start across the United Kingdom, helping creating thousands of jobs, securing future growth and delivering the world class infrastructure that the country – Wales included – deserves.

    Private sector

    Key to infrastructure investment is a confident private sector. And the private sector is indeed investing.

    Some 200 projects across the UK are due to be completed this year – including the Gwynt y Môr offshore wind farm, which is currently the largest in construction anywhere in Europe.

    But this has only been possible because we took the difficult decisions required.

    We know that the old model of the public sector funding our entire infrastructure network is not sustainable, nor is it desirable.

    We understand that unlocking and stimulating private sector investment is crucial.

    Because it is the private sector that will provide the majority of UK infrastructure investment between now and the end of the decade.

    Broadband

    But the government does have a significant enabling role.

    We have, for example, invested significantly in better broadband.

    We know that this investment will pay dividends; it is estimated that every £1 government invests delivers benefits of around £20 to the economy.

    In Wales, we have increased our support for broadband to almost £70 million to allow the Superfast Cymru programme to go even further.

    This is direct United Kingdom government funding for a programme managed by the Welsh Government under the guidance of Broadband Delivery UK – an excellent example of Wales’s two governments working positively together.

    But there is still more we need to do.

    Even with significant investment in the pipeline, there will still be parts of Wales in 2016 that will not be benefiting from high speed broadband.

    That is why earlier this year we announced that we are providing an additional £10 million for those areas which are the most “hard to reach.”

    This funding will allow market testing of solutions proffered by suppliers for the areas not covered by the superfast broadband rollout.

    Businesses in our super-connected cities of Cardiff and Newport can also now apply for vouchers to improve their broadband connectivity, which is vital for a modern business to compete and grow.

    And it’s not just in fixed broadband connection that we have plans to improve Wales’s digital connectivity.

    Our £150 million mobile infrastructure project will see masts going up across the country, significantly extending coverage across Wales.

    Transport

    And let us consider the issue of transport.

    Just as Wales needs to be better connected through our digital infrastructure, we need a transport network fit for a modern economy to prosper.

    As I mentioned earlier, the congestion along the M4 at Newport is one of the most pressing road transport issues for the whole of the UK, let alone Wales.

    And in the 15 years that have passed since devolution, nothing has been done to ease that congestion.

    But upgrading that important stretch of highway is crucially important.

    Indeed, the director of CBI Wales said recently that if the Welsh Government does not build a Newport relief road Wales could “miss out on millions of future investments and hundreds of new jobs.”

    The Prime Minister put it even more starkly: he called the M4 at Newport “a foot on the windpipe” of the South Wales economy.

    So in November of last year, we gave the Welsh Government the borrowing powers it needs to raise the necessary finance for this project.

    We now expect to see firm progress.

    And through the Wales Bill – currently passing through Parliament – we are providing the Welsh Government with the opportunity to acquire extended borrowing powers to enable it to upgrade Wales’s road infrastructure yet further.

    We want them to take those powers, and trigger the referendum need to do so as quickly as possible.

    And let us consider Wales’s railways. As a government, we are serious about giving Wales a railway that is fit for the 21st century.

    Our plans for rail are the most ambitious since Brunel was transforming Victorian Britain.

    We are investing £9 billion over the next five years to upgrade railway networks across England and Wales.

    As part of our investment, we are committed to electrifying key rail routes including the Great Western main line.

    But let me say this quite clearly.

    It is a matter of great concern to me that, while we remain absolutely committed to perform our part of the bargain we struck with the Welsh Government in 2012 to electrify the main line through to Swansea, the Welsh Government remain reluctant to fulfil their side of the deal, and fund the electrification of the Valley lines.

    I am seriously concerned that their stance is putting this transformational project at risk.

    We stand ready to discharge our part of the bargain.

    We want to help them to get this scheme underway and will continue to work with them to try to make this happen.

    HS2

    And let us consider HS2.

    As we improve our rail services within Wales, we must not close our eyes to projects across the border in England – indeed, we must seek and exploit every opportunity to connect Wales better.

    The economy of Wales is inextricably linked to that of England and our transport systems need to reflect this.

    Sir David Higgins highlighted in his report the need to be alert to opportunities to connect services into HS2.

    With the planned HS2 hub station at Crewe only 20 miles from Wales, we must be looking at how investment in Wales can link into the new network.

    The development of HS2 is a huge opportunity for Wales and I believe that we must welcome it enthusiastically.

    Energy

    Nowhere is the close integration of networks more evident than in the case of energy infrastructure.

    Wales has always been central to the UK’s energy security, and Wales’s potential in the sector is enormous.

    We have the natural resources, the skills, the expertise and the enthusiasm to generate a significant proportion of the electricity Britain needs.

    The UK National Infrastructure Plan lists more than 15 Welsh energy projects already in the pipeline, from large scale offshore wind farms to micro generation; and there is the potential for more.

    We need to show Wales is open to diversity and innovation when it comes to growing the energy supply. Hitachi’s decision to build a new nuclear power station at Wylfa Newydd highlights the attractiveness of Wales as a place in which to invest.

    Their investment will create thousands of jobs and provide massive supply chain opportunities for British companies.

    And last autumn, we announced that we are working with Hitachi to support this development with a sovereign backed guarantee through the UK Guarantees Scheme.

    Holistic approach

    While broadband, transport and energy are, in their own right, key areas of infrastructure, we need to be holistic in our approach to infrastructure planning.

    Let me illustrate this by a real life example.

    Following the announcement that Hitachi would be investing £20 billion into nuclear energy projects in the UK, I met members of their executive team on Anglesey to discuss their proposals for Wylfa.

    Bear in mind that this is the largest investment in Wales for generations.

    This project will rightly showcase Wales as a leading place for investment.

    During the meeting one of the executives, needed to make an urgent call but was unable to do so because there wasn’t a mobile signal!

    Remember that we were discussing £20 billion of investment – it was embarrassing, to put it at its mildest, that he was unable to complete such a basic function.

    So the moral is that infrastructure improvements don’t happen in silos.

    Providers and investors need to work closely together to deliver infrastructure collaboratively.

    We cannot have one sector investing in world leading technology if the supporting infrastructure is not up to scratch.

