Category: Speeches

  • David Cameron – 2016 New Year Speech

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    Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, on 1 January 2016.

    It’s a new year. And with our economy growing and a strong, majority government in power, Britain begins it with renewed strength.

    There are no new year’s resolutions for us, just an ongoing resolve to deliver what we promised.

    Security – at every stage of your life.

    Over 31 million people will begin the year in work – more than any in our history.

    Six million children will start the new term at a good or outstanding school.

    More than half a million workers will be taken out of income tax in April, as everyone apart from the very best paid gets a tax cut and, for the lowest paid, there will be a new National Living Wage.

    Meanwhile, millions more will benefit from the free childcare, new academies, rising pensions and extra apprenticeships that we committed to, all as a result of our long-term economic plan.

    We also promised something else: giving you a say on Europe. Now we are delivering on that promise. There will be an in-out referendum by the end of 2017 – it is written into the law of the land. I am negotiating hard to fix the things that most annoy British people about our relationship with the EU.

    There is just one thing that drives me: what is best for the national interest of our country?

    But in the end it will be for you to decide: is our economic and national security in a dangerous world better protected by being in, or out?

    We also go into the year confronting some deep social problems, ones that have blighted our country for too long.

    I want 2016 to be the time when we really start to conquer them – a crucial year in this great turnaround decade.

    Because with economic renewal and social reform, we can make everyone’s lives more secure.

    So if you’re one of the many hard-working young people locked out of the housing market, we will deliver the homes that will help lead you to your own front door.

    If you’re off school or out of work, trapped in an underworld of addiction, abuse, crime and chaos, we will sweep away state failure and help give you stability.

    If your dreams have been dashed simply because of who you are, we will fight discrimination and deliver real opportunity, to help lay your path to success.

    And we will take on another social problem, too.

    When our national security is threatened by a seething hatred of the west, one that turns people against their country and can even turn them into murderous extremists. I want us to be very clear: you will not defeat us. And we will not just confront the violence and the terror.

    We will take on their underlying, poisonous narrative of grievance and resentment. We will come down hard on those who create the conditions for that narrative to flourish. And we will have greater confidence in – indeed, we will revel in – our way of life.

    Because if you walk our streets, learn in our schools, benefit from our society, you sign up to our values: freedom; tolerance; responsibility; loyalty.

    These are the big challenges of our age, some of the biggest our nation has ever faced. And this year is a test of our mettle.

    Whether we put up with poverty – or put an end to it, ignore the glass ceiling – or smash it, abandon the tenant – or help make them a homeowner, appease the extremist – or take apart their ideology, piece by piece.

    We’ll get Britain a better deal in Europe, give families the peace of mind they crave and we’ll make our country even more secure.

    That’s what this year – this turnaround decade – is all about.

    So let me wish everyone the very best and a very happy new year.

  • Jack Cunningham – 1970 Maiden Speech to the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Jack Cunningham to the House of Commons on 7 July 1970.

    Mr. Speaker, may I begin by expressing my thanks and appreciation to my predecessor, Mr. J. B. Symonds, for the tremendous job that he did at Westminster during the last eleven years? He worked diligently for the constituency as a whole and on behalf of many individual constituents. Latterly, as many hon. Members know, he has been troubled by ill-health. I am sure that hon. Members on both sides will join me in wishing him well in his retirement. After 50 years in public service at all levels he thoroughly deserves it.

    Whitehaven is in the south and west of Cumberland and is quite diverse in nature. It covers an area of 350 sq. miles comprising agricultural land with small industrial communities based mainly on coal and iron-ore mining. It has, for the last six years, been almost wholly a special development area. As its representative I shall be concerned principally with scrutinising the future regional policies of Her Majesty’s Government. Indeed, as a special development area it has had preferential Government aid for six years. No one will suggest that in this time the many problems of areas like Millam, Cleator Moor, Whitehaven and Frizington have been solved, but whilst we had a Labour Government the foundations for progress were effectively laid.

    Many of the small industrial communities are still fighting for survival, lacking many of the basic facilities of some of the more prosperous areas of Britain. I want the Government to give a vigorous commitment to even greater assistance for areas like my constituency, because it is only through the policies of the central Government that the problems will be solved.

    Last year the northern region as a whole enjoyed the fastest rate of growth in public expenditure in Britain, but still the problems remain. So it is nonsense for hon. Gentlemen opposite to suggest that we will solve regional problems by reductions in public expenditure. This just is not possible.

    People might ask—I can understand this—why the regions have a right to preferential Government aid. One of the principal reasons for the present plight of various regions is that historically their natural assets—coal and steel—have been taken away in a major contribution to the last economic and industrial revolution. But—this is the important point—the money made at that time was never reinvested in the regions. There has been a total neglect for decades in terms of public and private investment.

    To add insult to injury, local people have been left surrounded by industrial waste and dereliction and they are now presented with the Bill for clearing up the mess. I suggest that the Government should give a commitment to providing the whole of the cost involved in the removal of industrial dereliction.

    I must also express grave concern at the apparent lack of interest instanced by the failure to provide a Minister of State for Regional Development. Apparently, there was indecision yesterday at Question Time concerning Government control of industrial development certificates. We heard some equivocal replies this afternoon on investment grants. Hon. Members representing constituencies affected by regional development have pointed out that this has been one of the major reasons for new industries moving to the regions. It is obvious that the Government cannot appreciate this point, because they have virtually no representatives from the areas affected.

    I should also like to see a firm commitment to the continuation of the regional employment premium. This measure has enabled industries in the regions to reduce their costs and to become more competitive. Any Government which believes in the slogan “one nation”, as we understand the present Government do, will give us these commitments to help solve the regional problems not only in terms of industrial development, but also in terms of education, housing, health and urban renewal.

    We ask not only for more industries and jobs, but also for a better share of the jobs which will provide higher incomes to families living in the regions. One of the major problems facing local authorities is that, because of low family incomes, there is no local impetus for the growth of amenities.

    I remind the House that Government policies between 1951 and 1964 had a remarkably similar effect—in the Northern Region, at any rate—to the policies employed there by William the Conqueror. At the end of 1964 Government spending on regional policies as a whole totalled approximately £19 million. In 1969 this had risen to £285 million, but still the problems remain and many more problems need to be tackled more vigorously.

    Can we believe, in view of this, that a commitment to reducing public expenditure will give us the results that we desire? To be more specific, we have not seen enlightened capitalism, about which we heard so much, rushing to help communities like Millam. They just do not want to know. It is only through a vigorous Government policy of inducements that we shall achieve industrial development in these areas.

    As a scientist, I am sure that the new technologies which are coming will exacerbate these problems in the regions. Many of the difficulties that we already know will get worse. A more balanced economic development will not only aid regions like West Cumberland, but will also aid Britain as a whole. It is no accident that the community problems in the South-East and the West Midlands exist because people are afraid of overcrowding and of uncontrolled urban development. It is these very problems which, on the one hand, give the South-East a kind of pot-bellied economic affluence, whilst, on the other hand, the Northern Region in particular goes through a kind of economic Biafra. We shall be looking to this Government to reverse these policies.

    I believe, as has already been said this afternoon, that in a rapidly changing industrial democracy it will be essential for any Government to intervene in industrial development and to give a commitment to ensure that we have a more even development in future than we have enjoyed hitherto.

    I appreciate the traditional reception of a maiden speech from both sides of the House. I look forward in future to speaking on regional matters, on education, in which I have some experience, and also on science and technology.

  • Yvette Cooper – 1997 Maiden Speech to the House of Commons

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    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Yvette Cooper to the House of Commons on 2 July 1997.

    Mr. Deputy Speaker, thank you for calling me during this historic debate. I am honoured to be uttering my very first words in the House on behalf of the people of Pontefract and Castleford on Budget day. This is Labour’s first Budget for 18 years—and what a Budget. It is hard to know where to begin: resources for education and health, help for the young and for the long-term unemployed, measures to calm growth in consumption, boost for investment or help with child care.

    It is also an honour to conclude the debate today, and to hear so many maiden speeches. We have had such speeches from my hon. Friends the Members for Enfield, North (Ms Ryan), for Redditch (Jacqui Smith), for Eastwood (Mr. Murphy) and for Brentford and Isleworth (Mrs. Keen), and from the hon. Members for Witney (Mr. Woodward), for Weston-super-Mare (Mr. Cotter) and for North Norfolk (Mr. Prior). We have had a tour of the country, and we have heard how the Budget will affect people across Britain. It is truly a people’s Budget.

    Almost 100 years ago, Lloyd George launched his people’s Budget for this century. Now we have a new people’s Budget to begin the next century. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Chancellor on a wise and radical Budget. It faces up to the long-term problems of the British economy. It also takes immediate steps to tackle some of the deep-rooted inequalities faced by my constituents.

    I represent a corner of West Yorkshire which is proud of its industrial heritage and its hard-working people; the liquorice fields and factories of Pontefract; the potteries of Castleford; the pits—the heart and belly of the constituency; the power station at Ferrybridge; the glassworks and the chemical works of Knottingley and Castleford; and, near the corner of Normanton that I represent, a Japanese electronics factory.

    These past two decades have been hard times in my constituency. Many of the pits are now closed, jobs in traditional industries have gone and, most important, we lack new investment and help to reskill the work force to generate new jobs to replace the old ones that have gone.

    I must report to the House that 2,600 people in my constituency are officially unemployed: a third of them have been unemployed for more than a year. The number of people not working, either because they have been forced into early retirement or on to sickness benefit, is much higher. Too many of my constituent have not had their fair share of opportunities to learn and to obtain the qualifications that they need to prosper in a modern economy. That matters for the future, as one generation follows in the footsteps of another. Evidence shows that the chance of the sons and daughters of miners in my constituency becoming high earners when they grow up is a mere tenth of that of the sons and daughters of well-educated and wealthy professionals. That figure is shocking.

    The House must not misunderstand me. It is true that my constituency is plagued by unemployment, but I represent hard-working people who are proud of their strong communities and who have fought hard across generations to defend them. They are proud of their socialist traditions, and have fought for a better future for their children and their grandchildren. In the middle ages, that early egalitarian, the real Robin Hood, lived, so we maintain, in the vale of Wentbridge to the south of Pontefract. It was a great base from which to hassle the travelling fat cats on the Great North road.

    Centuries later, Pontefract became home to another true fighter for social justice, Barbara Castle. In her autobiography, she describes her politicisation during the miners lock-out in 1921. Through the years, my constituency has been home to other Members who have fought hard for the working people whom they represent in nearby constituencies, including the former Member for Hemsworth, Derek Enright, and my hon. Friend the Member for Normanton (Mr. O’Brien), who has helped me so much in these early months.

