Category: Speeches

  • Stephen Crabb – 2015 Speech to National Assembly for Wales

    Stephen Crabb
    Stephen Crabb

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, to the National Assembly for Wales in Cardiff on 24 June 2015.

    Diolch yn fawr, Madam Presiding Officer.

    May I begin by saying what a privilege it is to be here in this wonderful Senedd building for this debate on the new UK Government’s first legislative programme – a One Nation programme that seeks to strengthen the whole United Kingdom.

    This is my first opportunity to participate in Assembly proceedings and I am pleased to bring with me the very good wishes of my two Parliamentary Under-Secretaries of State at the Wales Office – both formerly of this parish and who will be known well to you all.

    It is almost a year since I was appointed Secretary of State for Wales.

    At that time members of both the UK Coalition Government and the Welsh Government, not least the First Minister, were engaged in the campaign to encourage Scotland to stay within the United Kingdom.

    I appreciate that not every Member of this place who went up to campaign in Scotland was on the same side of the argument. But I will never forget, a few days before the vote on one of my visits up there, standing in the Parliament at Holyrood with Ruth Davidson as school groups were taken on guided tours around the chamber, and reflecting on the remarkable moment we were in.

    I was struck with the thought that whatever the outcome of the vote that Thursday, there was absolutely no doubt that the place of that Parliament would become ever more important in the life of the Scottish nation, and that the authority and role of that Parliament as a law-making body and as a forum of national debate and argument and resolution would only grow.

    And I believe that is the destiny of this National Assembly too.

    To be a Parliament

    This Senedd is, after all, a place that my own children visit on their school and Urdd trips to learn about democracy in Wales;

    – it is the place where the First Minister and I stood side by side with Cardiff schoolchildren and watched that remarkable fly-past to mark the close of the NATO summit last September;

    – it is the place where members of the French community gathered with Wales’ senior Rabbi and the Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Wales days after the Charlie Hebdo terrorist atrocities in Paris – a place of grief and solidarity;

    – and it is to this Senedd where communities from across Wales come to protest over changes to their hospital services.

    Because a Parliament without protests is barely a Parliament at all.

    Increasingly and unquestionably, this is an important gathering place: a place of deliberation and decision making, a symbol of Welsh national life.

    And I stand here this afternoon recognising that this very procedure I am complying with – to come here and speak about Her Majesty’s Gracious Speech – envisaged and legislated for in the days when a strong law-making Assembly for Wales seemed a long way off – is something of an anachronism. An overhang from another era.

    Madam Presiding Officer, I know this is something you and I have spoken about on numerous occasions and so you will be pleased to hear that I intend to abolish this procedure as part of the forthcoming Wales Bill which was announced in the Gracious Speech last month.

    I am sure you will find a far better use for this seat.

    But I will return to the Wales Bill shortly.

    Queen’s speech

    Madam Presiding Officer, the mission statement of this new UK Government is to help working people, to champion social justice and to unite all the peoples of our nation.

    Through the Queen’s speech last month we announced our legislative programme to build on the important work we started five years ago to improve the lives of everyone in our country and I would like to summarise what I believe this means for Wales.

    Queen’s speech: Helping working people and social justice

    Firstly, I am proud to be part of a Government that has overseen remarkable falls in unemployment across the UK and particularly here in Wales since 2010. It is absolutely central to our programme in this Parliament to see that continue, and so we will bring forward our Full Employment and Welfare Benefits Bill to help more people seize the work and life opportunities that new employment brings.

    Nothing is more important to me than seeing Wales share fully in the fruits of the UK economic recovery.

    Since 2010, there are 34,000 fewer children in Wales growing up in homes where no parent works. That is absolutely transformative for those lives – for those individuals and families growing up seeing a role model go out to work and bringing home a wage, smashing down the barriers to social mobility.

    And so in this Parliament we will continue to reform welfare, encouraging employment by capping benefits, requiring young people to earn or learn and rewarding ambition by helping unemployed people become the next generation of entrepreneurs.

    We will continue to reward hard work by helping people keep more of the money that they earn. Through the Finance Bill we will raise the tax free personal allowance to £10,600 next year and to £12,500 by the end of this Parliament. And let’s be clear about what that means…. people on the lowest incomes paying less tax: more money going back to the people who need it most.

    We will also legislate to make sure that those people working 30 hours a week on the Minimum Wage do not pay any income tax at all and we will pass law to ensure there are no rises in income tax rates, VAT or National Insurance for the duration of this Parliament.

    Key to our plan to help working people are the measures we will bring forward to back businesses in Wales, – who are the real job creators and the true heroes of this economic recovery.

    There are around 230,000 SMEs in Wales today, up 26,000 since 2010, and I want to see that number rise well past a quarter of a million by 2020, with each new start up delivering new jobs, opportunities and new wealth for our nation.

    And so through the Enterprise Bill we will cut £10 billion from the cost to business of regulation, helping firms to grow and create jobs and making sure that Britain remains one of the most competitive economies in which to do business.

    Queen’s speech: One Nation

    Aside from measures that will strengthen our support for working people and deliver social justice by breaking down cycles of dependency, our legislative programme will also strengthen the ties that bind the different parts of our United Kingdom together.

    There is no question that one of the key strategic political challenges of our times, alongside the need to rebuild our national finances and reduce the deficit, is the constitution and how we hang together as a family of nations.

    And so an absolutely core objective of the Government in Westminster is to seek to strengthen the United Kingdom as One Nation.

    That means meeting the challenge of nationalism head-on, because we believe passionately in the Union – for all the benefits and the pooling of risk and opportunity it offers us all – and we know that this United Kingdom hasn’t had its day.

    Decentralisation and devolution

    But it also means delivering on devolution, not because we think we should meet nationalists half-way, but because a core part of our philosophy is recognising, especially in the 21st century, that as the forces of globalisation shape and reshape our world, the key to economic success for developed nations will be to push power downwards and to decentralise.

    It means recognising that the old-style model of a highly centralised, Victorian nation state does not provide the dispersal of power and decision-making needed in an age when information, knowledge and capital move at lightning speeds.

    Coupled with that is increased recognition, which there has been for decades now, that we simply cannot carry on with the UK economy becoming evermore lopsided, with London and the South East being the primary generator of wealth and growth for the UK – and increasingly looking like a city-state in its own right.

    As a Government we will continue to respond to the urgent practical need to rebalance our economy, so that wealth is created and distributed much more evenly and fairly across the United Kingdom

    Wales Bill

    And so we will honour the commitments we made to Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland in the last Parliament. In Scotland, we will follow through on our promises to devolve substantial further powers to the Scottish Parliament in line with the recommendations of the Smith Commission. In Northern Ireland, we will take forward the Stormont House Agreement to help create a more prosperous, stable and secure future for people there.

    And crucially for this chamber, we will implement the St David’s Day Agreement to set about fundamentally re-writing the devolution settlement for Wales to make it clearer, stronger and fairer. This was an explicit commitment in our manifesto and one which we will deliver on – in full.

    Back in October, when I was asked by the Prime Minister in the hours after the Scottish referendum to look again at the Welsh devolution settlement, I know there were some in this chamber who doubted where the St David’s Day process would lead.

    But from the moment the ink was dry on the Powers for a Purpose document we published for St Davids Day, I assembled a team of officials at the Wales Office to begin drafting the new legislation. And so I intend to publish the Wales Bill in draft this autumn for pre-legislative scrutiny, before introducing it to Parliament early next year. It will be what we call a ‘carry-over Bill’ which will need to complete its passage during the second year of this Parliament and receive Royal Assent by early 2017.

    And to those voices who express concern that the Wales Bill isn’t moving as fast as the Scottish legislation – let’s be absolutely clear about the scale of what we are doing here. This is no mere appendix to the existing arrangements for Wales or some kind of bolt-on extra – what we are embarking upon is a fundamental re-writing of the devolution settlement, the most far reaching and significant package of powers ever devolved to Wales. And I have been clear from day one that I will take the time necessary to get this legislation right.

    Because when we talk about a clearer, stronger and fairer model of devolution – which is at the heart of our St David’s Day package – we mean clearer, by clarifying responsibilities through a new reserved powers model; stronger, by providing this place and Ministers with new powers and competencies; and, crucially, fairer, by taking forward our commitment to implement a funding floor in the expectation that the Welsh Government will call an income tax referendum.

    Madam Presiding Officer, I am proud to be the first Secretary of State for Wales to go to the Treasury, argue the case for Wales and secure that historic commitment to a funding floor.

    But I believe now it is time that the Welsh Government demonstrates its own commitment to the whole package by making progress on the income tax raising powers that are already available to it.

    There is no other Parliament in the world that does not have responsibility for raising money as well as spending it.

    In 1773 the Sons of Liberty smashed up the tea ships in Boston Harbour with the rallying cry “No taxation without representation”. Well, here in Wales we have something of a reverse situation: representation and full law-making powers but without responsibility for significant taxation. At the root of the emergence of democracy was that conjoined relationship between legislating and the raising of money in support of that legislation – which forms the core of democratic accountability.

    Madam Presiding Officer, this is a package of devolution for Wales. And if anybody here thinks that somehow this package can be broken up, or that you can play political cat and mouse with any part of it, then they risk gravely misunderstanding what it is we are trying to achieve here, and what the opportunity is for us in Wales.

    The opportunity to establish a devolution settlement, which might not go as far as Plaid Cymru or some others may like, but that is, I believe, reflects the centre of gravity of where Welsh public opinion is at to fulfil the outcome of our own Referendum in 2011 when – by a majority of two to one – the people of Wales said yes to a full law-making Assembly. By recognising too that support for independence and break-up of the Union is at a near record low in Wales.

    Because I firmly believe the Welsh public are hungry for us to move forwards a nation and for this place – this National Assembly, this Parliament – to become a true forum of debate, resolution and a sense of purpose and action, the articulator of our national ambition for economic growth, wealth creation, educational achievement, first-class health outcomes for it to provide solutions on all the issues that really matter to the people it serves, not a vehicle for a never-ending conversation about more powers, or the generator of some dull consensus that settles on mediocrity where funding is always deployed as the great national excuse for not achieving our potential.

    It may come as something of a surprise to you Madam Presiding Officer that during the recent election campaign, not once on any doorstep across Wales was I asked about more powers or devolution.

    Actually we all know what the voters wanted to talk about.

    And the disconnect and gulf between their concerns and what the Welsh commentariat focuses on every single day is enormous.

    Localism

    And because all the while we in Wales spend talking about devolving more powers to the Assembly, we risk missing out on the exciting opportunities that are transforming the economic and social prospects of other parts of the United Kingdom.

    We in Wales are in danger of being hung up on an old 20th century model of devolution. While all across the rest of the United Kingdom we are seeing localism and decentralisation, sub-national devolution, flourishing in ways very few people predicted could be delivered from Whitehall. And our new Decentralisation and Localism Bill announced in the Gracious Speech will take that radical approach to a new level.

    And, Madam Presiding Officer, when I see strong Labour-run Councils striking deals with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Treasury in places like Manchester and Newcastle, or in Glasgow – all these metro areas with populations that are not dissimilar to Wales, unlocking their potential to drive forward new innovation, growth and productivity for their regions, I don’t want to see Wales get left behind.

    Because that same spirit of decentralisation, empowerment and pushing powers downwards to communities should be a characteristic of this place too.

    And so the Cardiff City Deal will be a litmus test of two things for us politicians from Wales:

    It will reveal whether we in Wales understand the decentralisation agenda and the exciting opportunities it presents for economic and civic renewal here in Wales. And crucially, it will also be a test of our political pragmatism.

    We are a small nation and I believe we pack a much bigger punch when we work together. I don’t believe the old-school tribal warfare of Welsh politics has served Wales well over the years and I don’t believe it is actually what most Welsh people want from their politicians – that is certainly a message I get loud and clear from the business community who want to see pragmatism and collaboration become a hallmark of Welsh politics. And that approach is certainly one I am trying to deliver during my tenure as Welsh Secretary.

    And so after the Wales Bill has been passed, the burden will fall to this place to press ahead with the dynamic localism agenda that is transforming the economic prospects of cities, regions and counties in England.

    But I can announce today, that as a first step, we will devolve decision making on applications for all onshore wind farms down to the local level though the Energy Bill and related legislation… including here in Wales.

    This change will give local people a greater say on whether wind farms should be built in their areas. And in line with the spirit of the St David’s Day Agreement it will then be for this Assembly and the Welsh Government to determine how these applications should be treated in future and whether they should stay at the local level.

    Conclusion

    I believe that every single one of us in this Chamber shares a common vision for Wales: a Wales that is confident, outward-looking and punching well above its weight in the global economy.

    The UK Government is embarking upon an exciting legislative programme to help make that aspiration a reality, but for Wales to truly succeed this must be a shared enterprise at both ends of the M4.