    Planning

    As we call on investors to be more collaborative in providing the infrastructure Wales needs, it is also essential that they should be able to invest quickly and with confidence.

    There is absolutely nothing more crucial to efficient infrastructure development – or, for that matter, to economic growth – than a benign, flexible and practically-focused planning regime.

    Because developers need be assured that Wales is a welcoming place in which they can invest with confidence.

    In England, planning reforms are underpinning our long-term economic plan by unblocking the system; and we are determined to do all we can to make sure that it improves continuously.

    We have, for example, radically simplified planning guidance.

    What used to consist of thousands of pages of often impenetrable jargon and otiose waffle has now been cut to around 50 pages of clearly written, plain English.

    Guidance that, remarkably, actually guides, rather than impedes.

    Our reformed system means we can deliver the infrastructure that people want and need, by working with, not against, investors.

    The hard fact is that, as a consequence of Eric Pickles’s reforms, the planning system across the border in England is now substantially more streamlined and accessible than that in Wales.

    That is not good for Wales, and will only work to its disadvantage.

    So, I urge the Welsh Government to look at what is happening in England and take action in their forthcoming Planning Bill, to implement similar, effective reforms to the planning system to enable the infrastructure Wales needs, to get going.

    Infrastructure report

    A year ago at this very conference I told you about a new Infrastructure Working Group I had set up.

    Its task was to identify Wales’s future infrastructure priorities and the challenges they face.

    I am delighted that today we are publishing our report, which sets out the infrastructure we need for a modern economy to build a more prosperous Wales.

    This report highlights the key themes I have outlined today.

    We need to remove the barriers to infrastructure investment in Wales, especially around planning.

    Investors need to unlock all existing sources of finance, including UK Guarantees.

    Infrastructure providers need to be holistic in infrastructure.

    Planning and Wales’s two governments need to work together in planning and delivering Wales’s infrastructure needs.

    Concluding remarks

    My message to you today is: after years of neglect and inaction by previous administrations on infrastructure – we have a plan.

    Our long-term economic plan is bringing stability and competition back to our economy and ensuring a brighter future for our nation.

    We are investing in infrastructure across the country, to create a more balanced, resilient economy.

    If we are to be ambitious for the economy in Wales, it is essential we are bold and clear in our infrastructure plans.

    I can not reiterate this strongly enough – infrastructure is an absolutely vital part of our long-term economic plan and will continue to play a central role in improving our long term economic security.

    Building a more prosperous Wales, fit to compete in the global race, demands world class infrastructure.

    We are determined to do all we can to deliver that for the people and businesses of Wales.

  • David Jones – 2014 Speech to Welsh Local Government Association

    davidjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Jones, the Secretary of State for Wales, to the Welsh Local Government Association in Llandudno on 19th June 2014.

    Introduction

    Today, I want to talk to you about our changing local democracy.

    About what I believe is the need radically to decentralise power: to move it away from Westminster and Cardiff and closer to the people and communities it serves.

    And about advancing localism and embedding it in our political system.

    As a government, we are strongly committed to localism, and we have achieved a great deal already.

    But I have real concern that there is a growing divide between the devolutionary approach to power that we are adopting at United Kingdom level and the picture here in Wales.

    I believe much more could and should be done in Wales to push power down to local authorities and local communities.

    A matter, I’m sure, of particular interest to all of you here today.

    We are living in an age of localism

    As a government, we believe that it is right – no, essential – that those who represent local people and serve local communities should be given the right degree of power to make decisions about the issues that matter to those people and communities.

    We are keen, enthusiastic proponents of devolution.

    We believe in developing the devolution settlement in Wales, and that is why the Wales Bill, which is currently passing through Parliament, will give the Welsh Government and Assembly more powers to take decisions that affect the people of Wales.

    But let me be clear: we don’t believe that the progress of those devolved powers should come to a stop in Cardiff Bay.

    We believe in a dynamic form of devolution – with power cascading down to the right level at which it can best be exercised.

    The problem is that, in Wales, this simply isn’t happening.

    Power is devolved by us in Westminster to Cardiff, but, too often, that’s where it hits a barrier.

    Instead of cascading down to local communities, it is restricted and confined, as if behind a dam, in Cardiff Bay.

    For that reason, local councils in Wales increasingly enjoy less power than their counterparts in England.

    Indeed, it is a sad paradox of devolution in Wales that the devolutionary process, far from pushing power away from the centre, has actually led to more centralisation of decision making – but in Cardiff, rather than Westminster.

    And if you live in a community away from the capital, Cardiff can be as remote as London from your everyday life.

    Indeed, given the train services, to us here in North Wales, Cardiff is, in journey times, actually further away!

    Differences in Approach between England and Wales

    We don’t think that is right.

    As a government, we at Westminster are unashamed, enthusiastic localists.

    And with localism you really have to mean it, want it, be committed to it…

    …and deliver it.

    It isn’t enough simply to pay lip service.

    Williams Review

    Now, I have no doubt that, as members of this Association, you are currently spending a lot of time considering the recommendations of the Williams commission.

    The Welsh Government are, of course, also considering their response to those recommendations.

    I believe that their response to Williams will be pivotal to the development – or lack of development – of localism in Wales.

    This is an opportunity that should be seized by ministers in Cardiff Bay.

    An opportunity for them enthusiastically to devolve more power to local authorities across Wales.

    To show the same enthusiasm for localism that we have at Westminster.

    To give you the power to make the right decisions…

    …to take the right actions…

    …to use your local knowledge to improve the lives of people in your parts of Wales.

    Because reforming local government shouldn’t be about central government – whether in London or Cardiff – taking the opportunity to impose more micromanagement on local government.

    It should be empowering local authorities, local councillors, and ultimately individuals, to develop their own responses to their own, unique challenges.

    And that is what we, as a government, are doing in England.

    Breaking down, for example, the barriers that have stopped councils, charities, social enterprises and voluntary groups working together, and sharing responsibilities and budgets for the benefit of those who need their help.

    Because we believe that people who share communities are very probably best placed to make the right decisions for those communities.

    And we want to trust and enable them to do so.

    Planning and housing industry red tape

    Sadly though, in Wales, decisions are increasingly being centralised by the Welsh Government; and those decisions are only serving to impede locally-driven development.