    The people of Pontefract and Castleford owe most to the man who represented them for the past 19 years, and who battled hard for their welfare, Sir Geoffrey Lofthouse, now Lord Lofthouse of Pontefract. I know that hon. Members will join me in paying tribute to someone who, as a former Deputy Speaker, worked hard for the House, was fair and honourable, and, above all, was a kind man. He governed the House, which can sometimes be rowdy and alarming, with a firm but fair hand.

    For some, the traditional tribute to a predecessor is something to be swallowed swiftly, got over as fast as possible. For me, it is an honour and a privilege to be able to pay that tribute on behalf of the House and the people of Pontefract and Castleford to Sir Geoff, as he is known locally.

    Sir Geoff was a well-loved constituency Member of Parliament. Like my grandfather, he began his working life in the pits as a teenager. The mischievous among his Pontefract friends describe him as a corner-stint man, but they would never use the same phrase to describe his commitment to his constituents. His proudest achievement was his work for the welfare of the miners with whom he served for so long, getting emphysema recognised as an industrial disease.

    I pay a personal tribute to him, too, for Sir Geoff has been extremely supportive during these curious first months here. I hope that we can continue to work together for the people of Pontefract and Castleford, a partnership which I hope echoes the strength of this new Government, young and old, energy and experience, women and men, across the country and across the generations working together for common goals. The Budget gives us the chance to achieve those goals.

    More important to my constituents than anything else will be the new deal for the unemployed. In Pontefract and Castleford we are raring to go. Already, the Groundwork Trust in Castleford has approached me with a proposal for an environmental task force. We hope to encourage young unemployed people in some of the highest areas of unemployment in our constituency—in Knottingley and on the Airdale estate in Castleford—to join regeneration projects that are already planned. That way, they can take their first steps into the world of work straight from their own doorstep, be part of rebuilding their own troubled estates, learning transferable skills and building their own personal pride in their environment and in their work.

    We think that this is such a good idea that we are not even waiting for the windfall tax money to come through. A local partnership is already drawing up a proposal for European money, and I hope that we will provide a successful model for the rest of the country to follow. At the same time, Wakefield council is itching to expand on its successful job subsidy programme, Workline, which it has been operating for the past 11 years. Employers there have a year-long subsidy of up to £40 a week to take on unemployed workers.

    I asked one employer involved whether he would have taken someone on anyway. After all, his business was expanding. He told me two interesting things. The first was that the subsidy encouraged him to take on a new employee a year earlier than he would otherwise have done. The second was that, without the subsidy, he would not have considered taking on someone who was unemployed. There, in that one anecdote, was the proof that such a job subsidy can speed up job creation and help people in most danger of being locked outside the work force, trapped on the dole, into jobs.

    That is important because it means that the new deal gives us a chance to tackle the long-term roots of inequality—people who are trapped on the dole in my constituency. Moreover, by helping those who find it hardest to get work, the new deal also boosts the capacity of the economy. That means that, as the economy grows, instead of running into the old inflationary buffers, as so often happens, we can have growth that creates jobs and more jobs, because we have boosted the capacity. That is the Budget’s greatest strength. At the same time as controlling consumer demand and stopping it expanding too fast, the Budget is boosting the supply side to try to raise Britain’s long-term sustainable rate of growth.

    I hope that the new deal will receive support from both sides of the House, because it is about our future. In Pontefract and Castleford, I found enthusiasm for these proposals on both sides of the political spectrum.

    As recently as Monday morning, a small business man came into my surgery. He admitted to being one of the few people in the area who had voted Conservative for 30 years—until the recent election. However, he said that he was delighted with what he had seen about Labour’s plans for young people. He said that he wanted to take on three young unemployed people, asked when they could start, and where should he sign. His enthusiasm was infectious, and I hope that such enthusiasm will encourage more small businesses, both in my constituency and throughout the country, to take up the challenge to provide a new deal for the unemployed. It is something which we all need to work on together.

    I am sure that that man will be even more delighted now that he has heard my right hon. Friend’s Budget. It truly is a people’s Budget—a Budget for social justice and for Britain’s future. Tough choices have to be made, but they will generate results in the long run.

    Keynes said: In the long run we are all dead”— but I say, “So what?” Our children and our grandchildren will still be alive. Therefore, for the people of Pontefract and Castleford and for their children and grandchildren, I welcome the Budget.

  • Jeremy Corbyn – 1984 Speech on Care of the Elderly

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    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Corbyn in the House of Commons on 22 February 1984.

    I shall attempt to be brief. It is a shame that so few hon. Members can participate in the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Oldham, West (Mr. Meacher) pointed out that there was a link between Health Service cuts, the effects on local social services and the effects on the elderly within each community. The council in the area that I represent has just been told by the Government that its social services budget is being overspent by well over 30 per cent. and that it is spending too much money on providing for the needs of the elderly. Yet the services for the elderly provided by Islington council, excellent as they are in many ways, are insufficient and do not meet the demands and wishes of councillors, the director of social services and others.

    The council provides 900 meals on wheels. 1,700 elderly people’s holidays, 2,674 households with home helps and 285 places for elderly people in day centres. Obviously, the cost of those services is considerable. It is incredible that, considering the borough’s needs and the increasing dependence of elderly people on the council to provide services, the Government should be telling the council to make cuts.

    On a first look at the demographic pattern of arty inner city area Ministers and many civil servants would say that there is a continual outflow of population from the boroughs. In many cases, that is true. An increasingly elderly and single population is dependent on local authorities to look after it. A document produced in 1982 by Islington council’s social services programme plan working party states: The elderly now form a higher proportion of our population than they did 10 years ago, since emigration from the borough has been mainly by adults and children, leaving the elderly with less support from their families and neighbours. The number of single-pensioner households has decreased from 10,563 in 1971 to 10,170 in 1981. More importantly, the proportion of such households has increased. In 1971, single-pensioner households formed 13.7 per cent. of all households in the borough, while in 1981 they formed 16 per cent. In 1971, people over retirement age formed 15 per cent. of the total population; in 1981, they formed 17.3 per cent. It is important to emphasise that the great majority of the elderly do not require, or do not use local authority services; but when other support to the elderly becomes less available from family and neighbours then increasingly the Social Services Department is asked to fill the gaps, particularly when Health Service bed norms fail to reflect the significance of high proportions of single pensioner households. Local authorities are facing an increasing demand upon their services and a demand for better services and more imaginative use of homes for the elderly. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, North-East (Mrs. Short), I have often been in old people’s homes. I have been profoundly depressed not just by the conditions within them — I am talking of homes throughout the country—but the attitude that leads us to force people to live in old people’s homes with a colour television blazing away in the corner as a piece of moving wallpaper and with people not participating in arty activity in the homes. That promotes and provokes senility.

    We need a more imaginative approach towards care for the elderly and a recognition of the growing needs of the ethnic minority elderly communities in many parts of London and the major cities. I am pleased that my area has formed an elderly persons’ luncheon club for retired West Indian people. The same is happening in many other places. It is incredible, and it makes me angry, that many old people in my constituency who rely entirely on the local authority to provide services for them do not have any relatives living nearby. They are not in a position to buy luncheon club facilities, to have meals on wheels delivered to them or to pay for maids or other people to come in to help. We do not have a huge, generous, middle class able to provide daily volunteers to do the work for the elderly. Unlike the case referred to by the hon. Member for Mid-Kent (Mr. Rowe), who spoke on behalf of Kent county council, the local authority and political system in my area is determined to provide for all our old people.

    We resent the Government’s attitude when they say that Islington is spending £9 million too much on its social services when there is clearly a demand for them. That figure has not just been thrown at Islington council; nearly every London social service department has been told that it is spending well over the Government’s grant-related expenditure assessment formula. This is a scandal. If Conservative Members are serious about caring and supporting the elderly in a decent and humane way, they would not be imposing spending cuts on local authorities or attempting to control their spending.

    Conservative Members have been quick to tell us that there have been no Health Service cuts. I challenge and refute that. A further £163 million is required for the National Health Service to provide for the elderly. As the motion points out, we are looking for a comprehensive policy on care for the elderly. That means an end to the attacks on local authorities that are trying to provide services, an end to the cuts and closures in the Health Service and a different attitude towards transport, mobility allowances and bus passes.

    Mr. Winnick Does my hon. Friend agree that one of the most unfortunate aspects of the Minister’s speech, and his sneering remarks about 1945, was his refusal to recognise that many advances have been made in the care of elderly people since 1945? With a Labour Government, with a large majority, 1945 was a watershed in the provision of services by the state and local authorities. Without such provisions the elderly would be far worse off than they are at present.

    Mr. Corbyn I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. The Government’s policies of controlling local authority spending, cutting National Health spending and promoting private medicine and care for the elderly are a return to the workhouse. The only difference is that it is a capitalist workhouse rather than a discreet workhouse stuck away in the hills outside the town.

    Last week saw the culmination of a massive campaign by pensioners throughout London, who are determined not to lose their concessionary bus and train passes, and who are determined not to see the gains won for them by a Labour-controlled GLC in 1973 swept away by the London regional transport authority.

    We must recognise the other matters that are affected by the Government’s change in policy. If cuts are made in public spending on the elderly or people in the Health Service, many relatives will be forced to look after elderly people. That care is often inadequate because the relatives cannot do the work. Women are forced to give up work to nurse elderly relatives. The problem caused by women having to give up jobs to look after elderly relatives is growing. One hears of unpaid carers giving up their work to look after elderly relatives without support or recognition from the state, despite lectures about bounteous volunteers.

    I have heard of people in their sixties and seventies being full-time carers for elderly patients in their nineties. That will become worse unless the Government change their attitude towards the elderly and recognise the work done in homes for the elderly, by meals on wheels workers and home helps. I am sponsored by the National Union of Public Employees. The Government have said that those workers are not worth £100 a week for the jobs they do and the dedication they show. They are subjected to moral blackmail, in the way that Health Service workers were two years ago.

    In addition to forcing local authorities to cut their spending, we have the Government’s privatisation policy. There is a growing number of residential and nursing homes for the elderly. Conservative Members have asked what is wrong with them. I believe that there are two things wrong. First, I am not satisfied that the DHSS has the resources or the capability, or is prepared to provide them to enable local authorities to undertake the necessary tight supervision and inspection of those homes to ensure that they adopt progressive caring policies. Secondly, there is motive. If there is a local authority home with a caring policy for the elderly, the motive is clear. The people who work in that home, who manage and administer it, are doing so because they care for the elderly and wish to see them looked after.