    I don’t want to see Wales fall behind. And so I come here today to say that it is time we put an end to the incessant discussion about further powers that has characterised Welsh politics for the last 16 years.

    I reject the notion that devolution is some never-ending journey. The people of Wales have rejected independence and they are tired of the political disconnect that they see between the issues that matter to them and the seemingly never-ending debate about devolution they see us in engaged in.

    And what will consolidate the role of this Assembly in Welsh national life will be more than just changing its name to a Parliament (which you will have the power to do in the future); more than any package of new competencies devolved from London to Cardiff; more than enabling 16 and 17 year olds to vote in Wales (which again you will have the power to do in future), and more even than putting an end to the Secretary of State turning up here each year to debate the Queen’s speech it will be when people in all parts of Wales – especially those that feel most distant from Cardiff, in North Wales and in the West, recognise that this Assembly is absolutely crucial to tackling the central issues that matter to their lives – not just a forum for grievance but a cockpit of resolution and action.

    Madam Presiding Officer, I believe the new Wales Bill, announced in Her Majesty’s speech last month, supported by fair funding and new tax powers, will provide the opportunity for Wales to move on from the debate about powers and to look outwards and upwards.

    Thank you for this opportunity to speak today.

  • Stephen Crabb – 2015 Speech to Cardiff Business School

    Stephen Crabb
    Stephen Crabb

    Below is the text of the speech made by Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, at the Cardiff University Business School on 29 October 2015.

    It’s a huge pleasure to be back at Cardiff University and for my first visit to the University’s flagship Business School.

    I would like to begin by thanking the Vice-Chancellor for his kind welcome and for hosting this event – and also by saluting the Business School’s recent success.

    The school was ranked 6th out of 101 by the 2014 Research Excellence Framework– testament to the hard work and dedication of the staff, students and researchers associated with the School. Not only has the School cemented its international reputation in recent years, it is estimated the School contributes £85m annually to the Welsh economy.

    And I applaud too the Vice Chancellor’s strategic goal of seeing a Welsh university in the world’s top 100. That’s exactly the kind of ambition I love – Cardiff University aiming to be not just a success story within the UK – which it is – but a success globally.

    The international dimension of Cardiff Business School is an important one. A diverse, international student body makes for a dynamic business school environment and actually reflects the global nature of the economic realities that business in the UK and in Wales contends with each day.

    There is no corner of the economy in Wales which isn’t being shaped profoundly by global forces right now – whether that is through shifts in commodity prices, through the incredible international marketplace which the internet has created, or through the investment decisions being made by international firms which can impact on communities thousands of miles from the board rooms where those decisions are taken.

    There is nowhere to hide any more – and that is really the theme of my talk this morning: the challenges and opportunities that globalization presents to the Welsh economy; why the UK Government’s radical approach to devolution and decentralisation is both a consequence of globalization and a deliberate policy response (at a national and city level too); and where I think this direction can take us in Wales.

    It was while I was at business school myself twelve years ago that I came across a book by Thomas Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree, which set out some thinking about globalisation which made a deep impression on me.

    I had been in New York for a week to observe the leadership and management style of Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s City Hall as part of a study I was doing on Organisational Behaviour. And what a lesson on city leadership and the accountability demanded of the city’s agencies in terms of delivery on transport, housing and policing that was – and I will return to that theme later.

    But it was when I was travelling back home I picked up a copy of Friedman’s book at the airport.

    Friedman used two metaphors, the manufacturing and popularity of Lexus cars and the olive tree which has enormous roots in deserts where ancient peoples still engage in conflict over the ground where it grows, to illustrate two key characteristics of globalisation as he saw it – namely the quest for growth and wealth creation in all corners of the world and, at the same time, the struggle to preserve or rediscover identity and roots that give meaning to our lives at a community, tribe or nation level – even as the world changes at a breath-taking pace around us…

    …and with capital and investment, trade, information, and people now moving around the globe at speeds, and in volumes, the likes of which were never thought possible.

    There are lots that Friedman has to say about all this, and in his later book The World is Flat, but one of the key things for me was the questions it raised about how well equipped was our own nation state – with high levels of government spending and rigid and highly centralised structures of government – to ride these trends and to prosper in the kind of global system he was talking about.

    And then came the crash in 2008… and we were found out.

    Our lop-sided economy, built on an over-reliance on a booming banking sector geographically weighted more than ever before to London and the South East, and with the empty edifice of debt-driven government and consumer spending, was found out.

    The deficit stood at more than ten per cent of our national income – one of the highest of any major advanced economy and the largest in our peacetime history. The British economy had suffered a collapse greater than almost any country in the Western world – a dramatic slump in GDP of around 8%, translating into an enormous destruction of wealth – with all of the decline in real wage levels and standard of living that went with it.

    This is the backdrop against which we as a Government have been executing a plan since 2010 to restore stability to our national finances and return the country to a balanced budget – and ultimately to a position where in normal times we generate a surplus and pay down debt.

    All of the big policy challenges that we have been grappling with as a government link back to this.

    But while reducing the deficit remains a core and critical element of this plan, there is a much wider vision being driven forward to reshape and rebalance the UK economy – so that growth in the future will be more evenly generated across all economic sectors – and where innovation plays a much bigger role – where investment in world class skills and world class infrastructure is absolutely vital for future success – and where we make more and sell more of what we make in new and dynamic markets overseas.

    Fundamentally, it’s about putting in place a framework for future economic growth and success in the challenging and unforgiving global economy of the 21st century.

    And the vision is also about a more balanced economy geographically – where the nations and regions of the United Kingdom close the gap with London and the South East and all parts of our country share in the fruits of economic renewal.

    And I believe this vision represents a compelling and exciting opportunity for us here in Wales where the gap with the rest of the UK – in terms of productivity, GVA, wages – still remains far too wide.

    And where the competition is getting ever more intense.

    Nobody else is slowing down to allow us to catch up.

    So we must seize this opportunity because the world won’t wait for Wales.

    And so this is where our radical approach to devolution and decentralisation is so important.

    Devolution isn’t simply some bolt-on extra to our economic vision. Decentralisation is a key part of rebalancing the economy.

    Pushing power downwards can lead to better, more nimble decision-making, more tailored to local circumstances and local markets, and a better chance of capitalising on fast-moving dispersed knowledge.

    The logic of globalisation – and the correct response to the challenges that globalisation presents – is not ever more centralisation; it is the exact opposite.

    It is to push power downwards and outwards.

    There’s a deep connection between where decisions are made and what works……. political and economic solutions more tailored to local circumstances.

    As a government we have committed ourselves to delivering a fundamental shift of power from Westminster to the people and communities of this country; promoting unprecedented decentralisation and ending the era of top-down government, by empowering local councils, communities and businesses.

    And this has shaped our own approach to devolution for Wales too. We absolutely do recognise the importance of devolution in the context of Welsh nationhood and identity within the United Kingdom – what Thomas Friedman would perhaps describe as the Olive Tree dimension: our ancient roots and identity.

    But we also want to see the Lexus dimension too – an economic dividend for Wales from devolution, with powers being used for much greater effect than what we have seen in the last 16 years – and especially in terms of wealth creation and growth.

    I believe Wales is already punching above its weight on the global stage in some respects – and in recent weeks Cardiff has reminded the world once again why it is such a vibrant and exciting capital city for visitors from all over the world.

    But let’s be clear, being positive about the Welsh recovery does not blind us to the serious challenges and weaknesses that remain.

    Successful Economies need long-term investment in effective transport links.

    Excellent connectivity will bring cities and markets closer together to help create the critical mass to compete globally.

    Better connections between economic centres allow clusters to develop even where companies are located apart, supporting more trade, more interactions between businesses and the generation of more products and ideas.

    As a Government we are putting right the chronic underfunding in infrastructure by previous governments, investing a greater share of our nation’s wealth in infrastructure than in the whole period of the last Government.

    That’s why this Government’s programme of investment in rail infrastructure in Wales and across the UK is the largest and most ambitious since the development of the rail network in the 19th Century.

    Electrification of the Great Western Mainline to Swansea will put South Wales on a much more even footing to compete with the South East as the Government works to rebalance the economy.

    Crossrail will enhance the shorter journey times offered by electrification of the main line – bringing the burgeoning financial services sector in Cardiff to within two hours journey time to Canary Wharf, now one of Europe’s most important financial centres.

    North Wales transport infrastructure also needs to improve to capture the benefits that HS2 will bring and all of the exciting opportunities being created by our Northern Powerhouse vision which aims to rebuild the economic and civic strength of England’s great northern cities.

    But let’s take an honesty check here when it comes to infrastructure.

    In recent weeks we have seen some fabulous World Cup matches hosted so brilliantly at the Millennium Stadium, producing a pay-off for the Welsh economy of tens of millions of pounds – only for fans to get caught up in traffic gridlock on the M4 resulting in journey times from Cardiff to London in excess of five hours.

    That is not acceptable.

    Twenty years ago my predecessors in the Wales Office were looking at the need for an upgrade of the M4 motorway between Cardiff and Newport. Devolution was supposed to help make this happen. But the truth is that sixteen years of Welsh devolution has not delivered that strategic project which would overcome a key barrier to growth.

    Two years ago the UK Government struck a deal with Welsh Government to jump-start that project by providing Welsh Government with new financial borrowing powers – linked to the devolution of minor taxes.

    But still business is waiting for any substantial progress on delivery from Welsh Government.

    Meanwhile, many of the cities that Cardiff aims to compete with are seeing upgrades in their own transport infrastructure.

    The world won’t wait for Wales.

    On Valleys Line Electrification too – that crucial project to better connect deprived Valleys communities with centres of job creation in Cardiff, Swansea and Newport –one year on from the co-financing deal the Treasury struck with Welsh Government we have yet to see any concrete proposals for Welsh Ministers for the project. Human capital If devolution is to deliver, we also need the right support to build human capital and generate innovation.

    The gap in labour productivity between Wales and the UK is larger than for almost any other region or nation of the UK. Reform of the skills system is necessary to provide cities with the skilled labour businesses need and innovation policy needs to support the development and diffusion of ideas.

    Apprenticeships are at the heart of our mission to rebuild and rebalance the economy, with a step-change in the quality and status of vocational education. The UK Government has set a target of 3 million new apprenticeships over the next five years. This is a huge ambition and will take significant effort to achieve. We are offering support for businesses in England to help meet this and I want to ensure Wales is not left behind. We need a shared ambition right across the UK to deliver this.

    I also want to see greater investment in innovation. We have some world class innovators here in Wales – take for example Airbus in Newport and their innovation into Cyber Security, GE Aviation at Nantgarw who are fuelling innovation and its application across the aerospace industry, and General Dynamics with their EDGE innovation network, which brings together industry leaders, academia and innovators with end users and customers in an open, collaborative environment.

    And this week, Cardiff University’s expertise in researching and developing innovative technologies was recognised by Innovate UK, the UK Government’s innovation agency, as the location, along with five other regional centres, for the UK’s centres of excellence for Precision Medicines – a global market estimated to be worth £14bn and expected to grow to £50bn in 2020. The Precision Medicine Catapult has the potential to develop into a global industry generating both economic and healthcare benefits.

    These are the challenges that should grip us and be our priority.

    But there’s a real danger in Wales that our full economic potential is being hamstrung by a never-ending constitutional debate focused on a theoretical discussion about ‘powers’ which is entirely divorced from the practical importance of what these powers can actually achieve…

    …where we spend years, decades even, locked in a prolonged constitutional argument about the finer points of devolution which does nothing to address the productivity challenge or our skills gap.

    I long for the day when a Prime Minister or Chancellor of the Exchequer can visit Wales and the first question they’re asked is not about devolution and ‘powers’ but is actually about how we create a world-beating dynamic economy here in Wales.

    And there’s a decision for all political leaders in Wales to make here – are we willing to reach agreement and settlement on these questions and move on to the issues that will determine whether we succeed or fail in the 21st century?

    …Because the world won’t wait for Wales.

    I have made no secret that my number one passion, my number one ambition, is not constitutional reform – but to see economic transformation for my nation of Wales.

    The draft Wales Bill which I published last week recognises there is a strong appetite in Wales for a greater say over Welsh affairs within a stronger United Kingdom.

    It provides an opportunity to draw a line under the constant debates about devolution which have characterised Welsh politics for too long. I am totally open to ideas on how we improve the draft Bill but the rhetoric coming from Cardiff Bay in recent days that the Bill should become their new cause celebre to prolong and deepen the debate about powers is, I believe, deeply misplaced.

    We have a mature, respected legislature in the National Assembly, which will soon assume through the Wales Bill even more powers. And the Welsh Government itself will also get important new powers. I believe that these should be supplemented by new tax raising powers so that there is, for the first time, a true bond of financial accountability between Welsh Government and Welsh taxpayers – and with it new levers that can make a practical difference economically.