    I believe that decisions about housing stock, for example, are best made at the local level, not by officials hundreds of miles away whose knowledge of local needs and priorities will inevitably be less than that of local elected representatives.

    A flexible, practical planning regime is all-important.

    It is key to economic growth.

    And stimulating and supporting the housing and construction industries is critical to our economic recovery.

    In England, our radical planning reforms are underpinning our long-term economic plan by unblocking the system.

    And in this way, boosting house building and attracting new investment into the market.

    And those reforms are working.

    In 2013, new home registrations rose in England by 30%; the highest level since 2007.

    Sadly, here in Wales, it is a different picture.

    Last year, Wales was the only region in the United Kingdom that saw a fall in the number of new home registrations: a decline of 12 percent.

    The latest construction figures also show that output in Wales is lagging well behind the rest of the country.

    Over the last year, new house building in Wales declined by almost 7 per cent, as opposed to growth of almost 34 per cent recorded across Great Britain as a whole.

    Let’s be frank.

    These are shocking figures.

    They indicate, as clearly as they could, that there is something seriously wrong in the planning and regulatory system in Wales.

    The Welsh Government need to take urgent action to improve the planning process.

    In England, we in the United Kingdom Government are determined to do all we can to make sure that it improves continuously.

    We have, for example, radically simplified planning guidance.

    What used to consist of thousands of pages of often impenetrable jargon and otiose waffle…

    …has now been cut to around 50 pages of clearly written, plain English.

    Guidance that, remarkably, actually guides, rather than impedes.

    So the planning system across the border in England is now much more accessible – much more user-friendly – than here in Wales.

    It will therefore come as no surprise that developers increasingly find England a more welcoming place to develop.

    That should be a concern to everyone, at every level of government, in Wales.

    And let’s consider the issue of regulation.

    As a government, we don’t believe in regulation for the sake of it.

    In fact, we believe that there should be much, much less of it; and where it is necessary, it should be sensible, better and smarter.

    So we have conducted a “red tape challenge”, testing the need for thousands of regulations.

    As a consequence of that exercise, almost half of the Housing and Construction regulations considered are going to be scrapped or improved.

    Changes which we estimate will save businesses almost £90 million a year.

    In the Queen’s Speech, we announced an Infrastructure Bill, designed to bolster investment in infrastructure and to reform planning law – creating jobs and improving economic competitiveness.

    We are committed to implementing a zero carbon standard for new homes from 2016.

    But we understand that it is not always feasible or cost-effective for house builders to mitigate all carbon emissions on-site.

    So, rather than a rigid, top-down approach, we are introducing flexible means for house builders to meet the zero carbon standard.

    ‘Allowable solutions’, where minimum energy standards are set through the building regulations and the remainder of the zero carbon target is met through off-site abatement, will provide builders with just that flexibility.

    That’s what we’re doing in England.

    Regulating fairly, proportionately and sensibly.

    However, in Wales, all too often the Welsh Government seems intent on maintaining, and even increasing, the burden of regulations on councils and businesses, rather than reducing them.

    By imposing increasingly onerous building regulations in Wales, the Welsh Government is increasing the cost to house-builders of constructing the starter homes so many families desperately need.

    And putting up the price of those homes, so that more people will struggle to get onto the property ladder.

    There are examples of development costs increasing by 20 per cent as a result of the way BREEAM standards are imposed in Wales – seriously damaging the industry.

    And the Welsh Government is pressing ahead with the so-called ‘Conservatory Tax’.

    This will require Welsh homeowners to carry out extra work to the rest of their property when, for example, they add a conservatory, an extension or convert a loft into living space.

    This is a measure that we considered, but rejected, in England.

    Research showed it would harm the economy by discouraging nearly 40 per cent of households from undertaking home improvements in the first place.

    The ‘Conservatory Tax’ is a straightforward tax on Welsh builders and homeowners.

    It will deter people from improving their homes and damage the construction industry.

    I urge the Welsh Government to abandon it.

    Welsh builders are increasingly despairing, too, over the draconian way building regulations are imposed in Wales.

    Redrow have estimated that, as a consequence of Welsh Government requirements for the sustainable building code, and for all new homes to be fitted with sprinklers, the cost of building a typical house in Wales will be £13,000 more than in England by 2016.

    So it is no wonder that Persimmon have pulled out of investing in the south Wales Valleys, citing heavier regulation in Wales as a major factor in their decision.

    Planning and localism

    Yes, planning is key to economic growth.

    Do it well and the economy is likely to prosper; do it badly and it will be damaged.

    And planning decisions shape our localities and affect our communities profoundly.

    It is therefore surely right that local communities should be given as much power as possible to make those decisions.

    We at Westminster have reformed planning, so that it can help deliver the homes and infrastructure that people want and need; by working with, not against, local communities.

    Our reforms and the locally-led planning process are delivering real results and speeding up the system.

    We believe that Local Planning Authorities are best placed to make decisions that affect their areas – drawing up clear local plans that meet local development needs and reflect local people’s views.

    And the National Planning Policy Framework in England is just that – a framework – within which local authorities are empowered to make the best decisions for their local needs.

    We made a commitment to give people more power over development in their areas.

    And the Localism Act has done just that.

    It has introduced new powers for people to make neighbourhood plans; giving communities the power to set the priorities for local development and reducing interference from central government.

    But the Localism Act largely doesn’t apply in Wales.

    The reforms to the planning system and the building regulations that we have carried out in England haven’t been adopted in Wales.

    And this has contributed to the decline in house building and the reduced availability of homes of which I have spoken.

    Wales is now at a tipping point.

    So the Welsh Government have to make a decision.

    Do they want a Wales that is over-regulated, centrally driven, increasingly uncompetitive and economically sclerotic?

    Or do they want a Wales in which lower, smarter regulation frees up businesses and communities, and creates more prosperity?

    Conclusion

    As a Government, we are strong supporters of devolution and the opportunities it provides to advance the cause of localism.

    But devolution should not be an end in itself.

    It should not be a case of accruing increasing powers to a few individuals in Cardiff Bay.

    It should, rather, be a stream of power that becomes a mighty river, flowing down to every community, large and small, the length and breadth of Wales.

    And ultimately, it should flow to every household, every individual in Wales, making them more in control of their own surroundings and lives.