    The motive in operating a private home—not from the point of view of the staff but from that of the owners —is simply to make money out of care for the elderly. I reject the idea that one can privatise care for the elderly, which is what Conservative Members in their arrogant way continually tell us.

    Mr. Boyes Does my hon. Friend agree with the Association of Directors of Social Services, which says that the system is unfair and that the Government are prepared to allow private money to be poured into these homes whereas local authority homes are continually monitored by expensively paid auditors? On the one hand, private owners can provide even poorer services and get away with it, while, on the other, local authority homes are continuously under pressure.

    Mr. Corbyn My hon. Friend has hit the nail squarely on the head. The Government are restricting money for publicly run, publicly owned and publicly administered homes for the elderly yet at the same time are encouraging the development of private homes for the elderly without imposing the same conditions on them.

    My own authority has been told that it is 33 per cent. over budget on social services. When the Minister kindly finds the time to visit my borough, or any other poor inner city areas, he might care to tell the people which home for the elderly should be shut, how many home helps ought to be dismissed from post and where exactly the cuts should be made.

    Mr. Kenneth Clarke The hon. Gentleman’s whole speech is based on the ridiculous claim that his borough is in trouble for overspending solely because of its caring policies for the elderly. It is in trouble because of the totality of its spending. Islington is notorious for the money that it pours into crackpot political groups and the curious hiring of fringe officials to perform unnecessary duties on behalf of the borough. Does not the hon. Gentleman accept that something must be done to tackle Islington’s wasteful expenditure so that it can maintain the services and reduce the rate burden for some of its elderly population?

    Mr. Corbyn The Minister, who is a member of a Government who are promoting the Rates Bill, which seeks to control local authority spending, shows a worrying misunderstanding of the way in which the GREA formula works. That formula is specified department by department. My borough, along with others, has been told that it is overspending on social services. I am not talking about the totality of its spending. Indeed, virtually every other London borough has been told exactly the same thing by the Minister and his Government colleagues. He ought to understand the way in which the Government’s policies operate on social services spending.

    Mr. Clarke With respect, targets are not based on GREAs, as the hon. Gentleman, as an experienced councillor, knows perfectly well. He makes a quite misleading use of GREAs by suggesting that that is the measure of overspending that the Government are taking into account. They are taking account of the inexorable year-on-year increase in Islington’s budget, because that borough spends its money in profligate, wasteful and sometimes downright foolish ways. That has got the borough into trouble and is threatening its services.

    Mr. Corbyn I do not know how long we shall be able to continue this discussion. The Minister ought to get a new brief on what the rate capping legislation means. The GREA formula is specific on each department, and it is specific that social services departments in London are overspending.

    Care for the elderly is an important issue. It cannot be left to volunteers, charities or to people going out with collecting boxes to see that old people are looked after properly. The issue is central to our demands for a caring society. That means an end to the cuts and an end to the policy of attacking those authorities that try to care for the elderly. Instead, there should be support for and recognition of those demands.

    Elderly people deserve a little more than pats on the head from Conservative Members. They deserve more than the platitudinous nonsense talked about handing the meals on wheels service over to the WRVS or any other volunteer who cares to run it. Instead, there should be a recognition that those who have worked all their lives to create and provide the wealth that the rest of us enjoy deserve some dignity in retirement. They do not deserve poverty, or to be ignored in their retirement, having to live worrying whether to put on the gas fire, or boil the kettle for a cup of tea, or whether they can afford a television licence or a trip out. They should not have to wonder whether the home help who has looked after them so long will be able to continue. The issue is crucial. The motion says clearly that care for the elderly comes before the promotion of policies that merely increase the wealth of those who are already the wealthiest in our society.

  • Michael Heseltine – 1966 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made by Michael Heseltine in the House of Commons on 14 July 1966.

    I was deeply aware of the regard in which my predecessor, Sir Henry Studholme, was held in this House. It is matched by the affection extended to him in the Tavistock Division. He represented that Division with great distinction for 23 years. I am particularly conscious, as I am honoured to rise for the first time to speak in this House, of the standards he set when he was a Member of Parliament.

    I know from what I have heard in this debate:hat we shall hear objections to the working of the Bill. We have heard some of them expressed by my right hon. Friend the Member for Barnet (Mr. Maudling). As a director of a company in the recruitment field, I saw something of these difficulties and I wish to make reference to them, but before I raise those questions I should like to raise what to me are questions which are fundamental not only to the Bill, but to the thinking of hon. Members on both sides of the House.

    I wish to ask what right the House has to assume that there is a concept of national interest to which each of us as citizens owes a prime obligation in the every-day conduct of our job or business. If such a claim can be made of us I ask whether the making of that claim will so stimulate our energies and talents that the country will derive the greatest benefit from our endeavours.

    There are two conditions which would be necessary to be fulfilled if we are to accept the concept of true national interest. The first condition is that it is capable of definition and that that definition must be acceptable not only to a political party, but to hon. Members on both sides of the House.

    The second is that all sections of the nation shall be expected to share in any sacrifice which might be required by serving the national interest. I believe that on these two counts the Bill is unacceptable. By keeping the economy in its present over-heated state, many hon. Members would believe that we are acting against what we would term to be the national interest. There is no consensus on this subject today.

    On the second point, only statutory control would enable the trade unions and the large industrial concerns to have the confidence that they were not embarking on an experiment from which the less controllable parts of the private sector would opt out. Even if the First Secretary were able to introduce legislation of the sort which would ensure control, I do not think that this would encourage on the part of each of us the sort of endeavours that the right hon. Gentleman would require. The First Secretary is concerned to involve the public in the problems facing the country. The overwhelming majority of the public are now aware—the First Secretary of State must take some of the credit for having educated them—that the only way in which the country can enjoy increasing benefits is if we can get faster growth.

    There are two other considerations which I ask the First Secretary to bear in mind. First, a policy of full employment does not mean that each one of us is entitled to expect that the same job will be available to us in the same place throughout our lives and industries cannot automatically expect Government protection from historical trends and from overseas competition. Secondly, the only way to extract the maximum effort from the majority of our citizens is to reward by financial incentive. Businessmen will respond to one thing, and one thing only—the opportunity to increase their salaries, their profits, and the capital value of their companies.

    If we wish, as I am sure we do, to enlist the nation’s greatest efforts, tangible rewards must be placed within the reach of everyone. There is no doubt that the First Secretary is one of the most persuasive and eloquent members of the Government. He has gained remarkable success in persuading people to say that they agree with the targets he has set, but I urge him to realise that it is one thing to persuade people to say that they agree. It is quite another thing for those people to go away and carry out what they have said they agree with. If the First Secretary could be present at every management meeting, if he could stand behind all the retailers’ counters, and if he could travel daily with the men going to work in Britain’s factories, then I believe that in a short term such a policy would be credible. The fact is that such an idea is patently absurd and, therefore, an alternative solution is required.

    There can be few hon. Members who have not engaged in some negotiation which, in theory at least, would now fall within the purview of this legislation. There must be few who have not negotiated a salary increase, who have not evolved a pricing structure, or who have not disposed of capital in order to secure the maximum return. These are commonplace activities. I do not believe that behind the closed doors of human motivation considerations of the national interest weigh in the balance. I believe that it would be unhealthy if they did.

    There is involved in this discussion this afternoon an obligation as fundamental as any that we may owe to the nation. We have obligations to ourselves. There are many hon. Members on this side of the House who believe that we serve our community best by maximising the return on our own endeavours. Of course there are exceptions to every generalisation, but for the generalisation I would say that the community grows stronger where its members set out to maximise their earnings and where its companies strive to maximise their profits.

    It is the Government’s duty to establish beyond any doubt what they consider the national interest to be and, once they have so defined the national interest, not to urge or to beg or to plead, but to legislate on behalf of that national interest. That must be the purpose of the Government. Responsibility for interpreting the national interest cannot be spread into every trade union conference room, into every board room, nor, indeed, into every private home. Surely it is the responsibility of us in the House to lead. If we surrender that right we shall fail in our obligations to those who have sent us here.

    There are many practical difficulties facing this legislation. I want to say something about the problems which confront anybody trying to hold or recruit salaried staff today. The shortage of skilled and trained management staff is acute. The temptations facing them to move from one job to another are intense. A small but significant group of these people are particularly tempted by the carrots dangled in front of them from America. I know of one occasion only this week when a telephone call out of the blue offered a man a 300 per cent. increase on the salary he was earning.

    Even the employee devoted to his own job cannot avoid the £8 million worth of recruitment advertising which will appear in the national press in 1966. Indeed, it is indicative of the problem that in 1961 recruitment advertising in the national Press amounted to £4,193,000. By 1965, the figure had more than doubled to £8,535,000. It is now widely accepted by employers that, to recruit a suitable candidate for middle management, the advertising costs alone in the national Press can exceed or amount to up to £250.

    I mentioned earlier the temptations on employees to seek increases by changing their jobs. These employees are sought by specialist registers which are prepared to distribute their names to company after company until they are offered another, and usually higher paid, job. Job changing, which is usually synonymous with an increase in salary, is increasing.

    It is further encouraged by the growth of employment agencies. Between 1956 and 1965 in the whole of the London County Council area licences were issued to 300 new employment agencies. This was an annual rate of 37. In the year ended 31st March, 1966, the Westminster City Council which took over most of the responsibilities in this respect from the London County Council, issued 93 licences to new employment agencies.

    The latest development of this activity in this country is the establishment of the professional head hunter. There is nothing new in companies making offers to employees of outside organisations, but I believe that it is a new practice new being established that lists of highly qualified, specialised staff are approached, without any indication of dissatisfaction on their part, and offered new jobs, often at a greatly increased salary.

    Against this background, the background which has built the job-changing market into a highly specialised operation, it s simply of no value to tell employers that they should try to hold their staff to a 3 per cent. or 4 per cent. norm, or even lower—the figure is now to be reduced. Employees often do not want to leave the companies that employ them; but they will not, as a general rule, remain with their employers if their salary scales fall below the national average. As we all know, every application for an increase in salary or for a new job is a special case for the person submitting it. Today, no employer can lightly refuse one of his good staff an increase in salary of £100 or £150, because he knows that the replacement will almost certainly be more expensive and probably not of so high a calibre.