    We have already spent far too long on this discussion in Wales. And we need to make progress. Because the risk is that we fall behind while the world moves on.

    Last week the Chinese president visited Manchester to see how one of the UK’s major cities is re-inventing itself as the hub of the Northern Powerhouse. The leader of one of the world’s largest economies saw a city where its civic leaders, from across the political divide, have seized the opportunity of more powers to shape their destiny.

    Greater Manchester is blazing a trail, with a devolution package which delivers decision making over important local priorities, including economic development, local transport, housing, skills and vital public services like health and social care- with a combined authority led by a directly elected mayor. It will also be the first English region to gain greater control of its Health budget – a £6 billion budget.

    Wales suddenly has one more competitor.

    One of the most radical aspects of the UK Government since 2010 is our determination to decentralise and push powers downwards and outwards –and backing it up with real economic and financial powers to harness innovation.

    We are determined to unlock the civic and economic potential of our great cities. For as long as we can remember, cities have played an integral role in the political, economic and civic life of great nations.

    Yet during the twentieth century, we witnessed a decisive shift of power and influence in favour of London and the south-east of England, often at the expense of our major cities.

    For too long, governments have acted as though taking powers away from our great cities is the best way to create growth, rather than trusting the people living there to find their own specific solutions to meet their own local needs.

    That is why as a government, we want powerful, innovative cities that are able to shape both their political and economic destinies, and get our local and national economies growing.

    Like Manchester, Cardiff came into its own during the nineteenth century and has seen some remarkable transformations in the last twenty five years. But the world is not standing still.

    As Manchester, Glasgow, Sheffield and others now power ahead – spurred on by bespoke city and regional deals – there is a risk that Cardiff is now left in the slow lane.

    That cannot be allowed to happen.

    To unlock the full potential of our cities, we are shifting even more powers and levers so that local leaders and businesses can continue to drive political and economic renewal.

    A quiet revolution is taking place in the way Britain is governed. Rather than Whitehall setting the template, we are inviting cities and the business community to ‘do things their way.’ Giving local areas powers and freedoms to help support economic growth, create jobs and drive investment. Entrusting local areas with responsibility for decisions that affect their area.

    The government has already concluded deals with Greater Birmingham and Solihull, Bristol and the West of England, Greater Manchester, Leeds City Region, Liverpool City Region, Nottingham, Newcastle, and the Sheffield City Region.

    The core cities have estimated that the first wave of deals will create 175,000 jobs over the next 20 years and 37,000 new apprenticeships.

    Crucially, this is a vision which is not confined to England.

    In Scotland we have delivered the Glasgow and Clyde Valley City Deal, one of the largest ever agreed. This exciting project is estimated to create 29,000 jobs, and supporting over 5,500 unemployed people back into sustained employment. Early indications suggest that an estimated £3.3billion of private sector investment will be leveraged into the proposed infrastructure investment programme.

    This deal provides an example of what can be achieved when all levels of government, businesses, universities and the voluntary and community sector work together to promote economic growth. A shared endeavour – and in a devolved national context too.

    And we want to extend this offer to other major cities and local authorities right across the United Kingdom – including Wales.

    Here in Wales we have one of Europe’s youngest capital cities – a city that is quickly achieving a reputation for being upbeat, vibrant, innovative and entrepreneurial.

    It sits at the heart of a city-region that is home to almost half the entire population of Wales and is projected to grow by 26 per cent over the next 20 years.

    I genuinely believe Cardiff is on the cusp of something great. Our capital city can use its position as an insurgent challenger to some of Britain and Europe’s great cities to shape its economic future and become one of the best places in the world to live, to visit, to study and to do business.

    The UK Government has set this agenda in motion and I want Welsh Government, Cardiff City and the other neighbouring local authorities, alongside the business community and Higher Education, to seize this opportunity…

    … to work with the UK Government, to make Cardiff an engine of innovation and wealth creation for the benefit of the whole of Wales.

    But also, crucially, a City Deal in Cardiff presents the opportunity the make some fundamental changes to governance in Wales.

    For if we are to rebalance the economy, cities need effective leadership and governance.

    One of the main reasons for the decline of many cities over the last fifty years is a lack of strong leadership. OECD research has indicated that cities around the world with fragmented governance structures have up to 6% lower levels of productivity than those that do not – a result of incoherent decision making and blurred accountability.

    This is of course a matter for the local partners, and for Welsh Government, but no-one should underestimate the importance of addressing questions of governance and leadership when talking about Cardiff’s future.

    We have a brilliant opportunity with the emerging Cardiff City Deal but the message to the local partners and Welsh Government is to keep it moving forward. Other cities in the UK are trying to skip past us in the queue and are looking to strike growth deals with the Treasury. The world won’t wait for Wales.

    And why should decentralisation stop at Cardiff?

    There is enormous potential in Swansea too. Or the North Wales region where there isn’t a central city but nevertheless a distinct identity and economic structure which can be a platform for growth and renewal given the right tools and leadership.

    But here lies a challenge for Welsh Government – to be a vehicle of decentralisation and devolution within Wales.

    A reputation for centralisation and top-down control is at odds with the move to push powers downwards and outwards which we believe is key to capturing the economic opportunities that the 21st century offers.

    This is an important part of the devolution debate which has barely featured in Wales over the past 15 years.

    Why shouldn’t we see our very own devolution package for all corners of Wales?

    We live in an age of radical change – an age of turbulent, global challenges. But the priority of most Welsh people remains the same. It is about their jobs, their quality of life, the standard of public services, and the financial security of their families and loved ones.

    With the economic indicators all moving in the right direction, I believe Wales now has a golden opportunity to move forwards and achieve its potential as an outward-looking nation that punches well above its weight in the global economy.

    It is high time we focused political debate in Wales on how powers can be used for the people of Wales.

    This is what underpins my devolution vision.

    Not devolution for devolutions sake, but devolution with a purpose…

    …Devolution which unlocks investment, innovation and human capital so that Wales can succeed in the global race.

    Because the world won’t wait for Wales.

    My dream is that within twenty years Wales will be a beacon of economic success – where world class transport connections bring people from all over the world to visit and do business, and to learn the lessons from our world beating innovation, where our hubs in sectors like life sciences, compound semiconductors, advanced materials, aerospace, financial services underpin our productivity growth and standards of living that are least as good as the UK average, where the primary school children of today who are once again learning software coding have become a new generation of Welsh innovators and entrepreneurs, and where the apprentices on the factory floors today have become managers and business leaders creating jobs and new opportunities that are the envy of the rest of the UK.

    Our destiny is not to be a nation of plucky losers but to have the ambition to take on the very best – and to win.

    But I do sometimes have a nightmare that twenty years from now actually our national life will still be characterised by an ongoing inward-looking debate about Welsh powers and the constitution, where we still prop up the bottom of the economic league tables within the United Kingdom… and where we are still discussing the need for that damn M4 upgrade.

    It doesn’t need to be like this. But we need to crack on.

    Because the world is not waiting for Wales.

  • Liz Truss – 2015 Speech at Norfolk’s Local Flavours Show

    Liz Truss
    Liz Truss

    Below is the text of the speech made by Liz Truss, the Secretary of State for the Department of the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, at the Norfolk Showground on 23 September 2015.

    I know that this is the second year of Local Flavours and it is fantastic to be here and hopefully sample some of the finest flavours we have in the county. It is a unique event, bringing together 80 local producers and hundreds of local and national buyers.

    Local food economies

    I think what this festival reflects is the booming interest locally, nationally, and internationally in Britain’s wonderful regional, county and local food.

    Local food is vital. It is one of the building blocks of what British Food is and what it means to us.

    It’s impossible to imagine British food without Norfolk turkey, Stilton cheese or Melton Mowbray pork pies.

    I think what we are seeing now is a revolution, powered from the bottom up which is making a difference in towns and villages across the country—from local food markets, seaside cafés and pubs.

    And we can see this change happening. On the way here I stopped at the new Waffle and Pancake house on the A11 and on their menu they have local food from Norfolk and Suffolk. If I stopped at a café 10 years ago, you just would not have seen the pride in local food that we now have, that’s very exciting.

    Resilience and value

    In a world where we are seeing globalisation, with many farm and food producers struggling with the volatility of commodity prices, I think strong local brands and local identity are very important to ensure that producers continue to get value from their products and are able to sell in a global market.

    You only have to look at events in dairy and cereals markets, or the effects of Russian sanctions to see what happens when commodity prices don’t go the right way. Strengthening food identities are one way that we can build resilience right across the food industry. I can see we have St Peter’s Brewers here, who now sell a lot of their beer abroad, but they are trading on their local identity to be able to do that. I think that these identities are the future of British food.

    Of course there is action that we can take at UK and EU level. We are building a futures market in products like dairy that can help build resilience and the EU Commission have adopted that. We also intend to introduce tax averaging over five years to help farmers and producers plan for the future.

    Building local food identity

    Over the next 10 years we are going to see a real transformation in our food and drink culture, led by local food. People are rediscovering a lost connection with what they eat and drink, how it is made and where it comes from. People trust what they can see. They want to know more about the wonderful landscapes, our fantastic history and they want to see the technology and innovation of how their food is produced.

    People rightly see food as central to their quality of life. They want the healthiest, most nutritious ingredients, sourced locally where possible.

    People here and around the world associate British food with our traditions—like the pub lunch or the afternoon tea—and with uncompromising standards of quality, safety and animal welfare.

    As a country we are number one in the world for animal welfare and I think that is something that we should be proud of. We can see distinctive identities now flourishing—Norfolk, Suffolk, Yorkshire, the South West, Scotland—and London, closely identified with the boom in gin.

    Businesses working together

    It is vital for building these identities that businesses join forces.

    I am pleased the Norfolk Food and Drink Festival are today launching their “Produced in Norfolk” brand for small producers.

    The Suffolk Food Hall near Ipswich, judged the best local food venue in Britain in the Countryside Alliance’s rural Oscars, is promoting Suffolk county’s identity as well.

    And in the South West, more than 1,000 food and drink businesses have set up the Taste of the West cooperative to promote food and drink from Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire, Somerset and Wiltshire. By coming together, businesses go beyond promoting local identity –they increase their clout in the market place.

    We have Anglia Farmers here today—the biggest agricultural purchasing organisation in Britain, combining the buying power of 3,500 businesses.

    In the southwest, producers are selling through groups like the Somerset Larder, where county businesses bid jointly to supply the people building the new Hinkley Point nuclear power station and to supply the police and schools. So what we are seeing is consortia of businesses across the country coming together and using their local market power and strong local identities to build brands and to build successful businesses in the future. Public procurement

    As the government, we are reforming the way that we buy food to support the local food revolution.

    Last year, we launched the new balanced scorecard, which makes it easier for schools, hospitals and Whitehall departments to buy local produce.

    And we are now making the buying process totally transparent so every time a public sector contract comes up, it is published and consortia of local businesses can bid.

    Protecting local identities

    Protected Food Names add a legally protected mark of quality to cherished local food and drink.

    So far, there are 64 products in Britain with this status—including two from East Anglia, Fenland Celery and Newmarket Sausage. I want to treble that number to at least 200 so we catch up with France.

    Consumers are willing to up to pay double the price for Protected Foods compared with what they pay for similar products without this status.

    We have a Defra stand here today where you can find out more about the application process.

    There is a race to become Norfolk’s first protected food name. I know that there are a lot who are interested—Cromer crab, Norfolk Black Turkey, Binham Blue cheese and I do want to see this part of the country, which has some of the finest flavours in the country, punching its weight in terms of protected food names. Not only do protected food names gain from the brand overall, but they also help promote the county and promote the Norfolk food brand which people will buy into.

    And we are also setting up an initial 17 Food Enterprise Zones, three of them in East Anglia, to boost local food economies by bringing businesses together.

    Better information and labelling

    From the new YouGov polling, we know how highly people value local food—we need to help them with better information.

    From this year, shops have to provide full details of national origin on meat labelling and I am pushing the European Commission to extend this to dairy and I am also working with supermarkets to see how we can get better dairy labelling.

    I would also like to see shops and producers voluntarily giving far more information on local provenance. And we will be using our GREAT branding which has been so successful in international markets to celebrate local food in British shops.

    Conclusion

    As we can see here today, East Anglia is a hotbed of talent. And it is taking the lead in showing how to build on people’s pride in local food and drink.

    – The Norfolk Peer potato

    – The Blythburgh rare breed pork

    – Mrs Temple’s Binham Blue cheese,

    – The award-winning chocolate made by the Pump Street Bakery in Orford.