    Real devolution is about decisions being made at the right level, by people who understand local issues, for the benefit of local communities.

    I, and my colleagues at Westminster, are committed to that kind of devolution.

    I want to see that same commitment from the Welsh Government.

    More powers being decentralised from Cardiff Bay to decision-makers in local authorities across our country.

    That is what we are doing in England.

    And that is what should be happening in Wales.

    In short, we believe in strong, empowered, local government.

    We believe in you.

    Because you are the ones best placed to make decisions for your communities, your towns and villages, the people you represent.

    Because you understand, better than anyone, their needs, their concerns, their priorities

    You do fantastic, valuable work.

    And we want to do all we can to enable and empower you to do it better.

    Thank you.

  • David Jones – Speech at CBI Wales

    davidjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Jones, the Secretary of State for Wales, at the CBI Wales event on 7th March 2014.

    I am delighted to be here in north Wales.

    Only last week I was hosting a delegation from the Indonesian Embassy to showcase what the region has to offer to inward investors.

    One of the visits we undertook was to Airbus where the delegation was greatly impressed by their fantastic operations at Broughton.

    What impresses me about Airbus is their commitment to developing their workforce – including almost 400 apprentices – which is the largest engineering apprenticeships scheme in Wales.

    I encourage you all to look at their model for apprenticeships and the opportunities that you can provide to young people in Wales to create a skilled workforce for the future.

    As we look to help businesses to develop apprenticeship programmes we are also investing in our infrastructure to build a stronger economy.

    Last year we introduced a National Infrastructure Plan.

    The National Infrastructure Plan brings together the Government’s infrastructure priorities across different sectors and identifies the top 40 projects considered crucial for economic growth.

    It includes a forward-looking pipeline of investment worth over £375billion, ensuring that we are investing a greater share of our nation’s wealth in infrastructure than the whole period of the last Government.

    This forward plan includes key projects in Wales.

    We are investing in rolling out superfast broadband to homes and businesses across Wales.

    The UK Government has announced further funds to Wales to build on this scheme, taking the total investment in Wales to £69million;

    We are also investing in improving mobile broadband and telephony services across Wales.

    Recognising the importance of a modern transport network, we are making the most significant investment in Wales’ rail infrastructure for decades with the electrification of the rail network in south Wales.

    As the first north Wales Secretary of State for Wales for 40 years I have been clear that this is just the start of large scale rail investment in Wales.

    The planned high speed network coming down the tracks to Crewe provides an exciting opportunity for the region.

    I have been supporting the case for electrification of the north Wales main line, which would allow;

    More efficient connections with the high speed network and shorter journey times into Wales vital for attracting inward investment; even closer integration across north Wales and into major cities in England.

    We must strengthen the existing economic success of north Wales to ensure it continues to expand and attract new business ventures.

    Financing key infrastructure projects is of course a prominent issue.

    I am pleased to welcome Louise Minford from Infrastructure UK to talk about the UK Guarantees scheme.

    This is a Government initiative aimed at boosting infrastructure investment.

    You may be aware that the Government has committed to working up a guarantee for Hitachi’s investment in the Wylfa Newydd power station by the end of 2016.

    I believe this investment is vital for the region and presents great opportunities for local business.

    The UK Guarantees Scheme aims to kick start critical infrastructure projects that may have stalled because of adverse credit conditions.

    Up to £40 billion in guarantees is available to do this.

    In light of the Scheme’s extension to December 2016, Infrastructure UK is eager to encourage a wide range of projects to apply.

    I hope to see the UK Guarantees Scheme utilised in many more defining projects in Wales and I encourage you all to speak to Louise about ideas that you may have.

  • David Jones – 2013 Speech on Devolution

    davidjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Jones on 28th November 2013.

    Introduction

    Thank you for my introduction.

    And my thanks also to all of you here at the Durham Union Society for inviting me to talk about Devolution in the Continuing Union.

    This is my second visit to Durham University in just a few months, and it is always a huge pleasure to visit this world-renowned academic institution in one of the loveliest cities of Britain.

    I am pleased, too, to learn that Wales is well represented here by the Durham Welsh Society, Cymdeithas Gymraeg Dyrym (Cym Gym Dyrym) which provides those with ties to Wales or those simply interested in Wales with opportunities to learn the language, to network or to socialise through more traditional student activities.

    I want to reflect this evening on the United Kingdom and the benefits it delivers for us all; to explain why I, as a proud Welshman and equally proud Briton, believe in the Union; why I would not want to see that Union wrenched apart by Scotland’s separation; and why I believe that devolution works – and works well – for the United Kingdom and for all parts of the United Kingdom.

    Why, in short, I believe we are truly Better Together.

    I am happy to take questions at the end.

    Future of the Union

    As I speak to you this evening, 2014 is just over a month away. Constitutionally, it will be the most important year for the United Kingdom in over 300 years.

    There are, I suspect, few of us who, until recently, would ever have thought that the day would arrive when we would be contemplating the end of the United Kingdom in its current form. But that is precisely what is at stake in the referendum on Scottish independence next September.

    In just ten months time, the people of Scotland will be asked to make an historic choice between a continuing Union – staying part of the UK – or taking the huge gamble of walking away; a choice that would truly be a leap into the unknown.

    There is a vigorous and vibrant debate going on right now north of the border – and indeed across the UK – about the best future direction for Scotland. And as decisions go, they don’t come much bigger; make no mistake, it is a decision which has important and far reaching implications for all parts of our United Kingdom and for all its citizens, not only Scots.

    It is a decision on whether Scotland should end over three centuries of history, shared endeavour and success. Whether Scotland should turn its most important trading partner into a foreign country, and put up barriers against it. And whether Scotland should turn its back on the shared values and mutual dependence of the UK’s family of nations.

    Benefits of Devolution within the Union

    The UK Government is making a strong, positive and, I believe, convincing case to the Scottish people for Scotland to remain part of the United Kingdom. Devolution has enabled Scots to take important decisions locally in relation to schools, hospitals, transport and many other issues which affect daily life. In many respects the decisions taken north of the border have differed from those taken in relation to England, and in relation to Wales.

    That is, of course, a legitimate consequence of devolution. But devolution has also enabled Scotland, like Wales, to benefit from two legislatures and two governments working in its interests. It has provided the flexibility to evolve and adapt to changing circumstances in both nations: a flexibility that Scotland would lose with independence.