    I have seen it argued that, although this section of the market cannot really be controlled by a prices and incomes policy, it is not a section which ought to concern us particularly because of its size. It is undoubtedly a fairly small market, but it is not obscure. What is happening in this market is an example to the majority of people in other sections of the community. The ripples spread out and the majority cannot be expected to accept readily a policy which they know does not apply to the minority.

    Further, although the highly volatile section of this market is probably restricted to the younger, more highly qualified personnel up to 40 years of age, this section of the salary market is the dynamic for a much larger market. Forty per cent. of employees are now salaried. Part of the 40 per cent. covers the public sector and is, therefore, theoretically, under Government control. But this sector is directly linked with the private sector because interchangeability of career patterns is considerable. One of the most thorough and accurate salary surveys is based on co-operative research between private sector companies and nationalised industries. No major industry can afford to develop the reputation that its pay scales have fallen behind those of other industries.

    There are further independent salary surveys caried out by recruitment agencies. These concentrate on people who are basically job changers and are, therefore, more likely to be bidding up the market. The purpose of the surveys is to enable companies to discover whether they are falling out of line with national trends. Throughout a given period, these surveys consider thousands of salary standards and the pattern of all new and usually rising levels of remuneration developments. The surveys are then distributed widely to personnel managers, encouraging them to bring their existing staff into line with the salaries being commanded by those changing their jobs.

    There is only one impression that one can see from the salary market. Under present conditions of demand for staff, it is in a totally uncontrollable state. There are so many employees and employers that any form of control that is not imposed and not seen to be imposed cannot work. The Bill substitutes statutory exhortation for Ministerial exhortation, but the force of that exhortation is no stronger.

    Indeed, I believe that we are acting out a charade, because by the time the Bill becomes law the measures that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has taken, and those he is to take, will have removed the need for the Bill. The Government have committed themselves to a policy of deflation and if the steps not taken up to now are not sufficient to raise the level of unemployment the Government will take further steps. I believe that they have accepted that as the policy they must pursue.

    In the short run, it is simply not necessary for hon. Members on this side of the House to answer the question,”What would you have done?” The Chancellor has answered it for us. The core of the problem is the need to pursue policies which can obtain growth on which the ability of the Government and the public to have a choice must be based. We need a major redeployment of our resources and to retrain labour. I accept that this means paying higher unemployment benefits in order to remove the fear of unemployment but we must inject a wider degree of competition and ask ourselves not what other industries we should nationalise but what nationalised industries can be denationalised. Above all, we must so adjust our taxation system that every citizen is encouraged to earn more.

  • Geoff Hoon – 1992 Maiden Speech in the House of Commons

    Below is the text of the maiden speech made in the House of Commons by Geoff Hoon on 20 May 1992.

    I congratulate the hon. Member for Chingford (Mr. Duncan-Smith) on his maiden speech. I hope that he will take it as a compliment when I say that he looked and sounded as though he had been here for years. I am sure that he will soon be fitted with his own leather jacket.

    Perhaps I have the easiest task of any new hon. Member in paying proper tribute to my predecessor. Frank Haynes was popular in all parts of the House because of his genuine friendliness and good humour, his commitment to a range of good causes—from local hospitals to the fortunes of Sutton Town football club. He was popular with political friends and opponents alike.

    Had I needed any convincing of that, it was confirmed recently when, with characteristic generosity, he agreed to help me to show a constituency school party round the Palace of Westminster. He has a formidable reputation as a tour guide and the Kirkby Woodhouse school party was not disappointed. As we made our way round the Palace it was clear that we were in the presence of a star. Wherever we went we met people who would stop and congratulate Frank and wish him well for the future. Everyone from police officers to Members of the House of Lords had a good word for him.

    Frank’s popularity is reflected in the constituency of Ashfield. There cannot be an organisation, group, club or society of which Frank is not a member or which he has not helped in some way over the years. I say that with some confidence as, since my election, representatives from them have all written to me asking me to carry on the traditions that Frank established. Frank’s talent and obvious popularity are based on the sheer force of his personality and the sheer volume of his voice.

    Frank had one quality that I believe has not been given proper attention: his considerable political skills which have perhaps been overlooked. He won Ashfield after arguably one of the worst by-elections in Labour party history. He held Ashfield for the Labour party in some extraordinarily difficult circumstances in Nottingham. He was greatly assisted in that by the wisdom and experience of his agents, Clarrie Booler and Bryan Denham.

    In 1979, Frank replaced the current hon. Member for Beaconsfield (Mr. Smith), who might like to know that he still has at least one supporter in Ashfield. In the dying days of the general election campaign, I knocked on the door of the house of an elderly lady, who kindly invited me in and asked why I had taken so long to get round to see her. Like any candidate anxious to win votes and influence people, I politely explained that it was a big constituency and it took a little time to get around. “Tim Smith,” she said, “called on everyone.” In my candidate’s mode, I still more politely pointed out that there were 75,000 electors in Ashfield and I could not see how he could have met them all. “Of course he did,” she said, “regularly.”

    My candidate’s charm school smile was wearing a little thin by the time she asked me what I had to say for myself. I launched into the two-minute version of the Labour party manifesto, trying to steer the conversation in the direction of her voting intentions. “Oh, don’t worry about that,” she said. “I have already voted by post.” I now know what is the political equivalent of the blind man in a dark room looking for a dark cat. It is a Labour candidate canvassing a Tory lady who has already voted by post.

    In making my preparations for this speech, I realised that the last three people to represent Ashfield now belong to three different political parties. David Marquand left Ashfield for a career in the European Commission. By contrast, I shall be leaving the European Parliament to concentrate on the constituency of Ashfield. He made his maiden speech in 1966, when he was able to state that mining was the linchpin of the economy of Ashfield. He went on to say, however: the coal mining industry of Nottinghamshire faces a grave crisis of confidence.”—[Official Report, 5 May 1966; Vol. 727, c. 1965] He argued that it was urgently necessary to work out a comprehensive fuel programme in order to be able to assure the miners of the east midlands about their future for a long time to come.

    These words have echoed down the years. There has been a massive reduction in the number of local collieries. I expect to represent Ashfield when its last colliery closes. That will be a sad day for the local community and it presents a bleak prospect for young people, who will also face difficulties finding work in Ashfield’s other great industry, the textile trade.

    From 1955, Ashfield was represented by Will Warbey. He had first been elected to the House to represent Luton in 1945. On 23 August 1945, in his maiden speech, he used words which are of particular relevance to today’s debate: absolute national sovereignty is now an out-dated factor in international affairs. He quoted the right hon. Member for Woodford, Winston Churchill, who had talked of the mixing of the nations, and went on: I believe there is a great opportunity in the future for nation States to get more mixed together, especially in their economic functions. We have a particularly excellent opportunity in the case of those nations in the north and west of Europe, and I include our own, which, I am glad to say, have now very largely a common political outlook, and which are intending to pursue similar policies of planning for full employment and for raising standards of living. We can get together and plan very largely in common in order to achieve those objectives.”—[Official Report, 23 August 1945; Vol. 413, c. 898] That was what the House was discussing in August 1945, and in essence it is what this debate should be about.

    The Members meeting in Parliament in 1945 were determined to end the divisions of Europe based on the extreme nationalism that had caused two catastrophic world wars. Like many others in a similar situation, my father volunteered to fight in the second world war on his 18th birthday. When he came to Strasbourg shortly after my election to the European Parliament, he said how much better what I was doing was than what he and millions of others had had to do in the second world war.

    We now have to build on the European foundations established by previous generations. Although the Maastricht treaty is a far from perfect addition to the European building, it contains much that will contribute to the mixing of nations. Others have already criticised Britain’s opt-out on economic and monetary union and on the social chapter. Since I am still a member of the European Parliament I want to concentrate my remarks on the institutional aspects of the treaty and to express my regret at the timid steps taken towards real democracy in the decision-making processes of the European Community.

    Too often we have heard Ministers complain about decisions taken in Brussels as if they had played no part in the process or had no responsibility for the failure to hold the European Commission properly to account. The same Ministers were responsible for the intergovernmental negotiations that led to the treaty. If Brussels is to blame, so are the Ministers who have failed to reform the treaty to control the Commission and to make it answerable to those who have been directly elected to represent the people of Europe. Those representatives sit in national Parliaments and in the European Parliament.

    Members of all the Parliaments of Europe should be working together more closely to improve the democracy of the European Community. We could start by considering how to improve the working relationship between Members of this House and British Members of the European Parliament. There remains an uneasy tension between those two democratically elected institutions which, in a European context, should be following a common purpose—the proposing, amending and approving of European legislation as well as holding the European Executive to account.

    The uneasy relationship exists in spite of the fact that in the present House of Commons, 62 hon. Members have experience of one or more of the European institutions. Thirty of my new colleagues have been members of the European Parliament, directly elected or appointed like our Speaker, and 32 have been members of the Council of Europe.

    The uneasy relationship allows the European Commission—the least democratic of the Community’s institutions—to assert a disproportionate influence over legislation. During the debate on the Single European Act, it was suggested in Britain that the treaty changes then being debated marked a final shift of power from Westminster to the European Parliament.

    In practice, the European Commission has significantly increased its power over legislation because of its ability to determine which amendments to propose during the various stages of the legislative process. In effect, it has been able to play off the European Parliament against the Council of Ministers, telling the Council that the European Parliament would not accept certain amendments and, in turn, telling the Parliament that it could not propose Parliament’s amendments to the Council because they would be rejected. As a result, the Commission’s policy line has been strengthened at the expense of the democratically elected Parliament and Council.

    Certain measures in the Maastricht treaty will undoubtedly tilt the institutional balance slightly in the direction of the European Parliament. It will do little, however, to make the European Commission subject to democratic control. Similarly, the decisions of the Council of Ministers, meeting in secret, are rarely subject to democratic scrutiny. The Maastricht treaty will do little to improve the ability of elected Members of national Parliaments to oversee the activities of Ministers meeting in council.

    Much of the debate so far has concentrated on criticisms of the present operation of the European Community. I share some of the criticisms, but I disagree strongly about the appropriate solutions. If the European Community overrides democracy, the solution is to make it more democratic.

    I am grateful for the House’s attention.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2014 Speech on Waiting Times

    jeremyhunt

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Secretary of State for Health, at the Royal Surrey County Hospital on 4 August 2014.

    Introduction

    I am really pleased to be here at the Royal Surrey this morning – and many thanks to you Nick for hosting us.