    – Or the Brecks Sausage Roll, created by Maggie Cooper and Vanessa Scott from Strattons Hotel in Swaffham, crammed with locally produced pork, black pudding and vegetables.

    Over the next 10 years, local food is going to be the powerhouse that drives the growth of our £100bn food and drink industry and the whole £200bn rural economy—not least tourism, where up to a third of spending in some regions goes on eating and drinking.

    The people here today are right at the heart of turning this industry into a world-beater—so that when people around the world think of the countries that are home to the greatest food anywhere, Britain will be number one.

    Thank you.

  • Nicky Morgan – 2016 Speech on Children’s Social Care

    nickymorgan

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nicky Morgan, the Secretary of State for Education, at Kensington Town Hall in London on 14 January 2016.

    Thank you Andrew [Christie, Director of Children’s Services for the Tri-borough, who will shortly be Children’s Services Commissioner in Birmingham] for that kind introduction. It is a pleasure to be here in Kensington and Chelsea – one of our most innovative local authorities.

    I am delighted that you’ll be joining us as one of our partners in practice, and I look forward to my department working very closely with you over the coming years to achieve something truly remarkable.

    Social workers change lives. They have the ability not just to improve the circumstances of vulnerable children but to change them, and therefore their futures, entirely.

    That is why supporting social workers, and giving them the tools they need, is a priority for this government and a personal priority for me as Secretary of State.

    In my role as Education Secretary I often say that everyone has an opinion on education. Each one of us went to school and the majority of us have at least one family member or friend who is a teacher. From my own family I get plenty of advice!

    Yet most of us have never had any real engagement with social services. We’ve never been through the care system and we’ve never seen first-hand those heart wrenching situations social workers see on a daily basis.

    The importance of social work

    Social workers are, indeed, our country’s unsung heroes. There can be no doubt that social work is one of the most demanding professions in the world.

    It is a difficult, often thankless task where the stakes are high, and the credit is low.

    So let me first say a heartfelt thank you to the thousands of social workers supporting our most vulnerable children and families, day in and day out. I’ve heard about cases like:

    – a 15 year old boy, repeatedly abused by an older man, who eventually made a full disclosure to the police with the specialist support of a social worker

    – and the foster carers at breaking point, thinking they may have to give up the care of 2 brothers, who with the support of highly skilled social workers developed the skills and confidence to carry on

    And we have outstanding practitioners like Isabelle Trowler, the Chief Social Worker for Children and Families, who has been working tirelessly with government for the past 2 years.
    And experts like Sir Martin Narey and Alan Wood, who have been asked to lead reviews on children’s residential care and multi-agency working.

    And of course, Edward Timpson, from my own ministerial team, who has been passionately championing this agenda for years, and who sadly cannot be here today because his mother Alex passed away last week after a long illness.

    The Timpson family have fostered around 90 children over the years, as well as adopting two boys. They are a shining example of the selfless love and support that is so desperately needed by the children we serve.

    The challenge ahead

    While there can be no doubt that we have many deeply committed and truly inspirational social workers, we don’t have excellent children’s social services everywhere.

    And we know that when there are mistakes, or when people aren’t given the support they need – the consequences can be heart-breaking. Cases like Baby Peter Connelly, Daniel Pelka or Hamzah Khan.

    Cases which show that this work can literally be a matter of life and death.

    As the Prime Minister has made clear, we must give every child the best start in life and make sure that every child can fulfil their potential – regardless of the circumstances they were born into.

    And we must make sure our support for the most vulnerable is at the heart of that commitment.

    Reforming the system

    We have a huge task at hand:

    – last year, over 630,000 children were referred to children’s social care

    – over 400,000 children were in need of support, with a significant proportion of these children having suffered abuse or neglect
    and we now know more about challenges like online grooming, child sexual exploitation and child trafficking – all abhorrent crimes

    Eileen Munro’s 2011 landmark review of child protection showed that politicians in the past had created a system that was too often concerned with the process of social work rather than its outcomes; one which left social workers confused and demoralised and prevented them doing what they do best – changing the lives of children and families.

    We inherited a system where:

    – practitioners have been made to follow rigid processes instead of being allowed to do ‘what works’

    – an overwhelming weight of bureaucratic burden, where the need to tick boxes, degraded professional autonomy and distorted our focus on what vulnerable children needed

    – inflexible working meant children’s needs were not always at the centre of decision making

    Progress has been made

    Over the course of the last Parliament we made significant moves towards reforming the children’s social care system.

    Colleagues in the Home Office, local government and in my own department have worked hard to address the challenges we have faced.

    We have made real progress in stripping back bureaucracy, securing crucial additional support for children in care, and reforming adoption.

    Recent announcements – such as our plans to intervene more decisively in failing authorities, Alan Wood’s review of local safeguarding children boards, and the Narey review of residential care will take this forward.

    And today I am announcing that we will invest more in adoption services and change the law to make sure adoption is always pursued where it is in a child’s best interest, so no child misses out on a loving and stable home.

    But I also recognise that successive governments have neglected this area.

    Because children’s social care doesn’t have the same ‘universal appeal’ as schools or hospitals.

    And because it serves some of society’s most disempowered people, who don’t have the same sharp elbows – clamouring for more to be done.

    I stand here today to tell you – we have not yet done enough.

    That is why one of my first priorities on returning to my role in May was to revolutionise children’s social work.

    In fact, only this week, the Prime Minister said that he believed our reforms to child protection would be the ‘landmark reforms of the next 5 years’.

    It is time to inject the same ambition we injected into our education system, into children’s social care.

    That same intolerance of failure, that same passion for high standards. It is time to say ‘ok’ is not good enough for these children, and that where there is failure – we can no longer sit by and watch.

    As a country we should feel ashamed that more than 20 local authorities today are failing, and some have been doing so for years.

    That is why I want to make a serious of commitments over the next 5 years:

    – to make sure children’s social care is led by the best, and that we give those excellent leaders the freedom to innovate

    – to get the best and brightest graduates into the profession, and to make sure they have the training they need

    – to strip back the red tape that stifles innovation; and instead, introduce a system of checks and balances that holds the system to account in the right way
    – and as the Prime Minister pledged just a few weeks ago – to intervene in any local authority found to be failing, and where this failure is persistent or systemic, take services away

    My department will set out over the coming months exactly how we plan to achieve this from the front door of children’s social care right through to services for care leavers, and everything in between.

    Getting the best social work workforce possible

    Just as we know that we can’t have great schools without great teachers – our child protection system needs excellent people at its heart. It is on the shoulders of social workers that the success of the system rests.

    Just 5 years ago, social workers had no clear statement of the knowledge and skills they needed to work effectively with children.

    Under the old system there were literally hundreds of pages of guidance.

    Social workers do not need that kind of prescription, but they do need to know what is expected of them and what professional standard they need to meet.

    Put simply, we needed to establish the core knowledge and skills every practitioner needed to do their job well.

    That is why, just over a year ago, at the NCAS Conference, I announced that we would set out new social work knowledge and skills statements at three levels – front line practitioner, practice supervisor and practice leader.

    Thanks to this government, social workers now have that clarity for the first time ever.

    Working with Isabelle Trowler, a frontline practitioner and expert in her field, we have developed the clearest statements ever on the skills and knowledge social workers need.

    But it is not enough just to state what is expected. We need to now use these statements to assess and accredit social workers so we can have confidence in every frontline practitioner.

    There are currently over 20 local authorities across the country trialling this, involving over 1,000 social workers, and I have been delighted by the enthusiasm with which local authorities have come forward to help us.

    I want every children’s social worker to have accredited status.

    That’s why I am delighted to be able to announce today that we will be rolling out this programme nationwide so that children’s social workers across the country, at every level, will be fully assessed and accredited by 2020.

    Improving leadership

    Strong leadership is also vital to our reforms.

    Just as teachers deserve the support of great headteachers, I want the next generation of social workers to have excellent leadership. Someone with experience who knows what it’s like to make tough decisions; balance complex workloads and still stay grounded.

    That is why we are putting in place a system of assessment and accreditation for practice leaders as well as for front line practitioners and supervisors.

    And this year we will have our first cohort of talented social workers training to become the country’s future leaders in social work. These expert and experienced social workers will make sure we have the pipeline of talent we need throughout the workforce.

    Improving the quality of entrants to social work

    I also want to see the best people becoming social workers.

    Schemes like Teach First have helped transform teaching into one of the most prestigious and high status professions in the country, and we must now do the same for social work.

    Frontline mirrors that approach by attracting the brightest and the best graduates into social work – giving them fast-track, top quality training in children’s social work.   It’s no surprise then that there are more than 10 applicants for every place on a Frontline course, and 9 applicants per place for the Step Up to Social Work programme. The majority of local authorities now benefit from these schemes.

    Don’t just take it from me. Take it from the local authorities working with these programmes, who have told us the quality of students is consistently very high.

    That’s why I want to see an extra 750 qualified social workers coming from fast-track programmes in the next year alone, and why I can announce today we will be investing a further £100 million into Frontline, and into our specialist course – Step Up.

    Step Up will make 550 places available next year and Frontline will expand to the North East of England.

    We’ll also be extending our Teaching Partnerships scheme – building stronger links between universities and employers, so trainees can be confident they are getting the skills they will need in the job.

    Setting the right standards for social work

    But I also want us to be confident that every new social worker joining the workforce has received high quality initial training, whether that’s through new graduate entry routes or through the more traditional undergraduate courses.

    I want that to be true of every newly qualified social worker, whether they go on to specialise in children’s or adult’s services.

    Not enough of the courses available in higher education are currently good enough, as Sir Martin Narey’s review told us.

    Whilst some courses are excellent, too many don’t give trainees the skills and knowledge they need.

    This lets down social work trainees, and moreover, it lets down the children they are working to support.

    That’s why we need a new approach to the regulation of social work which makes sure only the best courses are available.

    And so I am delighted to announce today that in partnership with the Secretary of State for Health, it is our intention to set up a new body charged with driving up standards in social work and raising the status of social workers.

    The new body will have a relentless focus on raising the quality of social work education, training and practice in both children’s and adults’ services.

    It will set standards for training as well as overseeing the roll out of the new assessment and accreditation system for children and family social workers. This will happen as soon as possible.

    And let me be clear, we don’t need more quangos, or more bureaucracy – we need a body that will genuinely uphold rigorous professional standards.

    More innovation and support

    It is clear we have an ambitious programme ahead that will deliver a truly first class workforce in social work.

    But our problems are not just within the social work profession.

    The system we expect social workers to work in does not create conditions for excellence and innovation.

    Even when they have all the requisite knowledge and skills, social workers are still constrained by a system that doesn’t give them the freedom to innovate and excel.

    So, as well as transforming the social work profession, we need working environments that support excellent practice and development, overseen by outstanding leaders.

    This ambition is already being supported by investments of £100 million through our Innovation Programme.

    This is funding projects such as the Right Home project in Calderdale, which offers young people at the edge of care a single person to go to when they need help, and a range of supported housing accommodation when they cannot live at home, including a respite children’s home, boarding school accommodation, and support for young people leaving residential care.

    But projects like this are only the beginning – we need to go further.

    This is why we will establish an independent What Works Centre, with up to £20 million of additional funding, working alongside the new regulatory body and the Chief Social Worker for Children and Families.

    The What Works Centre will be an evidence based resource to support social work practice like never before. Its mission will be to bring together everything we learn from practice at home and abroad, including our own Innovation Programme, cutting edge practice in local authorities, and evidence from serious case reviews.

    This centre will make sure social workers get the support they need – so they can learn lessons from the past and make sure they have access to the best research in the world.

    And it is also why we are committed to ensuring that the very best leaders and practitioners are given the freedom to push boundaries; that outdated regulations, laws, guidance and processes do not stand in the way of the best local leaders innovating in the best interests of children and families.

    That is the spirit behind our Innovation Programme, and also behind our new push to develop Partners in Practice.

    The Partners in Practice programme represents an exciting new partnership with the country’s best performing local leaders.

    Together they are redefining what a children’s services department looks like, with the only design principle being what works for children.

    We announced six of these partner authorities in December and I am delighted to announce a second wave today with the additions of Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire and Islington.

    These local authorities will provide a blueprint for excellence that the whole system will be able to learn from.

    In social work children’s lives are at stake.

    Our reforms are big and bold because we need the best people on the front line, armed with the knowledge and skills to change lives.

    I stand before you today to say to all those social workers out there: I fully support you.

    This government wants to invest in your profession and enable you to bring about the change I know you so desperately want to see.

    Until we hear children and families consistently say, ‘We got what we really needed’ – none of us should stop trying to make this system better.

    These reforms are about getting it right for social workers so that social workers can get it right for children and families.

    Because we owe it to them to get it right.

  • Harriet Baldwin – 2016 Speech on Green Finance

    Harriett Baldwin
    Harriett Baldwin

    Below is the text of the speech made by Harriet Baldwin, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, at the Mansion House in London on 14 January 2016.