    The Benefits of a United Kingdom

    Our Union is of course about much more than devolved decision-making. It is about the interrelations and interdependences that make us more prosperous, more secure and more innovative together, rather than apart.

    Together, we enjoy the benefits of a strong economy in an increasingly competitive global marketplace.

    The UK is the world’s seventh largest economy and is ranked in the top ten most competitive economies in the world. The Government is committed to an internationally competitive tax system and, when Corporation Tax falls to 20 per cent in 2015, it will be the lowest in the G20.

    The UK is the number one destination in Europe for foreign direct investment. London remains the world’s leading financial centre according to the Global Financial Centres Index, but Edinburgh, too, is home to many important financial institutions.

    All parts of the UK benefit from being part of an internal market of over 60 million people, rather than a market of only 5 million which a separate Scotland would provide.

    Over 4.5 million British companies benefit from the trade and investment opportunities delivered through the strong UK brand.

    And these companies carry out their business within the UK unimpeded by borders and customs, with a strong common currency and single financial system.

    How exactly would Scottish businesses, and the Scottish jobs which depend on those businesses continuing to thrive, benefit from separation?

    The UK is a key player on the international stage.

    We are a permanent member of the UN Security Council, a key member of NATO and have a huge degree of influence in many other international institutions and alliances – from the EU and the G8, to the Commonwealth.

    We have recently seen several examples of the UK’s important world role – from the Geneva talks earlier in this week which resulted in a deal to curb Iran’s nuclear programme, to the British people’s magnificent support for those affected by the Philippines typhoon.

    This global role is not just of passing benefit to the people of Scotland. It benefits them directly, as it does people across the entire UK directly, by making our country safer and more secure. Together, the UK has a strong and influential place in the world; a position from which we are able to promote the British values of democracy and fair play.

    And we, the British, are an inventive and enterprising people. We have a proud and long history of invention and innovation, from the world-wide web to the jet engine and carbon fibre.

    Our universities co-operate on research in a way that is possible only as part of a common UK framework. If we are to continue to innovate to deliver the next revolutionary technologies, we need to ensure that our research institutions, like here in Durham University, can continue to use the UK-wide networks and infrastructure that have proved so successful in the past.

    Continuing the Union

    So I believe that the United Kingdom is a great country, with an important global role and a strong voice in the councils of the world.

    But a vote for independence would place all that in jeopardy. Let us be clear: it would be a vote for the permanent separation of the nations of these islands. It would be irrevocable. There would be no going back.

    So I want to see Scotland remain in the Union.

    I certainly believe that we are better together as one economy with one shared currency. But it’s about more than mere economics. All the nations of the United Kingdom benefit from being part of a larger Union, with strong, shared bonds of culture, values and heritage.

    There is nothing contradictory about Scots considering themselves both Scottish and British. Or, for that matter, Welsh people feeling comfortable with the notion that they are Welsh and British, too. I certainly do.

    Indeed, I would hope all Britons feel – and most do – that they can unselfconsciously assert two nationalities with equal pride.

    I am a proud Welshman, but I am also a Unionist, heart, mind, body and soul. I am campaigning vigorously in favour of Scotland remaining part of the Union, and I hope that as many others as possible from all parts of the UK’s political and civic life will do the same.

    From Carwyn Jones, the First Minister of Wales, who made an important speech in Scotland last week in support of the Union, to all of those who are working for, or publicising, the Better Together campaign on social media – we are all committed to the same goal: a continued Union of the peoples of these islands for the good of all those who live in the United Kingdom.

    A Positive Case for the Union

    Just a few days ago, the Scottish Government published its White Paper on independence. Alex Salmond called it a “mission statement” for Scotland’s future. But it reads to me like a “mission impossible”, already showing signs of self-destruction.

    Because the White Paper fails to give credible answers to fundamentally important questions. It is founded on a fantasy of a Scotland that could leave the United Kingdom whilst keeping all the benefits that it currently enjoys by being part of the UK. And it sets out a wish-list of promises without any credible plan for how an independent Scotland would pay for them.

    Let’s start with the crucially important question of currency. Alex Salmond believes an independent Scotland could retain the pound in a currency union with the continuing UK. But could it?

    If Scotland decided to leave the UK it would also be leaving the UK’s currency. The pound would of course continue to be the currency of the UK, and the laws and institutions that currently oversee our stable, resilient and successful currency – like the Bank of England – would continue in place.

    But a separate Scotland would sit outside those arrangements, and would need to put in place new currency arrangements of its own.

    But could there not be a currency union, which is what the Scottish nationalists seem to assert? Well, the challenges and difficulties of currency unions are many and varied. Just look at what has happened in the Eurozone in recent years. Who would want that repeated in these islands? And the currency union between the Czechs and the Slovaks following the break up of Czechoslovakia famously lasted all of 33 days!

    There’s simply no guarantee that a currency union would be agreed. And even less likelihood that one would work. So I would say to the Scottish people, don’t vote for an independent Scotland on the basis that you will be able to keep the pound in your pocket. I think that is simply wishful thinking on the part of Alex Salmond.

    Secondly, the White Paper makes a raft of eye-catching commitments, from pensions to tax, from childcare to the minimum wage. But how exactly would these promises be paid for?

    The impartial Institute of Fiscal Studies has said that an independent Scotland would face big tax rises or big cuts in public services because of an ageing population and falling oil revenues.

    Even under the most optimistic scenario, the IFS says there would need to be an 8 percentage point rise in the basic rate of income tax – meaning an average increase in the tax bill of basic rate taxpayers in Scotland of around £1,000 a year – or a 6% cut in public spending, by 2021-22, in order to balance the books and put Scotland’s long term finances on a sustainable footing.

    Hiking the basic rate of income tax from 20% to 28%.

    That’d be a hefty price tag for discarding the 300 year old United Kingdom, and a heavy burden for the people of Scotland to bear long into the distant future.

    The simple fact is that an independent Scotland would not come cheap. It would mean either higher taxes or much poorer public services than the people of Scotland currently enjoy. Little wonder then that the Scottish Government chooses to be evasive on the true cost of independence.