    I was delighted and honoured to open the Margaret Eaton wing of your ICU in June – and even more delighted to spend time with your brilliant A & E staff before Christmas where for the first time ever I took someone’s blood pressure as part of a frontline shift.

    I try to go out somewhere on the NHS frontline most weeks and I can honestly say I have learned more from those visits than I ever do from sitting behind a ministerial desk in Whitehall.

    What I know from my visits here is that you deliver superb care and under Nick Moberley’s leadership have the ambition to be the very best in the country. I want to wish you every success in that, and put on record my thanks – both as MP for South West Surrey and Health Secretary – for the dedication and hard work of the brilliant staff who work here.

    Progress over the last decade

    Every month, more than a million patients start specialist treatment. Keeping up with this demand is crucial: patients tell us all that timely access to treatment is one of the most important things they want from our NHS.

    Keeping waiting times low is therefore a key objective for any government. And it is right to acknowledge that the last government made welcome progress in bringing down the number of people waiting a long time for their treatment, progress this government has sustained.

    It is also right to pay tribute to the hundreds of thousands of NHS staff who have worked so hard to make that possible over the last 10 years.

    Thanks to their efforts, access to NHS healthcare is now amongst the best in the world.

    When the target was announced in June 2004, patients could expect to wait more than a year for treatment.

    Since then we have seen spectacular improvements for patients: no longer do we read about the scandal of people routinely dying on waiting lists because access to the life-saving treatment they need comes a year too late. No longer are families suffering the pain of watching elderly relatives slowly lose their mobility, becoming trapped and isolated at home because the NHS can’t provide a simple hip operation for 2 or 3 years.

    Delivering timely access to treatment has become part of the DNA of the NHS – and that is something we should all welcome.

    A tougher context

    It is also worth pointing out something everyone in this hospital will be acutely aware of: delivering that objective has been much tougher in the last 4 years than previously.

    Until 2010 NHS funding generally rose faster than the demand for its services. We have had to deal with the deficit we inherited, and we have made some very tough choices to protect the health budget. Despite that, since 2010 funding has risen by around 1% a year even though demand for NHS services has risen by 3.6% a year.

    Which makes the achievements of the last four years even more astonishing: every year, compared to 2010, 6,000 more people receive knee operations, 9,000 more people receive hip operations, and 10,000 more people have cataract procedures. Overall we are delivering an extraordinary 850,000 more operations year-in year-out.

    And this increase in volume has not been at the expense of quality. A couple of months ago the independent Commonwealth Fund said that in the last four years the NHS has risen to become the top-ranked healthcare system across the 11 richest countries in the world – top for quality, top for efficiency, top for access, and top overall.

    Targets can be dangerous

    But – and there is a ‘but” to this – targets, as we also saw under the last government, can create the wrong behaviour too. What happened at Mid Staffs and many other hospitals was that targets distorted behaviours, changed clinical priorities and led to appalling care, sometimes with tragic outcomes for individual patients.

    When the NHS started measuring performance against the 18 week target in 2007, something perverse happened. If faced with a choice between treating a patient who had missed the 18 week target or someone who had not yet reached it, the incentive was to treat the person who had not yet missed the target rather than someone who had – because that would help the performance statistics, whereas dealing with the long waiter would not. So a target intended to do the right thing ended up incentivising precisely the wrong thing.

    And that in a nutshell is the problem with targets: unintended consequences.

    Under huge political pressure, managers inevitably gamed the system to make their organisation look good – and patients suffered the consequences. Suddenly, real people with real illnesses and real needs find themselves treated like a number or a statistic, there not to be looked after but to be manipulated to show organisational performance in the best light.

    So this government has made a determined effort to change that culture. Not by abolishing targets altogether – all organisations need priorities – but by making sure they are implemented more humanely and sensibly.

    When we came to office in 2010 there were a shocking 18,500 people who had been waiting not 6 months, not 9 months but over a year for treatment.

    I am pleased to say that even though none of those people count towards the standard 18 week target, we have none the less reduced that number to just 500.

    But today I want to say that even 500 is too many.

    A year is a very long time to wait if you are immobile, in discomfort or in pain. If a single one of those patients is waiting not out of choice, or for proper clinical reasons, but simply because the NHS has not been able to provide the treatment they need for a whole year then that is unacceptable.

    So today I want to announce a new ambition for the NHS: I want this number of people waiting more than a year for their operation to be not in the thousands, not in the hundreds, but as close to zero as possible.

    There will, of course, be exceptions to this which is why I do not want to fall into the trap of making this “another target”: there will be patients with multiple conditions where one condition needs to be treated first; there may be highly complex treatments which are particularly difficult to source; and sometimes the patient may choose to wait for personal reasons.

    Unless there are those good reasons, no-one should have to wait more than a year for treatment.

    So from today NHS England will review all 500 cases, and working with CCGs and local hospitals, ensure that any patients who can be treated will be treated as rapidly as possible.

    Nor should this just be about people waiting for more than a year.

    I want the NHS to put particular focus on anyone who has been waiting more than 18 weeks since being referred for treatment, so have asked NHS England to commission 100,000 additional treatments over the summer including 40,000 additional inpatient admissions.

    This focus on long waiters may mean we undershoot the 18 week target for a temporary period, although we will return to meeting it before the end of the year. Indeed as the many NHS target experts will know we could ensure we met the 18 week target every month by focusing those 100,000 additional treatments on shorter rather than longer waiters. But that would be an indefensible betrayal of those who have been waiting the longest and not one I would be prepared to sanction as Health Secretary.

    The truth is we need to ensure both that 90% of people get their treatment within 18 weeks – the official target – and that people who are not treated within that period are not neglected. So I have set a timeframe of this calendar year to deliver on both of those objectives.

    An NHS about more than targets

    Let me conclude with a broader point. Targets matter, but they should never be the only thing that matters. Patient safety, compassionate care, clinical effectiveness and efficiency are also vital.

    Robert Francis hit the nail on the head in his report on Mid Staffs when he said “targets were often given priority without considering the impact on the quality of care”.

    Even before Mid Staffs, the Healthcare Commission attributed one of the causes of over 30 C diff deaths at Buckinghamshire Healthcare NHS Trust as an over-focusing by the Trust on meeting government targets. Many of you here will have had experience of similar pressures and conflicts in your own daily work.

    Which is why last year we introduced a new inspection regime for hospitals that looks at performance more broadly than just targets. We must never go back to the bad old days where targets seemed to matter more than people – so where we do have targets they should implemented sensibly and in line with the clinical needs of patients.

    And where there is poor care, it should never be swept under the carpet.

    As well as identifying good hospitals such as this one, the new Chief Inspector of Hospitals has recommended a number of hospitals go into special measures – indeed 10% of all NHS hospitals have been put into special measures in the last year alone. But far from leading to despair, the resulting transformation in both quality and financial discipline at those hospitals has been striking.

    But it isn’t just at failing or struggling hospitals we have seen improvements. Across the NHS we now have more than 6,300 additional nurses in our wards than in 2010 as we finally put behind us the scandal of short-staffed wards. At the same time we have become the first healthcare system in the world to publish key safety data on a single website for every major hospital in the country.

    We have also become one of the first healthcare systems in the world to make a determined national effort to embrace the safety culture of airlines, where there is a much stronger culture of reporting safety concerns and near misses than there is in medicine. That means supporting people on the front line who have concerns about safety or care – and stamping out the bullying and intimidation that is still too common in many hospitals.

    These are big changes – changes designed to increase clinical accountability and make sure we always put patients first.

    Conclusion

    Let me conclude by returning to the new ambition I am announcing for the NHS today.

    Let’s continue to make sure we treat the vast majority of patients within 18 weeks of being referred. But let’s also make sure we don’t forget the minority who don’t. So let’s commit that no one – except in exceptional circumstances – should have to wait more than a year.

    Targets that help patients get treatment when they need it – not targets followed blindly with no regard for the impact on individuals.

    An NHS confident that – in the end – it will continue to meet the huge challenges ahead if it leaves room, amongst many loud, competing pressures, for the quietest but most important voice of all: that of the patient.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2014 Speech on Good Care

    jeremyhunt

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Secretary of State for Health, at Birmingham Children’s Hospital on 16 October 2014.

    Let me start by saying what an enormous pleasure it is to be here today at Birmingham Children’s Hospital. This hospital is rightly proud of its record on quality and safety and has led the way in bringing the safety agenda to paediatric care, not least with its work on improving patient handover and on developing a safety thermometer for children and young people.

    Indeed this hospital is powerful proof of the case I want to make today: that world class care is not just better for patients, it reduces costs for the NHS as well. And in doing so creates a virtuous circle where ever more resources can be invested in improving patient care rather than wasted on picking up the pieces when things go wrong.

    A turning point

    With huge financial constraints and the pressures of an ageing population, we are at a critical moment in the history of the NHS. So today I want to challenge head on those who say that the future will be about cost and not quality; who suggest that it is time to ‘move on’ from Francis and the lessons of Mid Staffs and want to focus on the ‘next thing’ – which they usually say is about money and nothing else.

    “The path to safer care is the same one as the path to lower cost”. Those words were spoken to me earlier this year by Dr Gary Kaplan of Virginia Mason Hospital in Seattle, recognised as one of the safest hospitals in the world.

    As a result of his hospital’s journey to safer care, which started with the tragic death of a patient in 2004, his costs for acute diagnoses are between 20 and 60% lower than his major competitors. Shorter hospital stays, more motivated and productive staff and lower litigation claims have led him to believe that hospitals could double their output on the same resources simply by eliminating the waste of resources associated with harming patients.

    Not just in the US, but here in the UK too where Salford Royal is recognised as a leader in patient safety and quality improvement. Chief Executive Sir David Dalton says the focus they have had on quality improvements has yielded productivity improvements of around £5m each year, which they continue to reinvest in frontline care.

    Across the hospital sector, the enormous progress made in recent years to prevent hospital acquired infections is showing how quality improvements save money. We have reduced C. diff infections by 45% and MRSA infections by 56% in the last four years, saving patients untold trauma but also an estimated £22.5 million in costs for the NHS.

    The extraordinary ‘Sign up to Safety’ campaign that David Dalton leads has so far signed up over 100 trusts, including this one, to help spread good practice – making it one of the biggest hospital safety initiatives in the world. Indeed the enthusiasm for ‘Sign up to Safety’ is a remarkable testament to the commitment of the NHS to learn the lessons of Mid Staffs.

    But my message today is that learning those lessons is not a one-off: it’s a permanent process of constant questioning and continual improvement in which the elimination of waste and the elimination of harm walk side by side as part of the same process.