    Thank you, Lord Mayor, for your kind words of introduction and for hosting us here at Mansion House. It is always a pleasure to be here in such wonderful surroundings.

    We have heard – and will hear – a lot today about 2016 being the year of green finance, and I very much want to see this come true.

    There is real momentum in the green finance sector, and we believe the UK should pull the stops out to make the most of the opportunities it offers.

    You’ll be hearing from some truly expert speakers shortly, but I wanted to set out why this is such a political priority.

    Last month in Paris at the UN Climate Change Conference, CoP21, we witnessed a historic step forward. The whole world committed to concrete, practical steps to deliver the low-carbon, green economy that is integral to ensure our long-term economic and global security.

    This agreement drives us forward on our path to limiting global temperature rises to below 2 degrees. We also saw agreement to conduct regular reviews of countries’ climate commitments and reached a deal on climate finance.

    But this costs money. The International Energy Agency estimates that $53 trillion of investment will be required to meet the 2 degrees target agreed at CoP21. Government agreements are necessary, but they are not sufficient. We need much more investment in infrastructure and technology.

    It is clear that public sector money alone won’t cover the cost; we need to mobilise private capital. And that is where green finance is key.

    This is about using the power of financial markets to help meet these challenges – through the provision of green loans for sustainable investment, through green insurance, and, critically, through capital markets.

    Capital markets are particularly important, because they can channel large-scale investment into sustainable projects – water treatment, waste management, renewables, clean transportation networks and more.

    The best way they can do this is through green bonds.

    Now you often hear about the importance of innovation, but innovation can translate into complexity. And fund managers don’t like complexity; they like simplicity and they like returns. In my former life I was a fund manager, so I speak with some experience!

    But green bonds are attractive precisely because they are simple. They have the same recourse to the issuer as traditional debt. They have no specialised cash-flows, and no financial engineering.

    The green bond market is at an exciting time of expansion. Between 2012 and 2013 the market tripled in size. Then it tripled again the year after. And last year we saw $42 billion of green bonds issued, the greatest volume yet.

    I want to see this market continue to grow – and grow – and grow. And I want the UK to be at the centre. For green bonds to succeed, we need a robust framework. The International Capital Market Association’s Green Bond Principles are a great start. These make clear what issuers need to do. And we are seeing great work from bodies such as the Climate Bond Initiative to accredit green bonds and to create a growing industry in second opinion providers.

    The London Stock Exchange, too, has established a designated green bond segment on its market, which, in order for an issuer to qualify, requires a second opinion to certify the nature of the bond.

    It is important, though, that market participants such as you take this work further, to ensure rigorous, repeatable and scalable processes.

    We are seeing huge investor appetite for this new asset class. This is fantastic to see. But under the weight of investor demand, we cannot risk ‘green washing’, whereby proceeds are used to finance questionable projects. We need definitions, standards and transparency. And we need global cooperation to help achieve this.

    China understands this. Green finance is a part of the solution to its own environmental challenges. By mobilising private capital, China can channel investment into the crucial infrastructure it needs most. And to ensure this market scales up quickly, it is showing global thought leadership.

    China has established a green finance task force to hardwire sustainable outcomes into its domestic capital market development. This is looking at standards and definitions to developing a robust framework. And we’ve recently seen the People’s Bank of China and the National Development and Reform Commission issue new guidance, including definitions and disclosure rules, to help this market grow.

    India, too, is looking at ways to grow its own green finance market. Prime Minister Modi has made ambitious pledges on renewables. While the securities regulator has just this week finalised its official green bond requirements, and has stated that it sees green bonds as a valuable tool for meeting India’s pledges at CoP21. These are valuable efforts. What we now need, building on these efforts, is international collaboration, so that we can make the most of all these valuable efforts and ensure they are coordinated.

    It is therefore fantastic to see that China, under its Presidency of the G20, has established a Green Finance Study Group, which will be co-chaired by the People’s Bank of China and our very own Bank of England.

    As a government, we’re giving our full backing to this Study Group, and we’ll be ensuring that we are well represented by the Treasury when it meets later this month.

    You will be hearing shortly from the very distinguished Ma Jun, whom I had the pleasure to meet in Beijing last year and who will be able to tell you much more about this.

    A few moments ago, I said that there was real momentum in the green finance sector. And I’d like to offer a few thoughts on how London can make the most of this momentum.

    I strongly believe there is a strategic opportunity for the UK to play the central role in financing the world’s transition to a low carbon economy, and be the partner of choice for the fast growing economies of Asia in green finance and beyond.

    London is already the third largest bond market in the world, accounting for approximately 9% of total global issuance. Impressively, by 2014, 21% of the issuances were in non- sterling currencies.

    Further to that, in October we saw the Agricultural Bank of China issue a $1bn green bond here in London, the first ever green bond by a Chinese bank. It was a huge success, with the RMB tranche eight times over-subscribed.

    And we have seen the International Finance Corporation issue the world’s first ever green rupee-denominated, or ‘green masala’, bond, here in London.

    We already have some truly world-leading players in green finance here in the UK, such as Aviva and HSBC. But there is certainly the potential for a great deal more.

    If we’re serious about making this ambition a reality, then all the players – the City, government, and industry, have to work closely together – to spot opportunities and coordinate efforts.

    I was therefore heartened to see the report being launched here today by the UN Environment Programme’s inquiry. The report recognises that “UK’s leadership in this area is clear”. And to further build on London’s status as a leading international hub for green finance it recommends that we establish a market development group here in the UK.

    That is precisely what the City of London Corporation’s green finance initiative will be.

    The City of London Corporation’s unique position means it is perfectly placed to act as the neutral arbiter between government and industry. And we have an excellent Chair of the Initiative in Sir Roger Gifford, a former Lord Mayor, to ensure it is a success.

    These are exciting times for UK financial services, as well as for green finance.

    I wish the Initiative the very best – and I know that we can work together, build on the existing momentum, and truly make 2016 the year of green finance.

    Thank you all.

  • Andrew Jones – 2016 Speech on Transport Ticketing

    andrewjones

    Below is the text of the speech made by Andrew Jones, the Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Transport, in the House of Commons, London, on 12 January 2016.

    It’s a real pleasure to be here today, and I am grateful for the chance to speak.

    Today, transport ticketing is on a journey of transformation.

    After a decade of pioneering progress, three vital elements have come together.

    Smart ticketing technology is becoming more mature.

    Passengers are starting to expect new ticketing technologies.

    And transport operators are committed to meeting passengers’ expectations.

    Transport for London has shown what can be done and in the past six months there has been some really significant progress in other cities.

    Against that background, I am delighted with the news today that the card payment and rail industries have agreed to make it more convenient for passengers to pay for journeys using contactless cards and devices, and that the bus industry will make contactless payment fleet-wide in UK by 2022.

    These landmark announcements are proof that we have reached a smart ticketing tipping point.

    The benefits are clear and we can see signs of this already in the cities outside London.

    Last November, I visited Nexus, Tyne & Wear’s transport authority, for the launch of the Purple Pop, the first capped Pay As You Go smartcard product outside the capital.

    The Purple Pop is a great example of city regions taking the initiative – and as a result of smart ticketing, Nexus has seen a rise in both passenger journeys and revenues.

    Of course, other arrangements can work, too – such as public and private sectors working together.

    The Smart Cities Partnership has shown the way – supporting multi-operator smart ticketing across all modes of transport in nine regional cities outside of London and leading to the distribution of at least 700,000 smart cards.

    There is a growing appetite for these new ticketing technologies but we need to make sure that they have the opportunity to develop outside London.

    We have given more power to the cities because they have said they want to deliver a better experience for passengers, and now we want to see the industry demonstrate what it can do with minimum intervention.

    But whether the changes are forged by the private sector or city authorities, or both working together, the key ingredient will always be collaboration.

    Transport is complex.

    It involves many different interested parties.

    And it’s not always easy to reach consensus.

    So we need collaboration between forward-thinking cities, operators and suppliers.

    What is so impressive about today’s announcements is how the bus, train and payments companies have all worked together to find solutions that benefit passengers.

    This achievement means a world in which passengers can choose how they pay, whether through payment cards, smartphones or wearable tokens, is closer than ever.

    It will be a world in which time spent queuing for a ticket is a thing of the past.

    And a world in which the rail industry’s orange tickets no longer clutter the nation’s pockets.

    Of course, there’s plenty still to do.

    And where there’s a case for extra government help, we will provide it.

    In the spending review we announced that we would spend up to £150 million on smart ticketing as part of our plan to build a northern powerhouse.

    I am sure that many people here will be working closely Transport for the North as the implementation plan takes shape.

    And that’s a vital point.

    The smart ticketing revolution won’t happen without your help.

    We need innovative thinking.

    Creative endeavour.

    A firm focus on the solutions that help passengers.

    I know there’s plenty of that here today.

    It’s become a hallmark of the smart ticketing industry.

    And it’s down to your efforts that we are living in a rare time of real transport change.

    So thank you for your work.

    Thank you for everything you have done to get us where we are today.

    And thank you for your commitment to the future of transport.

  • Nicky Morgan – 2016 Speech at Holocaust Education Trust Lecture

    nickymorgan

    Below is the text of the speech made by Nicky Morgan, the Secretary of State for Education, on 12 January 2016.

    What a pleasure it is to be here with the Holocaust Educational Trust again.

    I had the pleasure, too, of speaking at HET’s summer reception last year and my colleague Sajid Javid, the Business Secretary, spoke at HET’s annual dinner in the autumn.

    British politicians – on all sides – take the work of HET very seriously because we believe that what happened during the Holocaust must never be forgotten.

    I was thrilled to see that 10 Holocaust survivors were recognised in this year’s New Year’s Honours list and that 3 of them, Agnes, Renee and Susan, are here with us this evening.

    Let me also say how honoured we all are to have Eva Clarke here.

    I won’t say too much about her story because you will hear more about it during the conversation coming up but let me pay a brief tribute to her.

    Eva was born at the gates of a concentration camp in 1945 in the final days of World War 2.

    Her mother, Anka, suffered not just at one concentration camp but several.

    Eva was truly a miracle baby, and she is a survivor who is keeping the memories of what happened during the Holocaust alive by going into schools – on a totally voluntary basis – and educating the next generation.

    To Eva and to all the survivors among us tonight – you are truly inspirational. Thank you for sharing your stories over and over again to ensure that future generations never forget what you – and millions of others endured.

    I am pleased that the Department for Education funds HET’s Lessons from Auschwitz project, which has sent more than 28,000 students to visit the site of the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp.

    I visited Auschwitz in 2012 with a group of young people from a school in my constituency.

    Talk to anyone who has been and they will all tell you the same thing: once you have visited Auschwitz it never leaves you.

    I can’t stress enough just how important it is that every generation of young people not only knows what happened at Auschwitz – and other concentration camps – but also understands the horror of what happened so that their generation can be steadfast in preventing it ever happening again.

    This is particularly pressing as the torch passes from survivors to the next generation to tell the story of the Holocaust.

    Those young people who visit Auschwitz become ambassadors for the Holocaust Education Trust.

    By taking the time to discuss it not only with their peers but also their wider communities they are at the front line of the battle against intolerance.

    I know that some of HET’s ambassadors are here tonight so please join me in thanking them for their work and giving them a round of applause.

    There is no room for complacency on Holocaust education and HET have rightly highlighted their concerns.

    These have focussed on gaps in knowledge, specialist teaching and how teaching about the Holocaust is prioritised.

    For our part, we recognise the vital importance of maintaining Holocaust education as a key part of the key stage 3 curriculum and we will continue to do all we can to promote, support and fund teaching of the Holocaust.

    As many of you will already know, Holocaust Memorial Day will be marked on 27 January – the day of Auschwitz’s liberation.

    Its theme this year is ‘Don’t stand by’, and we are prompted to remember those people who refused to stand by and watch as the horror of the Holocaust unfolded around them.

    People like Jane Haining, a Scottish missionary in a Jewish orphanage in Hungary who refused to evacuate but chose instead to stay with the children.

    Jane was later killed in a gas chamber.

    People like Frank Foley, Head of the British Passport Control Office in Berlin who used his position to forge passports and grant visas for those who would have found themselves inside concentration camps. Frank saved many thousands of lives.

    To the Members of the House of Commons and House of Lords here tonight please be aware that HET are placing a ‘book of commitment’ in each House – as they do every year – and I would encourage every member to sign it; to publicly affirm their commitment to remembering the Holocaust as well as take part in debates taking place in both Houses in the lead up to Holocaust Memorial Day itself.