    But, as I’ve already said, it’s not just about economics. It’s about culture, too; about enjoying the things that make us British.

    Take the BBC.

    The White Paper says that in an independent Scotland, BBC Scotland would be replaced with a new Scottish Broadcasting Service, continuing a formal relationship with the rest of the BBC. The result of that, says the Scottish First Minister, is that people in Scotland would still be able to watch Strictly Come Dancing in an independent Scotland.

    That continues a familiar theme of the SNP; that independence would not mean changing anything about being British that Scottish people might enjoy. That Scotland could leave the United Kingdom but still enjoy all the benefits that being part of the Union brings. And what could be more British than Bruce Forsyth?

    In truth, there are many consequences of independence that would become apparent only in the event of a “yes” vote, and after negotiations had ended. Alex Salmond might claim he is presenting certainties in the White Paper. But they are only certainties as he sees them. The simple truth is that a vote for independence would truly be a leap into the unknown, as his own White Paper makes only too apparent.

    Scotland is part of one of the world’s most successful unions. Scots hold great influence in government, finance and industry. The test for the White Paper is whether it really convinces people why they should give that up and leave the United Kingdom.

    Independence doesn’t bring about a new union – it means Scotland leaves the United Kingdom, a fundamental and irreversible change whose implications cannot be determined in advance of a referendum. We are continuing to study the detail of the White Paper, but initial impressions are that it appears to be nothing more than a wish-list designed to hide what independence means.

    This cannot be a manifesto for independence. If Scots vote to separate, then their future will need to be negotiated with dozens of countries who will be acting in the interests of their own citizens, not Scotland’s, on issues like currency, defence and borders.

    It would, at the very best, be a very uncertain future.

    An Evolving Union

    There are those in Scotland who accuse campaigners for the preservation of the Union of negativity, of seeking to stand in the way of Scottish nationhood. I simply do not agree.

    The campaign for continuation of our Union is called “Better Together” because that is its key message and that is what I, personally, strongly believe.

    We are indeed better together as a strong Union that does what is right for each part of the UK and for the UK as a whole.

    And sometimes the right thing to do includes further devolution.

    I have on occasions been accused from certain nationalist quarters in Wales of being lukewarm about devolution – a “devo-sceptic” as it is termed in the lexicon of post-devolution political journalism.

    That is an accusation I flatly reject. On the contrary, I am a strong believer in the devolution of decision-making to the most appropriate level; and I also believe in government at all levels that is accountable to the people who elect it.

    Devolution is here to stay. For the people of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland it delivers the best of both worlds; important decisions made in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast and the benefits that come with being part of a greater United Kingdom.

    And devolution is not static. It must evolve as we constantly seek to do what is best for each constituent part of the UK.

    In Wales, for example, it was this Government that delivered a referendum on further law-making powers for the Assembly in 2011 and it was we who set up a Commission under the chairmanship of Paul Silk (“the Silk Commission”) to look at the Assembly’s powers.

    And devolution in Wales continues to evolve. Earlier this month, we announced that we will implement almost all recommendations made in the Silk Commission’s first report. We are devolving a package of tax and borrowing powers to the Assembly and the Welsh Government – powers which are already being devolved to Scotland – which will give the Welsh Government the tools to invest in Wales and make the Assembly and the Welsh Government more accountable to the people in Wales who elect them.

    It is only right that our elected representatives think carefully about how they spend taxpayers’ money, and are held accountable for the money they spend.

    Since devolution the Assembly and the Welsh Government have been accountable for how they spend taxpayers’ money. Now they will also be more accountable for how they spend it.

    It is, after all, the easiest thing in the world to spend other people’s money; it’s an altogether different thing to explain why they should hand it over.

    The Silk Commission will publish its second and final report in the spring, looking at where the Welsh devolution settlement needs to be modified to make it work better. We will of course be looking carefully at the recommendations the Commission makes, and how devolution in Wales can be made to work even better.

    Localism

    As a Government, we are strong believers in the importance of localism.

    Devolution is part of the way we are delivering localism in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales.

    And we are delivering localism in England, too, by empowering councils to deliver for the people they serve; and by agreeing new city deals with our urban centres, including here in the North East, so that they can focus on delivering prosperity and economic growth.

    These changes are about decision making at the right level and they are happening across the UK. Councils in the North East – including here in Durham – have been working together on proposals to create a Combined Authority from April next year, to work more closely to support economic growth in areas such as skills, transport and investment.

    This all demonstrates that our Union is flexible and adaptable to meet the evolving needs of different parts of the United Kingdom.

    They show the benefits of the United Kingdom working together.

    As we have demonstrated, by staying together we can achieve so much more.

    Conclusion

    In summary, our United Kingdom is a family of nations with shared values and culture and a strong sense of mutual dependence.

    I believe that our current approach to devolution – evolving settlements, avoiding one size fits all – is right, and should continue. It provides flexibility, and can constantly adapt to changing circumstances. I believe that is what people in Scotland, and in Wales, really want, and what this Government has been delivering.

    Our four nations have different histories, different institutions and different relationships with each other and it is right that they have different frameworks of Government which best meet their needs, whilst benefiting from being part of a strong, successful and continuing United Kingdom.

    The biggest advantage by far that the four nations of our Union have on the world stage is that they are constituent parts of our shared United Kingdom.

    And I believe that for each and every one of those nations – including Scotland – we are “better together”.

  • David Jones – 2013 Conservative Party Conference Speech

    davidjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Jones to the 2013 Conservative Party Conference in Manchester.

    Bore da.

    Good morning; and it’s a huge pleasure to be here at the first session of the final day of this excellent conference.

    The United Kingdom has always been a family of nations and it is good to see the three Celtic members of that family represented here this morning.

    Later today, we will be hearing from Ruth Davidson, the leader of the Scottish Conservatives, who will be telling us why it is so important for Scotland to remain a strong part of our United Kingdom.

    And from the Welsh perspective, I can only agree that each and every region and nation of our country is stronger by virtue of our all being part of a greater whole.

    I am proud to lead a Wales Office that is playing its own part in ensuring that we have a sound devolution settlement and making sure that the UK Government delivers for Wales and the people of Wales.

    Let me thank my excellent Parliamentary Under Secretary of State, Stephen Crabb, for the hard work he is doing, and Daniel Kawczynski, my Parliamentary Private Secretary, for his unflagging support.