    Variation and lost value

    Today the CQC are publishing their annual ‘State of Care’ report. Inevitably there will be media focus on examples where care is sub-standard. Indeed, shining a light on poor care is essential if we are to have the highest standards.

    But the biggest lesson from today’s report is not actually the existence of poor care – it is the unacceptable variation in care outcomes across the system. And it is my job as Health Secretary to ask why it is that similar levels of resourcing, similar values and similar numbers of committed staff can produce such differences in quality.

    My conclusion is that too many people still think that providing the best care is something you do only when you can afford it – and fail to appreciate that improving care is one of the best ways to control costs in financially challenged circumstances.

    Which is why the report published today by Frontier Economics is so revealing in its analysis of the cost of poor care.

    They estimate that it could be costing the NHS up to £2.5 billion every year.

    And they highlight some of the shocking costs of poor care – from the £1.3 billion spent every year on litigation costs, to the cost of not ‘getting it right first time’ in orthopaedic care – which Professor Tim Briggs’s excellent work shows could save between £200-300 million every year.

    These are large sums of money which the NHS is potentially wasting. But we should be careful not to anonymise their impact by sticking to large numbers. So today we publish further work to look at the cost of individual episodes of avoidable harm.

    A single fall in a hospital is a tragedy – potentially life threatening – for the patient affected. It also costs the NHS on average £1,200 because of the extra care needed and longer hospital stay.

    Likewise a hospital-acquired bedsore is very dangerous for a patient. But it is also dangerous for the NHS, costing on average £2,500. And we had 19,000 of them across the NHS in 2013 to 2014.

    Catheter-acquired urinary infections are unbelievably painful. They also cost the NHS £67 million in 2013 to 2014 – which could pay the salaries of 1,300 nurses.

    So I want every director of every hospital trust to understand the impact this harm is having not just on their patients, but also on their finances.

    And I want every nurse in the country to understand that if we work together to make the NHS the safest healthcare organisation in the world, we could potentially release resources for additional nurses, additional training, and additional time to care.

    So today a poster and leaflet will go out to all NHS hospitals to display this vital message to their staff.

    If you’re short of money, poor care is about the most wasteful and expensive thing you can do.

    Good care costs less.

    The right model of change

    But it is one thing to identify lost value, quite another to develop practical strategies to release it. So how do we reduce variation and improve safety?

    In the best of NHS traditions it would be very tempting to set up a new target. Or issue a new ministerial decree.

    But that would be a mistake.

    Because the culture change we need to achieve has to come from inside, not because hospitals are being forced from the outside. What Gary Kaplan called ‘institutional culture change’ is based on listening to and valuing doctors and nurses on the frontline – the people who know more than anyone else what is needed to improve care.

    So let’s take a moment to look at some of the traits shared by organisations that have excelled in improving patient care and eliminating waste.

    The aggregation of marginal gains

    The first trait is attention to detail.

    When I was Secretary of State responsible for the Olympics I had the privilege of meeting Sir Dave Brailsford when he was training the Team GB cyclists. One of those cyclists was actually called Jeremy Hunt so I was just a tiny bit disappointed that despite their extraordinary medal haul – the best in British cycling history – Jeremy Hunt didn’t pick up a gold.

    Sir Dave famously argues that the success he brought to Team GB cyclists was not about a new big bang approach, but what he called the ‘aggregation of marginal gains’. Paying close attention to the detail, to things which, on their own, seemed insignificant – but when added up mean the difference between winning and losing. At the Manchester Velodrome Chris Hoy told me about his first ever gold medal at the Copenhagen World Championships. He won by 0.001 of a second. His aggregated marginal gain set him on the path to being our greatest ever Olympian.

    This is really important because we should not think we can unlock £2.5 billion in one go with a new policy. But we will unlock it in hospitals with a new culture. And it’s a culture that really cares about the details, the little things, all of which add up to better care and less waste.

    Some of these gains will be in the form of money – in management jargon, ‘cash releasing’. But some will be in the form of increased value for patients and staff – freeing up resources in ways that lead to better patient care, greater staff motivation and long-term productivity gains. In high-performing organisations, these two things will go hand-in-hand.

    The right relationships

    Another trait in hospitals with world-class safety standards is proper collaboration between management and frontline staff. We have recently seen powerful evidence to support this from the joint work by the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges and the NHS Confederation. They explore what they call ‘Decisions of Value’ and conclude that good relationships between clinicians and managers is critical in securing value for patients.

    Their report shows that over half of clinicians do not believe they are involved in the financial decisions that affect their service or team. But how can you break the dangerous nexus between poor care and higher cost if the clinicians responsible for patient care have no input into the financial decisions that affect their work?

    Likewise we need to build better partnerships between commissioners and providers, not least in developing integrated care pathways that we know both improve care and eliminate waste.

    Openness and transparency

    What else characterises leading organisations? Along with a focus on detail and relationships, they have an obsession with openness and transparency based on high-quality data.

    Not far from here, patients at Queen Elizabeth Hospital can log onto ‘My Stay@QEHB’ which allows them to see how their specialty performs compared to hospital expectations.

    Transparency can also be about reaching out to patients and the public: it is fantastic that one of the first things you see on the Birmingham Children’s Hospital website is a section called ‘What’s it like here?’ that makes the strange world of hospital care more familiar for children.

    The best organisations crave data as a vital tool to drive improvement. We are blazing a trail with the new MyNHS website, which makes the NHS by far the most open and transparent healthcare system in the world. Now with detailed and easily accessible information on hospital, local authority and mental health performance, I am confident that this project will demonstrate that in the modern NHS the best way to improve performance is transparency not targets.

    The best example of the power of transparency has been the way the NHS has responded to the tragedy at Mid Staffs. I could have said as part of the government response that I intended to hire another 10,000 nurses – and it would have been a disaster. Not only would we have ended up with the wrong nurses in the wrong places, but the measure of success would have been meeting an input target, not improving care for patients.

    Instead we did something far more powerful.

    Firstly we asked every hospital in the country to collect and publish information from their patients on whether they would recommend the care they received to a friend or member of their family. Based on the net promoter principle, this was the first time anywhere in the world patient views had been sought comprehensively across an entire health economy.

    Then working with Chief Nursing Officer Jane Cummings we asked every hospital to publish the number of planned and actual nursing staff for every single ward. Finally, we made patient experience a central part of the new independent CQC inspection regime.

    And the result? Yes the NHS did hire 5,000 more hospital nurses to fill in critical gaps after Mid Staffs, often in elderly care wards. But more importantly a change in attitudes to the importance of quality of care – as opposed to simply quality of treatment – saw an 8% jump in just one year of the people who believed they were treated with compassionate care by the NHS. No target, no extra money, just transparency about performance.

    And in some cases improving on this has not required more staff at all. For example, there are some Trusts – including Portsmouth, Coventry and Royal Surrey – that are using an electronic physiological surveillance system to improve the monitoring of vital signs, with impressive early impact on patient mortality that has not required large increases in staffing.

    And consider the example of Guys and St Thomas’s where they have been looking at how redesigning basic processes and using technology can give nurses more time with their patients. With only a small increase in staffing of one extra nurse working on discharge and another at night, they were able to increase contact time with patients from 48% to 75% while also reducing length of stay. Hugely beneficial to patients, and better for staff too.

    Cost and quality: challenging assumptions

    These therefore are some of the traits of high-performing organisations.

    And underlying all of them is the shared assumption that cost and quality are not alternatives to be traded off, but different aspects of the same ambition to provide safe, effective care on a sustainable basis. This directly challenges the conventional wisdom that ‘you get what you pay for’ – as does the CQC’s ‘State of Care’ report which shows massive variation despite similar input costs.

    It also challenges the received wisdom that there is little value left to get out of the system now that the so-called ‘low hanging fruit’ has been plucked.

    And it challenges the other commonly held view that only large-scale change will release significant value. Of course we will need to continue to make important changes to care pathways – but as we do that we need to support trusts in making the small improvements that, when aggregated, will make a big difference.

    Conclusion

    I hope therefore that from today in hospital board meetings up and down the country one simple change happens: patient experience and patient safety are not discussed separately to finances – but as two sides of the same coin. Wouldn’t it be fantastic if a hospital board was as focused on its ‘safety improvement plan’ as its ‘cost improvement plan’, and saw them both as part of the same objective of doing a better job for patients.

    I am proud of the additional investment this government has provided and will continue to provide to the NHS. Nobody would pretend that the financial sustainability of the NHS will be ensured by improving safety alone. But it has a critical contribution to make.

    The path to lower cost is the same as the path to safer care.

    Hospitals that embrace one embrace the other too.

    Hospital safety and hospital finances both improving and patients as the winner.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2014 Speech on the Better Care Fund

    jeremyhunt

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Secretary of State for Health, at the National Children and Adult Services Conference on 30 October 2014.

    Let me start with a thank you.

    All of you have been talking about delivering integrated, joined-up care for a very long time and I know sometimes it has felt like banging your head against a brick wall. And now it is happening, for real. Instead of people just talking about it, you are actually delivering it. And without your vision, your determination, and your passion to do better for some of our most vulnerable citizens it wouldn’t be happening.

    I am also pleased to be saying these words in Manchester which has been at the forefront of joining up health and social care and proved beyond doubt that integrated care, driven not from Whitehall but by local enterprise and initiative, can support the transfer of hospital services to out-of-hospital settings by truly focussing on the needs of patients and service-users.

    And the fact that this kind of project is not peripheral but now central to the change we want to see in our NHS and social care system was demonstrated last week with NHS England’s visionary Five Year Forward View. It talked about inspiring new models of out-of-hospital care, exactly the change that people here have been arguing for. That plan and your ambition is completely consistent with the government’s own view about the future of health and social care.

    We all agree that change needs to happen. But to work it has to be locally led, tailored to local needs and designed by those who know those needs best. So the role for government is clear: no grand blueprints, no structural shake-ups, no one-size-fits all. But our role will be to enable, champion – and yes fund – your endeavor.

    So I want today, as my first response to the NHS England Five Year Forward View, to outline the four pillars of our plan to prepare the NHS and social care system for the challenges of an ageing population. And as social service directors your role will be absolutely central to every element of that plan.

    Funding backed by a strong economy

    The first pillar of our plan concerns funding. A strong NHS and social care system needs a strong economy to support it. The last four years have been the most challenging ever for both the NHS and social care system – and they started because of an economic crisis. It is in all of our interests to make sure the economy continues to grow, create jobs and generate the tax revenues that allow sustained ongoing financial support for health and social care. In Portugal, Spain and Greece we have seen services cut as the price of economic failure – and we don’t want that to happen here.