    I’d also like to pay tribute to the work of the UK Holocaust Memorial Foundation and everything they are doing to take forward the recommendations of the Prime Minister’s Holocaust Commission to build a proper national memorial to the Holocaust and to record the testimony of British Holocaust survivors and camp liberators before it is too late.

    I know the Prime Minister will have more to say on this later this month.

    As a nation it is vitally important that we remember the Holocaust, to remember those who suffered as well as those who refused to stand by as the suffering occurred.

    As a nation Britain is not prone to inaction but that doesn’t mean we don’t have a responsibility to keep what happened fresh in our minds.

    We must remember collectively so that not a single one of us can ever forget.

    The Holocaust didn’t begin in the gas chambers. It began in the minds of a hateful, ignorant, dangerous few.

    That’s why my department has been so active in leading the fight against extremism in education and attempts to radicalise young people.

    Now more than ever we feel the threat of those who want to put poison in the minds and hatred in the hearts of our children and we must help them develop the resilience to resist their propaganda.

    Learning about the Holocaust helps to do just that – not just informing young people’s history but helping them to understand the dangers of prejudice, bigotry and intolerance and in doing so making them more tolerant, more confident and more resilient as citizens too.

    Let’s make sure that in Britain we continue to educate everyone about the Holocaust so that the evil it represents can never be allowed to flourish again.

    Thank you.

  • Robert Goodwill – 2016 Speech on Maritime Growth

    robertgoodwill

    Below is the text of the speech made by Robert Goodwill, the Minister of State at the Department of Transport, at the London Boat Show on 13 January 2016.

    I am delighted to have been given the opportunity to address the Royal Yachting Association at the Boat Show today.

    The Royal Yachting Association is renowned the world over for its regard for maritime safety and its determination to maintain seafaring standards, while this year’s boat show has the distinction of being the third occasion in 4 months that the eyes of the maritime world have been on London.

    Last September saw the second ever London International Shipping Week.

    It was a landmark event for the shipping industry, for the UK, and for every one of the dozens of maritime nations that participated.

    London International Shipping Week was also the week that Lord Mountevans’s seminal Maritime growth study was published.

    It was the first comprehensive review of UK’s maritime sector in 20 years.

    And I know the association and many others here made important contributions to the maritime growth study, so this is a great opportunity to give you an update.

    One thing the maritime growth study made very clear was the importance of the marine and maritime sectors to the UK.

    They directly contribute at least £11 billion a year to the economy, while supporting over 113,000 jobs and six and a half thousand businesses.

    Nonetheless, the study concluded that there is still much we can achieve.

    World sea trade is expected to double by the year 2030, and maritime centres in Europe and the Far East are undergoing rapid growth as they seek to emulate our historic success.

    So the government and the maritime industry must work together to strengthen the UK’s position in an ever-more-competitive global market.

    With that in mind, on 16 December 2015 I published the government’s formal response to the maritime growth study.

    We agreed to accept its findings, and I am pleased to report today some of the changes that are now underway.

    First, we formed, and in November held the first meeting of, a new Ministerial Working Group for Maritime Growth.

    The membership comprises ministers from across government.

    Several industry invitees also attended the meeting, including representatives from Maritime UK and the Marine Industries Leadership Council.

    We discussed how to get more investment in our maritime industries, how to increase our exports, and how to seize the opportunities presented by apprenticeships.

    Next, the government is to review the numbers of British seafarers and the skills our country needs to secure maritime growth.

    If necessary, we will look at the levels of support for maritime training funding to ensure it remains fit for purpose.

    And we are also responding to Lord Mountevans’s recommendations concerning the Maritime and Coastguard Agency, and, in particular, its UK Ship Register.

    It’s great that, in tonnage terms, the register has had a year of modest growth.

    But we want that trend to continue.

    So we have appointed Simon Barham to be the MCA’s new director of the UK Ship Register.

    Simon will be primarily focused on attracting owners of quality ships to sign up to the UK Flag and working to secure the long-term commercial success of the UK Ship Register. He brings 40 years of maritime experience to the task from a varied career in the industry.

    Meanwhile, the MCA is reforming its survey and inspection function to make it more flexible, efficient and customer-focused.

    In the longer-term, we will look to build on these changes and continue to make the MCA, and the services it provides, more responsive and commercially focused.

    We are exploring what more can be done to ensure that the ship register has the flexibility and capability to compete with the best in the world – making full use of the findings of the maritime growth study and UK Ship Register Advisory Panel.

    And we agree with Lord Mountevans that the MCA would benefit from the additional leadership and guidance that could be provided by a non-executive chair, so we are going to recruit someone who can bring the necessary commercial experience to continue these reforms and support the work of MCA.

    Altogether there’s a lot happening in response to the maritime growth study.

    But the recreational side of the maritime industry is just as important to the UK economy as the more directly commercial side.

    The UK has cutting-edge expertise in the design and manufacture of sailing yachts, superyachts, and high-end powerboats.

    Anyone requiring further evidence of this need only take a look around this year’s show.

    The government is clear that growth in these industries is part-and-parcel of the growth we want to see in the whole maritime sector.

    That is why we are so grateful to the association for contributing to the maritime growth study, and for how it has continued to contribute now we are implementing the recommendations.

    So in conclusion, I would like to say thank you to the Royal Yachting Association for your support for what we are trying to achieve for the sector.

    Thank you for another year of working to support seafarers, sportsmen and women and recreational sailing throughout the UK and beyond.

    And thank you for hosting today’s reception.

    I trust that 2016 will be another year of success for the association and all its members — whether in sport or in commerce.

    Thank you.

  • David Cameron – 2016 Speech on Life Chances

    davidcameron

    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 11 January 2016.

    Introduction

    This government is all about security.

    It’s that security that underpins our long-term economic plan: in a world of risks, we want to ensure the British economy, and British families, are secure.

    It’s security that drives our defence policy and strategy to combat extremism: in dangerous times, we know our first duty is to keep our country safe.

    And it’s our national and economic security that is front and centre of my mind as I renegotiate a better deal for Britain in Europe.

    Security is also what drives the social reform that I want this government to undertake in my second term.

    Individuals and families who are in poverty crave security – for them, it’s the most important value of all.

    But those who are struggling often have no security and no real chance of security.

    The economy can’t be secure if we spend billions of pounds on picking up the pieces of social failure and our society can’t be strong and cohesive as long as there are millions of people who feel locked out of it.

    So economic reform and social reform are not two separate agendas they are intimately connected to one another.

    And that social reform begins – as I set out 3 months ago in Manchester – with an all-out-assault on poverty.

    Today, I want to explain how we can transform the life chances of the poorest in our country and offer every child who has had a difficult start the promise of a brighter future.

    We should begin by recognising our real achievements in fighting poverty.

    We’ve seen huge progress over the past 50 years, with rising living standards and big improvements in terms of people’s incomes, health, employment, education and in child mortality rates.

    And of course we’ve made progress in the last 5 years, too.

    Since 2010 alone, the number of children growing up in workless households is at a record low; down by 480,000.

    And because of our strong economy, we can do more.

    But we know that, despite the good news in our economy, there are still people left behind.

    In particular, too many are held back because of generational unemployment, addiction or poor mental health.

    Of course, it isn’t so much the dreadful material poverty that was so widespread in decades gone by – though of course some still exists.

    Today, it is more often the paucity of opportunity of those left behind that is the greatest problem.

    And some in our country don’t just get left behind; they start behind.

    Today in Britain, around a million children are growing up without the love of a dad.

    In Britain, a child born in a poor area will die an average of 9 years earlier than their peers.

    In Britain, there are more young black men in our prisons than there are studying at a Russell Group university.

    These problems – they have been years in the making, and will take time to tackle.

    But I am convinced it doesn’t have to be like this, and we can make a real difference.

    In the spring, we will publish our Life Chances Strategy setting out a comprehensive plan to fight disadvantage and extend opportunity.

    Today, I want to set out the principles that will guide us.

    In doing so, I want to make a big argument.

    We will only ever make a real dent in this problem if we break free from all of the old, outdated thinking about poverty.

    And I want to explain how, by applying a more sophisticated and deeper understanding of what disadvantage means in Britain today we can transform life chances.

    20th century thinking

    The old thinking on fighting poverty – what I would call 20th century thinking – still dominates political debate in Britain.

    There are two schools of thought that have traditionally defined our approach.

    The first is the leftist, statist view – built around increased welfare provision and more government intervention.

    I am not against state intervention.

    I’m the Prime Minister who started the Troubled Families programme – perhaps the most intensive form of state intervention there is.

    And I support the welfare state.

    I believe the creation of those vital safety nets was one of the outstanding achievements of post-war Britain.

    But we know too that this approach has real limitations, and these have become badly exposed in recent times.

    This fixation on welfare – the state writing a cheque to push people’s incomes just above the poverty line – this treated the symptoms, not the causes of poverty; and, over time, it trapped some people in dependency.

    Frankly, it was built around a patronising view that people in poverty needed simply to be pitied and managed, instead of actually helped to break free.

    The second approach is the more free market one – the idea that a rising tide will lift all boats.

    I believe the free market has been, by far, the best tool ever invented for generating prosperity and improving living standards.

    And actually applying its principles of more choice and competition to our public services has, I believe, helped the most disadvantaged.

    But some people get left behind, even as the market transforms our economy and the rest of society with it.

    They haven’t been equipped to make the most of the opportunities presented to them – and a chasm exists between them, and those who have been able to take advantage.

    Now I believe in self-reliance and personal responsibility – I think that’s absolutely correct.

    But we have to recognise that this alone is not enough – so if we want to transform life chances – we’ve got to go much deeper.

    A more social approach

    So it’s clear to me the returns from pursuing these two old approaches to poverty aren’t just diminishing, in some cases they’re disappearing in the modern world.

    And we need to understand precisely why.

    Both approaches had one thing in common. They focused on the economics, and ignored the social.

    They missed that human dimension to poverty: the social causes, the reasons people can get stuck, and become isolated.

    Let me put it another way.

    Talk to a single mum on a poverty-stricken estate: someone who suffers from chronic depression, someone who perhaps drinks all day to numb the pain of the sexual abuse she suffered as a child.

    Tell her that because her benefits have risen by a couple of pounds a week, she and her children have been magically lifted out of poverty.

    Or on the other hand, if you told her about the great opportunities created by our market economy, I expect she’ll ask you what planet you’re actually on.

    Of course the economy is absolutely vital.

    That’s why seeing through our long-term plan isn’t optional.

    We will never defeat poverty unless we manage the economy responsibly because in the end it’s always the poorest who suffer most when governments lose control of the public finances.

    And of course, we will never defeat poverty unless we back businesses to create jobs.

    Work is – and always will be – the best route out of poverty and with welfare reform, Universal Credit, tax cuts and the introduction of the National Living Wage, we are making sure that it always pays to work.

    And we’ll continue to tackle the scourge of worklessness in Britain including by reforming the way we support people who fall ill, so that they can stay in work and aren’t just consigned to a life stuck on benefits.

    And because the evidence shows that families where only one parent is in work are more at risk of poverty we are going to back all those who want to work.

    That’s why our offer for working parents – of 30 hours a week of free childcare for 3 and 4 year olds – is so important.

    But to really defeat poverty, we need to move beyond the economics.

    We need a more social approach.

    One where we develop a richer picture of how social problems combine, of how they reinforce each other, how they can manifest themselves throughout someone’s life and how the opportunity gap gets generated as a result.

    Above all, we need to think big, be imaginative not just leaving behind the old thinking, but opening ourselves up to the new thinking.

    For instance, the pioneering research that shows us why some children from poor families can climb right to the top while others seem condemned almost from birth to a life of struggle and stress.

    And there are four vital, social insights that I believe must anchor our plan for extending life chances.

    First, when neuroscience shows us the pivotal importance of the first few years of life in determining the adults we become, we must think much more radically about improving family life and the early years.

    Second, when we know the importance not just acquiring knowledge, but also developing character and resilience there can be no let-up in our mission to create an education system that is genuinely fit for the 21st century.

    Third, it’s now so clear that social connections and experiences are vitally important in helping people get on.

    So when we know about the power of the informal mentors, the mixing of communities, the broadened horizons, the art and culture that adolescents are exposed to, it’s time to build a more level playing field with opportunity for everyone, regardless of their background.

    And fourth, when we know that so many of those in poverty have specific, treatable problems such as alcoholism, drug addiction, poor mental health we’ve got to offer the right support, including to those in crisis.

    This is what I would call a life cycle approach – one that takes people from their earliest years, through schooling, adolescence and adult life.

    And I believe if we take the right action in each of these 4 areas combined, with all we are doing to bring our economy back to health, we can make a significant impact on poverty and on disadvantage in our country.

    At the same time, it’s right that we move away from looking simply at income-based poverty measures and develop more sophisticated social indicators to measure success.