    We have a great team at Gwydyr House.

    In 2010, we Conservatives inherited the worst economic legacy that any incoming government has known for generations.

    Since we came to power, however, Wales has seen – again and again – the benefit of the strong economic and other policies that this Government has pursued.

    We in the UK government have shown our commitment to Wales and to hardworking Welsh families.

    Last year, we announced that the Great Western railway line will be electrified as far as Swansea, bringing Cardiff within two hours travel time of London.

    Contrast that with Labour’s 13 years in power, when Wales remained the only country in Europe – apart from Albania – without a single centimetre of electrified track.

    This year, Chris Grayling has announced that a new £250 million prison is going to be built in Wrexham.

    Not only will this help ensure that North Wales prisoners can be accommodated closer to home, but it will mean the creation of up to 1,000 high quality jobs and an annual injection of £28 million into the local economy.

    We’ve invested in Wales’s digital infrastructure, too, providing £57 million to give the whole of Wales the latest superfast broadband.

    Only a couple of days ago, BT announced that over 150 more towns and villages across Wales are to benefit from superfast connections, giving businesses in even the most rural locations the same competitive advantage as their counterparts in the big cities.

    But we don’t intend to rest on our laurels.

    We are determined to do all we can to ensure that Wales continues to see improved infrastructure, giving Welsh businesses the tools they need to do the important job of growing the Welsh economy.

    Giving them the help they need to succeed in the global race.

    So we are working with Patrick McLoughlin at the Department for Transport to examine ways of improving the North Wales coast railway line; and also the Wrexham – Bidston lines, which links the two great Enterprise Zones on Deeside and the Wirral.

    We are looking at options for upgrading the M4 in South Wales.

    And, through our Infrastructure Group, we are looking at ways to maximise the enormous potential of Wales’s great ports.

    In short, we in the Wales Office regard doing all we can to improve the Welsh economy as our first, second and last priorities.

    And we at working across Whitehall to that end.

    But we can’t do it alone.

    In Wales, many of the levers for economic development are in the hands of the Welsh Government.

    If Wales is to succeed in that global race, then it is absolutely crucial that both governments – at Westminster and Cardiff – work closely together.

    And we mustn’t underestimate the scale of the challenge.

    Wales is the poorest part of the United Kingdom and Welsh GVA is only three quarters of the British average.

    So the Welsh government, in partnership with us, need to pursue policies that will help make Wales more prosperous.

    Sadly, however, they seem, in many respects, to be doing quite the opposite.

    Whilst we have a policy of reducing regulation through the principle of ‘one in, two out’, there is no sign that the Welsh government intends to follow our example.

    We are pursuing policies to give hardworking Welsh families a helping hand; they are slow to follow suit.

    Take housebuilding, for example.

    We think that improving and increasing the housing stock is essential.

    Not only to provide the new homes that hardworking people aspire to, but also to give a boost to the building industry, which is so economically important, particularly in Wales.

    That’s why we are giving the sector a boost through our Help to Buy scheme, which will mean that aspirational young people can get a foot on the property ladder with only a 5 per cent deposit.

    And that’s why Eric Pickles is doing all he can to reduce unnecessary regulations on builders.

    In Labour-run Wales, however, none of this is happening.

    Whilst Welsh house buyers do get the mortgage guarantee element of Help to Buy, Labour have no equity loan scheme in place in Wales.

    That means that young Welsh buyers need to find 25% of the purchase price as a deposit – often way beyond their reach.

    And, in Labour-run Wales, regulations on builders are considerably more onerous than in England – including the bizarre proposal to fit every new house with a sprinkler system.

    The consequence of this over-regulation is that fewer houses are being built in Wales.

    In the 12 months to May – July of this year, new home registrations in England were 34% up.

    In Wales they were 32% down.

    That isn’t just a statistical blip.

    That is a sign that things are not healthy in Labour-run Wales.

    And nothing could have been starker than the announcement last week by Persimmon Homes that they are pulling out of entire sections of the Welsh housing market because of the red tape coming from Cardiff.

    So my challenge to the Welsh government is this.

    Look at what we are doing at Westminster.

    Think about giving young, aspirational people in Wales the sort of helping hand that we are providing young house-buyers in England.

    Get an equity loan scheme in place as soon as possible.

    Cut the red tape that is pushing builders out of the Welsh market.

    Use devolution as something that can give Wales a competitive edge in the global race, rather than as an excuse to regulate.

    And work with us to make Wales a place where hardworking people are more prosperous.

    Where business can succeed.

    And where the world wants to come to, to do business.

  • Derek Twigg – 2005 Speech on English

    derektwigg

    Below is the text of the speech made by Derek Twigg, the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education and Skills, on 23 February 2005.

    The world of the 21st century presents huge opportunities and enormous challenges. As the world becomes more complex, so education becomes more important for ensuring that our children are able to make the most of those opportunities and tackle those challenges. A strong education system plays a crucial role in individual fulfilment, economic prosperity and a healthy society.

    The RSA was founded 250 years ago to encourage the development of a principled and prosperous society, and I would like to thank the RSA for hosting us today. It’s an organisation that wants to see teaching and learning in schools that enables individuals to make the most of life in the 21st century.

    The focus today is English. So I’d like to thank the QCA for launching their “national conversation” on the future of English, and all of you for being here today. You’re here because you care passionately about the importance of English and are genuinely interested in the teaching and learning of English in our schools.

    Everyone has their own particular view on the importance of English. For me, I think that a sound grasp of the language gives you the ability and confidence to fulfil your potential, realise your goals and get more enjoyment out of life. Imagine the possibilities if everyone achieved their potential for reading, writing and communicating in English, whatever their purpose for doing so and whatever the context. Imagine a world where more and more people had the ability, opportunity and desire to read widely; write extensively; and communicate well.

    I’m optimistic about the future of English in the 21st century; not because there aren’t any challenges to face, but because the evidence suggests that we continue to make progress:

    • Every year more pupils are reaching the standard expected of them in English;
    • Every year more adults are learning basic literacy skills;
    • Every year more people are using English around the world. A recent study in the EU found that the most popular foreign language to learn in primary school was English.