    And when we did have to tackle the deficit, we prioritised the NHS by protecting its budget – which meant tougher settlements for other departments including local government. But the interconnected relationship between the services we both offer to vulnerable people means that we in the NHS have a responsibility – as we move to fully integrated services – to help you deal with a tough financial settlement. If we operate in financial silos the costs will be higher for both of us – hence there is no sustainable NHS without the tremendous strategic importance of the Better Care Fund which we are celebrating today.

    Transformed out-of-hospital care

    But it isn’t just about money: it’s also about the way we deliver care.

    The NHS was set up in 1948 in a very different world. The model was essentially if you were a little bit ill you went to your GP; if you were very ill you went to hospital. You were then patched up and sent home.

    With an ageing population our challenges are profoundly different. By the time of the election we will have nearly one million more over 65s than at the start of the last parliament. Within the next two years, we will have three million people with three or more long term conditions. A few years after that we’ll have one million people with dementia. And a few years after that – by 2030 – the number of over 80s will double to 5 million people, 10% of the entire population.

    Older people with complex conditions need a different type of care, one that is usually best delivered out of hospital settings. They’ll be frequent users of the health and social care system so they need one person taking responsibility for their healthcare. And they need to know that wherever they go they will be dealing with someone who knows about them and their family, knows their medication history, and knows about their other interactions in the system.

    So if getting a strong economy is the first pillar of our plans for the NHS and social care system, getting this new model of care right for an ageing population is the second.

    Better Care Fund

    And on that front I am pleased to report today some remarkable progress with the Better Care Fund, which for the first time anywhere in the world is integrating health and social care across an entire health economy.

    Building on the excellent work by Norman Lamb on the Integration Pioneers that many of you were involved in, local authorities and local NHS commissioners have joined together and painstakingly planned commissioning for adult health and social care with pooled budgets. Budgets from the local authority side are for the first time helping to reduce emergency hospital admissions and budgets from the NHS side are for the first time helping to reduce permanent admissions to care homes.

    I want to thank my colleague Eric Pickles for making this happen, and thank the Better Care Fund Team and Andrew Ridley.

    Sceptics said this wouldn’t happen. Critics said there wasn’t the appetite among local councils or the NHS. The papers criticised it and opposition politicians called for it to be halted and when they were proved wrong said it didn’t do enough.

    Well they were all wrong. Because today I am delighted to announce the total amount of pooled budget for next year is even higher than the government’s original £3.8 billion. It has risen to a staggering £5.3 bn.

    I can announce that 97% of the 151 plans have been approved.

    And that as a result of these plans NHS England estimate that the Better Care Fund will be supporting at least 18,000 individuals in new roles delivering care in the community. This will be a range of social workers, occupational therapists, care navigators, doctors and nurses, deployed based on local needs and delivering outside hospitals care to some of our most vulnerable citizens.

    Taken together, these plans will mean savings [to the NHS] of £500m in the first year alone. More importantly in terms of patient care, they will mean 163,000 fewer hospital stays or 447 fewer hospital admissions every single day; and 100,000 fewer unnecessary days spent in hospital in total through organising better delayed discharges

    This is a great start and everyone here should feel very proud. But based on the same principles that we’ve learnt in the last year I want to ask why should we not go further?

    Accountable care organisations

    For me GPs, whose services are commissioned by NHS England, sit at the heart of NHS community care. We need them to be part of this change too. So this year, for the first time, CCGs have been offered for the chance not just to commission social care jointly with local authority colleagues, but also co-commission primary care with NHS England. I hope the result will be in many areas a single integrated approach to commissioning all out of hospital care, whether through community care, GP practices or social care, often using personal budgets to integrate care even better around the person.

    I think we can go even further than that.

    Should we not adopt the same partnership approach we have so successfully pioneered with the Better Care Fund for public health responsibilities as well? You have made a great start with your new public health responsibilities – alcohol recovery rates up, smoking down, teenage pregnancy down and health checks at an all time high. It would surely make more sense for local authorities to plan their smoking, alcohol, drugs and obesity strategies alongside NHS colleagues who have a direct financial interest in making them successful. In doing this we can turn CCGs, working alongside local government colleagues in accountable care organisations, responsible for commissioning end-to-end integrated care for their entire populations – including both care closer to home and proactive prevention programmes.

    And in the same vein, should we not also consider joint commissioning of children’s services, building on our review of Children and Adolescent Mental Health services? That review highlighted the importance of different organisations working together – so as we move to integrated care we should consider what the benefits could be for this very important patient group.

    Innovation

    A strong economy and integrated community care are the first two pillars of our plan. The third pillar involves being much better at embracing innovation and efficiency.

    The technology revolution means that now half of us bank online, nearly two thirds of us have a smart phone and three quarters of us access the internet every day. Yet still in the NHS we employ people whose main job is to input the contents of faxes from hospitals onto electronic health records in GP surgeries.

    IT investment has had a chequered history in the NHS but in the last two years we have made some good progress. By the end of this year a third of A & E departments will be able to access summary care records, as will one third of 111 call centres and one third of ambulance services. This will then be rolled out to everyone.

    I know electronic record sharing is a key part of the Better Care programme you have been working on – so let me give you one example of where I think it could make a huge difference. Shouldn’t residential care homes be able, with a patient’s consent, to update someone’s condition onto their GP record on a daily basis? We’ve introduced named GPs for all over 75s this year, rolling out to everyone next year. But we could make this much more meaningful if the responsible GP was able to check on someone’s condition on a daily basis just by looking at their record on a computer.

    Cost tracking

    But innovation is not just about electronic medical records.

    One of the most common criticisms of the NHS is that it is a slow adopter of technology, even when adopting such technology earlier would save overall costs. This tends to be because we look at costs in financial silos so people are reluctant to invest in costs upstream that benefit another part of the system downstream.

    We therefore need CCGs and local authorities to collect full real time total NHS and social care cost information by patient and service-user. Only when we can see that will commissioners invest properly in the preventative innovations that both improve health and contain cost.

    Culture change

    Innovation and efficiency is the third pillar of our plan. And then final pillar is the most difficult of all, because it is not financial, it’s not operational it’s cultural.

    We need to change the culture of a system that has too often failed to put patients at the heart of its priorities.

    Almost two years ago, after less than two months as Health Secretary, I made one of my most difficult speeches I’ve ever made when – in the wake of Mid Staffs – I talked about the normalisation of cruelty in the NHS. And we have sadly also seen at Winterbourne View the criminal abuse of vulnerable adults.

    Since that time, thanks to the huge efforts of people across the health and care system, we have made great strides in improving quality and safety in hospitals. We have 5,000 more nurses in our hospitals, every patient being asked whether they would recommend the care they receive to friends or a member of their family and with the new Chief Inspectors of Hospitals, General Practice and Adult Social Care we probably have the most robust independent inspection regime of anywhere in the world. And we are doing more as well to help adults and older people live independently, with the appropriate support, rather than in residential care.

    And these things are all important – but unless the culture changes as well they will be for nothing.

    And the heart of the problem is that for too long in the NHS, perhaps less true in the social care system, but in the NHS we have relied on top-down targets as the main way to raise standards. Whilst there will always be a role for some targets in any large organisation, the danger with too many targets people focus their energy away from the vulnerable person sitting right in front of them – as we saw at Mid Staffs with tragic consequences.

    We need to recognise that transparency of outcomes and peer review is a far more powerful way to improve care than yet more targets.

    Transparency of outcomes was pioneered by Bruce Keogh and our heart surgeons a decade ago: since they had the courage to assemble and publish, surgeon by surgeon, mortality rates we have moved from having some of the highest heart surgery mortality rates in Europe to some of the lowest.

    The MyNHS website now displays comparative performance by hospitals and local authorities on a wide range of indicators, from food to efficiency to safety and public health. I want this to be the engine that turns our NHS and social care systems into truly learning organisations.

    And as part of that cultural change we need to see, which is to make sure the primary accountability of doctors and nurses is not to system goals but to the patient standing in front of them.

    From next year every NHS patient will have a GP who is personally responsible for their care, with the GP’s name at the top of their electronic health record. Named, accountable doctors so that both patient and NHS know where the buck stops. And GPs supported to discharge that responsibility with more capacity in primary care, whether through additional GPs, practice nurses, district nurses or administrative support.

    Conclusion

    So I wanted to spend some time explaining the four pillars of our plan to transform our health and social care systems over the next parliament: increased funding backed by a strong economy; integrated, joined up out of hospital care; innovation and efficiency; and a culture where patients and service users always come first.

    If it sounds ambitious, I think it is.

    But we have a few trump cards to play.

    A social care system that has succeeded in weathering perhaps the toughest financial challenge in its history.

    We have an NHS that was rated this year by the independent Commonwealth Fund as the top-performing healthcare system in the world – ahead of America, ahead of France, ahead of Germany, ahead of France, ahead of Spain.

    The commitment and values of not just NHS staff, but also colleagues in the social care system who have given their lives to the most noble cause of all, giving dignity and respect for our most vulnerable and disadvantaged citizens.

    And we have a growing economy. But the litmus test for us as society is what we do with the fruits of economic success.

    Today shows that with hard work, imagination and commitment we can pass that litmus test and rise to the challenge of an ageing population by making Britain the best country in the world to grow old in.

    There’s a long way to go, but today the journey has started.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2014 Speech to King’s Fund

    jeremyhunt

    Below is the text of the speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Secretary of State for Health, to the King’s Fund in London on 13 November 2014.

    Introduction

    Here at the King’s Fund, in November 2012, I made the most important and difficult speech I’ve made as Health Secretary.

    It was in the run up to the publication of the Francis report.When I described the problems at Mid Staffs and across the NHS I used words never used by a Health Secretary before – I spoke of the ‘normalisation of cruelty.’

    But rising to the challenge of Francis has not been the only thing the NHS has had to cope with.

    We’ve also had the deepest recession since the second world war with unprecedented austerity. At the same time an ageing population has given us nearly one million more over 65s than at the time of the last election.

    This triple whammy has created perhaps the toughest financial climate for the health and social care system in its history.

    Four pillars

    Big challenges. Which call for big solutions.

    Solutions that involve us all, owned not just by politicians and NHS leaders, but by doctors and nurses on the frontline.

    Solutions that improve care and reduce cost at the same time – better care for patients and better value for the taxpayer.