    So let me set out in more depth some of the steps we will take in each of these four areas. Apologies for the length of what I’m going to say but I wanted to bring together in one place all the things that we are doing.

    Families and the early years

    First, family and those crucial early years.

    Families are the best anti-poverty measure ever invented.

    They are a welfare, education and counselling system all wrapped up into one.

    Children in families that break apart are more than twice as likely to experience poverty as those whose families stay together.

    That’s why strengthening families is at the heart of our agenda.

    We’ve significantly increased the help we offer on childcare, introduced shared parental leave so families can be there for one another at the most stressful time – the birth of a child.

    We’ve backed marriage in the tax system and 160,000 couples have taken up the preventative relationship support that we have funded over the last 5 years.

    And I can announce today that we will double our investment in this Parliament, with an extra £35 million to offer even more relationship support.

    We’ll also to do more to help people save – and help build families’ financial resilience.

    Those with no savings at all have no buffer – no shock absorber – for when unexpected events hit.

    Saving is a habit that should start early – so we are going to expand the Church of England’s LifeSavers project which helps primary schoolchildren to manage money and learn how to save and we will look at what more we can be done on this vital area.

    So I can announce today that we intend to bring forward a ‘help to save’ scheme to encourage those on low incomes to build up a rainy day fund, and full details of this scheme will be announced at the Budget.

    All of this will help to prevent the relationship strain that can be caused by financial difficulties.

    But when it comes to life chances, it isn’t just the relationship between parents that matters.

    What is just as important is the relationship between parent and child.

    Thanks to the advent of functional MRI scanners, neuroscientists and biologists say they have learnt more about how the brain works in the last ten years than in the rest of human history put together.

    And one critical finding is that the vast majority of the synapses the billions of connections that carry information through our brains develop in the first two years.

    Destinies can be altered for good or ill in this window of opportunity.

    On the one hand, we know the severe developmental damage that can be done in these so-called foundation years when babies are emotionally neglected, abused or if they witness domestic violence.

    As Dr Jack Shonkoff’s research at Harvard University has shown, children who suffer what he calls ‘toxic stress’ in those early years are potentially set up for a life of struggle, risky behaviour, poor social outcomes, all driven by abnormally high levels of the stress hormone, cortisol.

    On the other hand, we also know – it’s common sense – how a safe, stimulating, loving family environment can make such a positive difference.

    One study found that by the age of three, some toddlers might have heard 30 million more words in their home environment than others. That is a staggering statistic.

    The more words children heard, the higher their IQ, and the better they did in school down the track.

    So mums and dads literally build babies’ brains.

    We serve, they respond.

    The baby-talk, the silly faces, the chatter even when we know they can’t answer back.

    The closeness of contact – strengthening that lifelong emotional bond between mother and baby.

    This all matters so much for child development: the biological power of love, trust and security.

    And yes, while bad habits can be passed on to children, we know too that the secret ingredients for a good life character, delayed gratification, grit, resilience, they can be taught by parents, not just caught from them.

    So I believe if we are going to extend life chances in our country, it’s time to begin talking properly about parenting and babies and reinforcing what a huge choice having a child is in the first place, as well as what a big responsibility parents face in getting these early years right.

    Of course, that must begin by helping those most in need.

    That’s why I’ve made it such a priority to speed up the adoption process and improve child protection and social services.

    I think these will be landmark reforms of the next 5 years.

    But there’s a lot more we can do.

    Our Troubled Families programme has worked with 120,000 of the hardest to reach families in the country, helping turn their lives round, by getting parents a job or the child into school and ending truancy, dealing with the problems that they face.

    Over the next 5 years, we will work with 400,000 more families.

    As we do that, I want us to be much bolder.

    It’s tragic that some children turn up to school unable to feed themselves or use the toilet.

    Of course this is a clear failure of parenting, but by allowing poor parenting to do such damage for so long, it is also state failure of social services, of the health service, of childcare – of the lot.

    So I can announce today as we scale up the Troubled Families programme, we’ll ensure that parenting skills and child development become central to how it is both targeted and how it is delivered.

    In the end though, getting parenting and the early years right isn’t just about the hardest-to-reach families, frankly it’s about everyone.

    We all have to work at it.

    And if you don’t have a strong support network – if you don’t know other mums or dads having your first child can be enormously isolating.

    As we know, they don’t come with a manual and that’s obvious, but is it right that all of us get so little guidance? We’ve made progress.

    We’ve dramatically expanded the number of health visitors, and that is crucial.

    But it deals with one particular part of parenting – the first few weeks and months.

    What about later on, when it comes to good play, communication, behaviour, discipline?

    We all need more help with this – because the most important job we’ll ever have.

    So I believe we now need to think about how to make it normal – even aspirational to attend parenting classes.

    We should encourage the growth of high-quality courses that help with all aspects of becoming a great mum or a great dad.

    And we need to take steps to encourage all new parents to build a strong network, just as brilliant organisations like Family Action or NCT already do for some parents.

    So I can announce today that our Life Chances Strategy will include a plan for significantly expanding parenting provision.

    It will examine the possibility of introducing a voucher scheme for parenting classes and recommend the best way to incentivise parents to take them up.

    Education

    Now if families fail, it is even more critical that schools do not – and that of course is the second part of our strategy.

    When a child has had a difficult start, what could they need more than a place of sanctuary, warmth, challenge, escape, liberation and discovery?

    Now if they’re lucky, they can find it in an outstanding school with dedicated, inspiring teachers.

    So what we need to take ‘luck’ right out of the equation.

    That’s what our reforms have been all about – bringing the best schools to some of our most deprived neighbourhoods, as well as bringing real rigour – like phonics – back into the classroom. I remember the battle we had to get phonics taken up, it reached something of an apogean success for me when picking my 5 year old up from school and I was actually told by the teacher, do more phonics practice at half term, and I thought, yes, this reform really is fully embedded in our country.

    But there are, today 1.3 million more children in good or outstanding schools today, compared with 2010.

    Over the coming weeks, I will set out in more detail our second term education reform agenda.

    But let me explain some of the thinking that will underpin it and how, in particular, we want to help the most disadvantaged children.

    We now understand far more than we used to about how we take in information and learn, what it takes to be a great reader and even be creative.

    Much of the answer is knowledge; we understand new information in the context of what we already hold.

    As Kahneman, Daniel Willingham and others have described, the more information is stored in our long term memory the better our processing power – our working memory – can be employed.

    It is by knowing the past that we can invent the future.

    That’s why it is so absurd to call a knowledge–based curriculum ‘traditional’.

    It is utterly cutting edge – because it takes real notice of the great advances in our understanding of the last few decades.

    Dismissing knowledge is frankly dismissing the life chances of our children and that is exactly what people like the General Secretary of the NUT are doing when they say, as she did last weekend, that children don’t need to learn their times tables because they can use their phone instead. That is utterly the wrong thinking.

    All the things knowledge helps infuse – innovation, creativity, problem solving – are the qualities our employers want.

    That is why the Ebacc – which puts the core subjects of English, maths, science, history and geography at the centre of what students learn is such a massive move for social justice.

    It will give every the vast majority of children – not just the wealthy – the education that gives them the opportunity for great jobs.

    We also understand something else.

    Character – persistence – is core to success.

    As Carol Dweck has shown in her work at Stanford, no matter how clever you are if you do not believe in continued hard work and concentration, and if you do not believe that you can return from failure you will not fulfil your potential.

    It is what the Tiger Mother’s battle hymn is all about: work, try hard, believe you can succeed, get up and try again.

    It is if you like, the precise opposite of an ‘all must have prizes’ culture that permeated our schools under the last government.

    Put simply: children thrive on high expectations: it is how they grow in school and beyond.

    Now for too long this has been the preserve of the most elite schools.

    I want to spread this to everyone.

    So as we reform education further, we’ll develop new character modules so that all heads are exposed to what the very best schools do.

    We’ll learn from new schools like the Floreat primary schools in Southall and Brent that will teach character virtues like curiosity, honesty, perseverance and service.

    We’ll commission great trainers, teachers and youth workers to share and create materials, and make sure they are available to every school in the country.

    We’ll also do more on sport – one of the extra-curricular activities most associated with high academic achievement.

    Our new sports strategy extends Sport England’s remit to cover 5 year olds and upwards, meaning more children taking part in sport – and experiencing the highs and let’s be frank, often lows of competition – inside school and out.

    And when it comes to formative experiences that build character, there can be few more powerful examples than National Citizen Service.

    NCS is becoming a rite of passage for teenagers all over Britain, helping them mix with people from different backgrounds and learn to work together – pushing themselves further than they ever thought possible.

    NCS is about showing young people the power of public service, and not just self-service.

    And I can make a major announcement on this today: we are going to provide over a billion pounds for NCS over the next 4 years meaning that by 2021, NCS will cover 60% of all 16 year olds.

    It will become the largest programme of its kind in Europe.

    And to get there, we’ll now expect schools to give every pupil the opportunity to take part, and tie NCS into the national curriculum.

    This is a significant investment in future generations – and because it will help build a stronger, more integrated and more cohesive society, it is one I believe will make us all very proud.

    Opportunity

    The third part of our life chances strategy must be to make opportunity more equal.

    Not just continuing to reduce youth unemployment, getting more people to university and reducing the scourge of discrimination.

    Of course we should do all of that.

    That’s why for instance, just a few weeks ago, I persuaded leading businesses, universities and organisations from across the public sector to adopt ‘name-blind’ applications, because I want every young person in Britain to know that they will be judged according to merit, not and inaccurate lazy stereotypes.

    But I’m talking about something more subtle, and no less influential, for life chances.

    There’s a book called Our Kids, by Bob Putnam, which is dominating the American political debate on poverty.

    It seeks to explain why the college-educated, professional classes continue to move ahead while those at the bottom can remain stuck.

    It describes a whole series of advantages that those at the top have but can be lacking in others.

    The informal networks of support, the mentors, the social connections, all helping to give young people the soft skills and extra advantages they need to navigate the fast-moving seas of the modern world.

    And when you add all these advantages up, it’s no surprise that there’s an opportunity gap between the rich and poor.

    The work that active, demanding parents do is fantastic – passing on life-enriching experiences to their children, and rightly being unapologetic about helping them get ahead.

    It’s only natural that parents use our experience, social networks and connections to give their kids the best start in life.

    So my starting point is not to ask “how can we stop some parents giving their children a brilliant start?” What motivates me is helping the most disadvantaged kids to catch up.

    Let me give you a few examples.

    Work experience for schoolchildren can be a transformative opportunity.

    It gives children the chance to experience work and talk to adults who aren’t just authority figures like parents and teachers.

    At its best, it could really help teenagers establish a network and encourage them to think completely differently about their future.

    It often does that for those lucky enough to arrange a great placement.

    But for so many, it either doesn’t happen at or all, or it is just a wasted week – often spent locally, just watching the clock, never getting kids out of their comfort zone or raising their sights in the slightest.

    We can change that – and later in the spring, we will set out a plan for using work experience more creatively, especially for the most disadvantaged young people.

    There is also the opportunity of culture.

    Britain is blessed with some of the most awe-inspiring cultural treasures on the planet.

    Our museums, theatres and galleries, our exhibitions, artists and musicians, they are truly the jewel in our country’s crown.

    And culture should never be a privilege; it is a birth right that belongs to us all.

    But the truth is there are too many young people in Britain who are culturally disenfranchised.

    And if you believe in publicly-funded arts and culture – as I passionately do, then you must also believe in equality of access, attracting all, and welcoming all.

    Rich and poor, culture vultures and first-timers, in London and outside London.

    That doesn’t mean just opening up a few times to children from a deprived area, it means taking all creativity and ingenuity of those who work in the arts, and applying it to this vital challenge.

    And we can learn from those organisations that already do an excellent job in reaching out to marginalised groups.

    So our Life Chances Strategy will address this cultural disenfranchisement directly, and with a new cultural citizens programme, ensure there is real engagement by arts organisations with those who might believe that culture is not for them – meaning that many more children can have the doors opened to their wonderful cultural inheritance.

    Mentoring should also a big, big part of our plans.

    Many people can look back at their younger selves and can point to someone, or remember, perhaps a parent or teacher, a sports coach, or their first boss, and say “that’s the person who really found my passion. They’re the ones who made the difference for me.”

    But if you haven’t ever had someone in your life who really believes in you, who sees your potential and helps bring it to the fore, the sands of time can drain away, and your talents can remain hidden.

    So I can announce that we are going to launch a new national campaign led by Christine Hodgson, Chair of Capgemini UK and of the Careers and Enterprise Company and it will work with business, charities and the public sector to build a new generation of high-quality mentors.

    We’ll direct £70m towards careers in this Parliament, principally to the Careers and Enterprise Company, who will lead this major new effort to recruit mentors for young teenagers, with a focus on the 25,000 about to start their GCSEs who we know are underachieving or at risk of dropping out.