     To justify that optimism, we have to acknowledge and address the challenges we face. We can’t be happy that one in four children starts secondary school below the level expected of them in English. We mustn’t forget the 5 million adults in this country with poor literacy skills. And we can’t just sit back in the glow of English as a global language. Our aim must be to ensure that every person in this country has the knowledge, skills and confidence in their English to:

    • One: deal with every aspect of an ever-changing world: at school, at work, at home, and beyond;
    • Two: achieve personal fulfilment, whatever that means for the individual;
    • And three: make the most of and contribute to wider society.

    Government has a moral responsibility to do everything in its power to guarantee that people can achieve that. So I want to mention 4 principles that I believe are key, not just for today’s learners, but for all tomorrow’s learners as well.

    First, we can never give up on our drive to develop basic language and literacy skills, the essential tools for lifelong learning. That means sharpening up the drive for high standards in English at every stage of a pupil’s school years.

    • We’ve incorporated the National Literacy Strategy into the Primary National Strategy, and since 1998, the number of eleven year olds reaching the expected level of English for their age has risen from 63% to 78%;
    • We have the Key Stage 3 Strategy that will transform into the Secondary Strategy to act as a lever for whole school improvement. Since 2001, the number of fourteen year olds reaching their expected level has risen from 65% to 71%;
    • And in 2004-05, further work is under way to look at how we can increase the number of pupils passing English and English Literature GCSE.

    The clear message is that we can’t leave anyone behind and we’re extending opportunities to help those who may be falling behind.

    And of course, it’s never too late to learn. We launched the Skills for Life strategy in 2001 to improve adult basic skills. I was reading a really uplifting story of a grandmother who had never read a book before. Trying to read a picture book to her grandson inspired her to join a literacy class at her local college. Two years on, she’s taking a GCSE in English and hopes to help others in a similar situation by becoming a basic skills classroom assistant.

    The second principle is that we have to get away from this false tension between the basic skills and creativity. The basic tools of any language are essential, but of course any language is so much more than just the basic skills. With the basic skills in place, then creativity, arts and culture can flourish. And combined together, they reinforce each other.

    It’s about giving learners all the opportunities, support and encouragement they need to spread their wings in whichever direction they wish: reading for pleasure, writing creatively, composing lyrics, acting things out, using the internet, and the list goes on and on.

    We’re committed to promoting such breadth.

    That’s why creative writing is a key part of the primary and secondary English curriculum.

    That’s why we’re encouraging writers who work with children.

    That’s why we’re working with organisations such as the National Literacy Trust and the Campaign for Reading.

    And that’s why we’re supporting librarians, who are often the key link between children and literature. I was delighted last year when we opened a refurbished and enlarged library in my constituency.

    The third principle is that appropriate assessment has a crucial role to play and will continue to do so. Parents and teachers need to be confident that each child is making progress; and that this progress is well-understood and reliably measured. Recognising progress and building on it lies at the heart of teaching.

    Parents look to both teacher and test assessments because they want a fair, round and honest view of how their children are progressing, measured against their own standards and against those of other pupils of the same age.

    Assessment for Learning, a key part of Personalised Learning, helps progress by highlighting the strengths that would benefit from further stretch and the weaknesses that need further support. Knowing where pupils are and where they can get to helps teachers to plan an effective curriculum and to determine the best way forward for each individual pupil.

    External assessments have played a vital role in driving up standards. The results help us to identify and act on the strengths and weaknesses in the system. And they give learners qualifications and credentials that are widely recognised and respected, and in greater demand in today’s society.

    In a society that’s rich with information, we shouldn’t be surprised that parents also look to performance tables, because they take an interest and want to make the best choice for their child.

    More information empowers parents. And of course it’s not just about the raw results. Value added tables show which schools are making the most difference to their pupils’ performance. The new school profile will tell parents what they want to know about the school’s approach to creativity, arts, and culture, all of which are essential parts of a good school. If every school becomes a good school, then parents would have even better choice.

    The fourth principle is that there’s a valuable two-way relationship between modern technology and English. ICT can be a powerful tool not just for raising standards in English, but equally for widening opportunities to explore all the possibilities of English. At the same time, better skills in English will mean that people are more comfortable with modern technology.

    The Austrian philosopher Wittgenstein said, “The limits of my language mean the limits of my world”. In the 21st century we don’t want to limit anyone.

    There are materials to help teachers use ICT in literacy in all the primary years, and other materials to promote the use of ICT across all subjects at Key Stage 3.

    Earlier this week, I was in a primary literacy class in a school in East London, where a teacher was using an interactive whiteboard to lead a lesson on the topical issue of snow. At one point, pupils had just two minutes to articulate their thoughts on the dangers of snow. They were clearly engaged and worked impressively.

    ICT can be used in English to help pupils to draft, review and finalise their work; to work in alternative and challenging ways; and to benefit from collaborative work or individual sessions on areas in need of further stretch and support.

    Pupils can learn how to make the most of the powerful search engines now available, how to analyse and respond to a range of texts in a variety of media, and how to assess the validity and reliability of the information presented to them.

    I can’t see any reason why the best of the old and the best of the new can’t exist side by side, and there’s a presentation next on how technology can enhance the teaching of Shakespeare.

    It’s all about giving learners the provision and support to develop their language and literacy skills to their highest standard possible; and also giving them the opportunity and encouragement to explore the endless possibilities of English, however they may want to. That will empower learners to make the most of their lives and to take a bigger role in shaping them.

    The government’s commitment to getting the conditions right for English to flourish is just the starting point. We’re here today because the debate is just beginning. English 21 gives professionals and experts from a range of fields the chance to contribute to the debate. Your input is valued and vital for determining how we proceed in the 21st century. It’s not just central government setting out the way forward. We can set the best agenda by working together.

    I want to start drawing to a close by disagreeing with something George Bernard Shaw said in Pygmalion. We do respect our language. And all of us here want to teach our children to speak it, to write it, and to use it well.

    So the challenge for all of us now is to inspire in disengaged young people the desire to learn and to pick up a book and read it for pure enjoyment.

    My constituency is one of the most disadvantaged in the country. I’ve met too many people there who have said to me that they feel inferior because they can’t read and write, and that this has blighted their whole lives. In the 21st century, we don’t want anyone saying that in any constituency. Thank You.