    I’ve seen this happen, in some London state schools, one I went to a couple of years ago where every single child coming up to GCSE had a mentor and I think we can be far more ambitious about what is possible in this area.

    So by finding inspirational role models and encouraging them to give up some time, I believe we really can help young people make big plans for their future.

    There is also an important issue of community that we must address – and that’s some of our housing estates.

    Some of these places, especially those built after the war, actually entrench poverty, because of the way they isolate and entrap so many families and communities.

    Within these estates, behind front doors, families build warm and welcoming homes just like everyone else.

    But step outside and you’re often confronted by concrete slabs as if dropped from on high, brutal high-rise towers and linked walkways that become a gift to criminals and drug dealers.

    These places actually design in crime, rather than out.

    Decades of neglect have spawned ghettos, gangs and anti-social behaviour.

    And poverty has become concentrated, because let’s face it – few who could afford to move would want to stay.

    Of course, these estates also lead to social segregation, meaning people from different backgrounds just don’t mix together as much as they used to.

    And that isn’t good for anyone.

    I think it’s time to be far more ambitious about solving this problem.

    So I can announce today: we’re going to tear them down.

    We are going to work with 100 housing estates across the country, aiming to transform them.

    We’ll work in partnership with residents, housing associations, local authorities, social enterprises and private developers, and sweep away the barriers that prevent regeneration.

    For some estates, it will mean simply knocking them down and starting again.

    Developers will rebuild often at a higher density, increasing housing supply throughout the country.

    And to help us get there, we’ll appoint an advisory panel whose first job will be to establish a set of binding guarantees for tenants and homeowners, so that they know they are properly protected.

    With massive estate regeneration, tenants protected, land unlocked for new housing all over Britain, I believe we can truly consign the term ‘sink estate’ to history.

    Treatment and support

    The final part of our plan must be to get the right treatment and support to those who are in crisis.

    Some people with mental health problems today are almost guaranteed to live a life in poverty.

    And the number of people who suffer from poor mental health is larger than you might think.

    One in five new mothers develop a mental health problem around the time of the birth of their child.

    Up to one in four of us will have a problem – perhaps a form of depression or anxiety – this year alone.

    There is the terrible fact that suicide has become the leading cause of death for men under 50.

    And the challenge is that, all too often, people are just left to get to crisis point either because the health service simply can’t cope, or because they’re worried about admitting to having a problem in the first place.

    We have got to get this right.

    Mental illness isn’t contagious.

    There’s nothing to be frightened of.

    As a country, we need to be far more mature about this.

    Less hushed tones, less whispering; more frank and open discussion.

    We need to take away that shame, that embarrassment, let people know that they’re not in this alone, that when the clouds descend, they don’t have to suffer silently.

    I want us to be able to say to anyone who is struggling, “talk to someone, ask your doctor for help and we will always be there to support you.”

    But that support has to be there.

    And that poses a big challenge for government in terms of services and treatment.

    We have to be equal to it.

    That’s why last March, we announced an unprecedented £1.25 billion investment in mental health treatment for children and young people.

    This is already improving talking therapy services for children across the country.

    And we will use that money to intervene much earlier with those suffering from poor mental health, so we can stop problems escalating.

    I can announce today a £290 million investment by 2020, which will mean that at least 30,000 more women each year will have access to evidence-based, specialist mental health care during or after pregnancy.

    Crisis doesn’t hit at convenient times, but people with mental health problems are 3 times more likely to turn up at A&E than those without.

    So today I can commit a further £250m to deliver 24/7 psychiatric liaison services in A&E departments, ensuring that people with mental ill health receive assessment and treatment whatever the reason for their attendance at A&E.

    We’ll also invest £400m to enable teams across the country to deliver 24/7 treatment in communities and homes, as a safe and effective alternative to hospitals.

    We’ll deliver a guarantee that more than half of patients with psychosis – the most serious cases – will be treated within 2 weeks.

    And for teenagers suffering from eating disorders like anorexia, we are introducing the first ever waiting time standard, so that more people can get help within a month of being referred, or within a week for urgent cases.

    With these announcements, by breaking the mental health taboo, by working with businesses and charities, and by taking forward the recommendations of the independent mental health taskforce that will report soon, I believe we can lead a revolution in mental health treatment in Britain.

    There’s another big issue we need to address: addiction.

    Alcoholism and drug addiction can happen to anyone.

    People with wonderful families, great careers, a million good reasons to stop.

    In Westminster, we were reminded of this all too painfully last summer.

    Charles Kennedy was not just a brilliant MP with so much more to contribute to our politics, he was also a kind, lovely man, brimming with wit, warmth and humanity. He was starting a new life in a place that he loved. He had everything to live for. But at just 55, he was gone.

    Are we getting it right here? Are we looking after each other as we should?

    I really don’t think we are.

    Let’s be honest: when we hear the words ‘drug addict’ or ‘alcoholic’, there is still such a stigma that comes attached.

    Still a view that addiction is simply a question of will, a sense that it’s simply about self-control, a feeling that it’s somehow shameful if we admit to having a problem.

    We see it as weakness.

    It isn’t.

    Seeking help is strength.

    Now let me be clear: I believe profoundly in personal responsibility.

    Personal responsibility means facing up to problems and seeking treatment – doing everything you can to get back on the right track.

    We must always emphasise that.

    And we should never make excuses for addicts’ behaviour, especially when they commit crime to support a habit, or hurt those around them.

    But when we know more as we do now, about how addiction works, how it changes your brain structure and brain chemistry, how some people are genetically more susceptible, how stress and depression can make you more likely to develop a problem, we can understand why this is so difficult.

    We have got to start treating people with the compassion that we would want to receive if it was one of our own family who had fallen into difficulty.

    That’s why we’ve already changed our approach so that recovery – not maintenance – is now the key goal of drug treatment.

    And I can announce today that we will create a new social investment outcomes fund of up to £30 million, to encourage the development of new treatment options for alcoholism and drug addiction, delivered by expert charities and social enterprises.

    I think this could unlock around £120 million of funding from local commissioners, and up to £60 million of new social investment, to expand the kind of treatment we know can work, including those vital residential rehab places.

    Conclusion

    So this is how I believe we can rescue a generation from poverty and extend life chances right across our country.

    Backing stable families and good parenting, because we know the importance of those early years in setting children up for a good life. It’s about improving education, so those who’ve had the toughest starts have every chance of breaking the cycle of poverty.

    It’s about building a country where opportunity is more equal, with stronger communities and young people who have the experiences and the networks to get out there and take on the world.

    And providing high quality treatment, as we eliminate once and for all the damaging stigma that surrounds addiction and mental health.

    All of this – delivering our Life Chances Strategy – it starts with that fundamental belief that people in poverty are not liabilities to be managed, each person is an asset to be realised, human potential is to be nurtured.

    Since I got to my feet here this morning, 40 babies have been born in our country.

    New-borns being bundled up and handed to proud parents in maternity wards all across Britain.

    There’s so much hope in those rooms, so many quiet wishes being made by mums and dads – rich and poor alike – for their child’s life.

    Sometimes we can make politics sound very complicated, but for me it all comes back to a simple ambition.

    To give every child the chance to dream big dreams, and the tools – the character, the knowledge and the confidence, that will let their potential shine brightly.

    So for people in Britain who are struggling today, our mission as a government is to look each parent and child in the eye, and say, “Your dreams are our dreams. We’ll support you with everything we’ve got.”

    And with the steps I’ve outlined today, with our Life Chances Strategy, I am confident that we can deliver.

  • Chris Grayling – 2015 Speech at Global Law Summit

    chrisgrayling

    Below is the text of the speech made by Chris Grayling, the then Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, to the Global Law Summit held in London on 23 February 2015.

    Your excellencies, distinguished guests, my lords, ladies, gentleman, can I start by extending a very warm welcome to all of you at the start of the Global Law Summit.

    Today, in this room, we have representatives from 110 countries around the world; over 100 ministers, attorneys general, chief justices and other leading international legal figures are here. In total, over 2000 delegates are taking part. I don’t think there has ever been a legal summit quite on this scale before, and I am pleased that the UK is hosting what is a very important and truly international event.

    More formally, on behalf of Her Majesty’s Government, I would like to welcome you to London and thank you for taking the time to attend this event. And a particular thank you to those who have left far warmer climates to come to London in February.

    I would also like to give a welcome and thank you to my fellow speakers: Sir David Wootton, the co-chair of this Summit, Lord Thomas, the Lord Chief Justice.

    And in particular our visiting speakers: Attorney General Holder, the Prime Minister of Kazakhstan, Angel Gurria from the OECD. That you have made time in your no doubt busy schedules, and travelled many thousands of miles to be here is a testament not only to how important Magna Carta is around the world, but also to your own commitment to its values of justice and the rule of law.

    Before going on, I should also welcome leading legal figures for whom the UK is home, from the judiciary, bar, leading city firms and also regional firms representing interests not just from London but across the country.

    And whilst I don’t want to spoil the surprise, we will shortly be hearing from a very talented British actress, an Oscar nominee, but not here with tales of Hollywood, instead talking about the work that she does with a fantastic organisation that helps children in some of the most difficult and dangerous circumstances around the world. I am delighted that the Global Law Summit is supporting War Child, I am equally delighted that Carey Mulligan is with us today, and I would like to thank her for her commitment to such an important cause.

    This event is the beginning of a whole year of celebrations to mark 800 years of what is quite a remarkable document – the Magna Carta.

    That document, signed on the fields by the Thames at Runnymede in 1215, as part of a truce between King John and his feuding barons, has become a foundation stone not just for our legal system, but for many other countries too. Nation after nation now derive their legal traditions from that piece of parchment.

    Within that document you will find cornerstones of our legal system.

    No official shall place a man on trial upon his own unsupported statement, without producing credible witnesses to the truth of it. The principle of a fair trial that survives to this day.

    We will appoint as justices, constables, sheriffs or other officials only men that know the law of the realm and are minded to keep it well – a principle that still underlies our system for appointing our judges today.

    To no one will we sell, to no one deny or delay right or justice. A pledge to keep a corruption-free system that remains vital to this day.

    However, ladies and gentlemen, not everything stands the test of time. Some of the provisions are definitely a bit time expired.

    Like the promise by the King that he will stop taking firewood from his subjects without their permission. Or that he will remove fish weirs from the River Thames.

    But those core principles agreed 800 years ago are still the heart of the legal values and traditions of this country. Indeed, one of most remarkable legal minds of last century, Lord Denning, described Magna Carta as “the greatest constitutional document of all times – the foundation of the freedom of the individual against the arbitrary authority of the despot”.

    I am proud that Magna Carta has been one of the UK’s greatest exports: it has inspired and formed the basis of so many legal systems and it is cited and invoked whenever and wherever basic freedoms come under threat.

    I am also proud that the great legal tradition continues. The United Kingdom is respected throughout the world for the strength of its legal system, for the skills and knowledge of its judiciary and courts, for its consistency and stability as a legal jurisdiction.

    And I am clear, as the Lord Chief Justice has said – a thriving legal system and respect for the rule of law go hand in hand with economic prosperity. In fact, they are the necessary foundations on which a strong and resilient economy is built.

    In the UK, the legal sector contributes over £20 billion to our GDP, employing over 300,000 people. And UK law firms play an important role in the success of international businesses worldwide.

    In London, we have a centre of legal excellence that is rival to any other great city in the world. I would like it to stay that way.

    I believe that this is best achieved by continuing to innovate, developing our legal system to keep pace with the world around us; continuing to grapple with difficult issues, learning from others and their experiences; but always remaining firmly rooted in the principles of Magna Carta that have served us so well to date.

    That is why I am pleased to endorse this summit as a forum for leaders and legal experts from around the world to share ideas, knowledge, make contacts and develop their legal systems, businesses and economies.

    The next 3 days will provide an opportunity for debate and discussion about the future shape of the law. You will hear a whole range of different perspectives from within the UK and elsewhere. You will hear from those who want change, and from those who want no change.

    But what’s clear to me looking back at the history of our legal system in the UK is that no change is seldom an option. Change can be driven by conflict, by economic reality, by social change and enlightenment – and when it comes it is often profoundly unwelcome. But whatever the needs for change, those principles from 1215 remain as central and important today as they have ever been.

    I would therefore encourage you to all embrace and make best use of this unique opportunity to debate the future shape of the law, and I hope also enjoy some of the great sights and venues of this great city.

    I’d now like to hand over the floor to a man who has been one of the most distinguished holders of his office. A man who is respected internationally for the work he has done. And someone who has been a good friend to the United Kingdom throughout his years of office.

    Ladies and gentlemen, please welcome the Attorney General of the United States, Eric Holder.