    And solutions that are sustainable because they go with and not against the grain of core NHS values.

    So today I want to outline the four pillars of the government’s plan for the NHS – and how we intend to make a reality of the NHS England

    Five Year Forward View

    And I will be brave: by saying I am increasingly optimistic that working together we can build a historic new compact across the NHS which not only achieves the Forward View’s £22 billion of efficiency savings but also delivers higher quality and safer care to an ageing and increasingly demanding population.

    So what are the four pillars of our plan?

    Firstly to recognise that a strong NHS needs a strong economy.   This is not a political point but economic reality. Much of the current pressure was caused by an economic crisis. The way to relieve that pressure is both to end the crisis and to make sure it is never repeated. As the Forward View makes clear, the only way to grow the £113 billion NHS annual budget is to make sure we have an economy generating the tax revenue to finance it.

    The second pillar is something you have championed for many years at the King’s Fund: the need for integrated care closer to home as the heart of our response to an ageing population.

    Within the next 2 decades the number of over 80s will double to over 5 million. The care they need is different: proactive, out of hospital care focused on prevention and management of illness – rather than a narrow focus on emergency care when it is too late.   So in the last year we have been taking important steps: a proactive care programme which commits GPs to additional care for their most vulnerable patients; named GPs personally responsible for the care of individual patients, starting with over 75s this year and rolling out to everyone next year; and two weeks ago the £5 billion integration of health and social care through the Better Care Fund. 151 local plans to improve out of hospital care including sharing medical records, jointly commissioning social care and jointly working to reduce emergency hospital admissions.

    The third pillar of our plan, is something I want to spend some time on today. How do harness innovation and value for money to improve care and make the Forward View’s £22 billion of savings?

    Innovation

    Innovation is not alien to the NHS.

    It has had more “world firsts” since its creation in 1948 than any other publicly funded health system, including the first baby born by IVF in 1978 at Oldham General; the first ever heart, lung and liver transplant at Papworth in 1987; and the link between lung cancer and smoking, discovered at NHS hospitals by Sir Richard Doll in the 1950s.

    But scientific innovation has not been matched by process innovation. We have not built a system that is good at adopting and rapidly diffusing new ways of doing things. Given that much innovation saves money as well as lives, we need to change the NHS from a lumberingly slow adopter of new technology to a world class showcase of what innovation can achieve.

    Today I am taking an important step towards making that change.

    Alongside colleagues across the health and care system on the National Information Board, I am setting out a plan to achieve personalised, 21st century healthcare for the whole NHS. We will not do this through bureaucratic top down initiatives but by encouraging and diffusing local clinical innovation. And harnessing the most powerful driving force for innovation we have: the power of individual citizens who care about their own health.

    From next spring you will have online access to a summary of your own GP record, and access to the full coded medical records by 2018. By 2018, as well as access, you will be able to record your own comments. This means everyone will be able to create and manage their own personal care record.   From next April you will be able to book GP appointments online and order repeat prescriptions without having to go into your local surgery.

    By 2018 a paperless NHS will ensure you only have to tell your story once: if you consent, your electronic care record will be available securely across most of the health system, and by 2020 across the whole of the health and care system, so that, when you need care, different health professionals have instant access to the information they need. This has already started with one third of A & E departments now able to access GP records and one third of ambulance services able to do so by the end of this year.

    From next 2016 NHS England have said you will also have access to trusted NHS health ‘apps’ and social networks – so that you can monitor your own health, or join a virtual community of friends, family or other patients who can support you.

    Personalisation and prevention

    We know in other sectors technology has made personalised service economic to deliver – whether it is home banking, on-demand TV or personalised Christmas cards.

    But in healthcare that is only the tip of the iceberg.

    More personalised, responsive and joined-up care becomes possible with shared electronic health records.

    But in healthcare, technology also unlocks personalised cures for illnesses. We know that diseases like cancer and dementia are not single diseases, but infinitely complex variations on a theme. We also know that it is often not economic – under current models – to develop cures for rarer diseases like pancreatic cancer or infantile epilepsy.   And that is why this government has committed to make the UK the first country to sequence and make research-ready 100,000 whole genomes. We want the NHS to spearhead a global revolution in personalised medicine based on individual genetic characteristics.

    But in healthcare it is not just personalised care and personalised cures that technology unlocks. It is also a revolution in prevention.

    If you are a vulnerable older person being cared for by Airedale Hospital in Yorkshire, you may well be given a big red button. This sits on your armchair and to use it, there is only one thing you need to do: and that is to make sure your TV is switched on. Then if you press the button – anytime, day or night, a nurse will appear on your TV screen to ask how you are.

    Incredibly simple – but incredibly effective at reducing emergency admissions by making good care accessible from inside your own home. Airedale estimates a 14% reduction in such admissions for these patients – while NHS Gloucestershire, where I was yesterday, estimate they have reduced the cost of emergency admissions by 35% for patients with long-term conditions using a similar remote monitoring system.

    And this is not just about the frail elderly. Google and Novartis are collaborating on a new contact lens to help people with diabetes monitor their blood sugar levels through analysing tears.

    7 million people now wear devices or use apps to monitor their own health. My own FitBit One says that today I have done 8553 of my 10,000 daily steps. In the US Kaiser Permanente are looking to integrate pedometer data into electronic health records to give physicians a better understanding of people’s prevention regimes.

    Too often, though, the NHS has lagged behind other countries in offering access to these kinds of products even though the NHS itself is the winner if costs are contained by preventing illness. This will not change until healthcare is commissioned holistically, so that the budget holder who pays for innovative prevention sees the financial benefits that accrue as a result.

    So today I can announce that as part of a step towards becoming accountable care organisations, all CCGs will be asked by NHS England – with support from HSCIC – to collect and analyse expenditure on a per-patient basis.

    CCGs will then, as co-commissioners of primary and specialist care with NHS England, and co-commissioners of social care and potentially public health with local authorities, be able to pinpoint more clearly where there is the greatest potential to improve patient outcomes by reducing avoidable costs through more innovative use of preventative measures.

    Protection

    But alongside personalisation and prevention, there is a third “p” that is vital if we are to embrace innovation – and that is the protection, protection of personal medical data. If we lose the confidence of the public that their data is safe none of this will be possible.

    So we need to be as robust in protecting personal data as we are ambitious to reap the benefits of sharing it.

    This year’s Care Act put in place a number of measures, controls and independent oversight of the use of personal data. New data security requirements will be published by October 2015 and mandatory for all providers of NHS care.

    But today I am going further.

    Just as we now have a Chief Inspector of Hospitals to speak without fear or favour about standards of care, I am today announcing the establishing of a new National Data Guardian to be the patient’s champion when it comes to the security of personal medical information.

    I am delighted that Dame Fiona Caldicott, who has done so much outstanding work in this area, has agreed to be the first National Data Guardian for health and care. She has agreed that it will be her responsibility to raise concerns publicly about improper data use. And organisations that fail to act on her recommendations will face sanctions, either through the ICO or the CQC, including potentially both fines and the removal of the right to use shared personal data.

    I have already asked Dame Fiona to provide independent advice to me on care.data. No data will be extracted from GP practice systems – including during the ‘pathfinder’ pilot phase of the programme – until she has advised me that she is satisfied with the programme’s proposals and safeguards.

    I intend to put the National Data Guardian on a legal footing at the earliest opportunity, but even before that the CQC and the ICO have committed to pay special attention to her recommendations, including sanctioning organisations where they find breaches, that do not comply with Dame Fiona’s recommendations, even before any new legislation is passed, so patients will benefit immediately from a much tougher and more transparent regime.

    Reaching the £22 billion

    A more personalised service that helps people stay healthier is not just what people want: it also reduces cost.

    The banks have persuaded more than half of us to bank online. And in doing so cut their own costs by an impressive 20%. By embracing the lower costs of virtual shopping, websites such as Amazon deliver products more conveniently but also more cheaply too. Skype is not just handy – it means international calls are free. Higher quality and reduced cost at the same time.

    And likewise this has happened in healthcare, where the Veterans Association estimates that a fully integrated, digital system including accessible electronic health records, remote monitoring, and online consultations has saved $3 billion over 6 years.   It is, now difficult, of course, to predict exactly what the savings might be for the NHS – but to give you one example, if better care at home reduced the cost of emergency admissions by 30%, we could save £5 billion by 2020. A one year delay in the onset of dementia would save £1.5 billion. Money that can be reinvested in more frontline staff and more preventative care, creating a win-win for patients and staff alike.

    The Forward View £22 billion savings challenge

    But there is also a lose-lose which we are grappling with now.

    Because every pound wracked up in deficits is a pound taken away from patient care, which is why maintaining financial balance is vital. But true financial sustainability means rethinking how we spend money not just day-to-day but more fundamentally. Just as in 2009 Sir David Nicholson set up the Nicholson Challenge to save £20 bn this parliament – something that has largely been delivered – so the Forward View sets up a £22 billion challenge for the next parliament.

    The challenge may be similar but the way we deliver it will change. As the Forward View makes clear, long-term pay freezes are unlikely to be viable if the NHS is to retain the staff it needs. But as before we will need a combination of national and local initiatives, so today I want to outline 10 savings challenges we can help NHS organisations deliver, challenges which between them could save between £7 billion and £10 billion by 2020.

    The first challenge is safer care. Last month, at Birmingham Children’s Hospital, I spoke about the huge cost that is placed onto the NHS by poor quality and unsafe care. A single avoidable fall costs the NHS £1200 because of the longer hospital stay it causes; but we also know avoidable bedsores cost the NHS £50m and orthopaedic surgery infections cost between £2-3m every year. A report by Frontier Economics, bringing together the available evidence, suggested that the total cost of preventable harm in the NHS may be between £1 and £2.5 billion.

    One of the areas identified by the Frontier report forms the second challenge: ensuring the safe, effective and optimal use of medicines. Last week, the Academy of Royal Medical Colleges estimated that adverse drug reactions resulted in costs of £466 million through additional bed days. This may be the result of prescribing errors. Or clinicians may not know that a patient has an allergy. And some patients, particularly those taking multiple medicines, may find it difficult to take the right doses at the right times. The report argued a further £85 million of savings could be found by prescribing lower cost statins, without impacting on patient care.

    So poor use of medicines is connected to the third challenge: the £300 million of waste each year in primary care from unused drugs, half of which could be avoided according to a study by the University of York and the School of Pharmacy. We have already started to help systems tackle these issues through the roll out of e-prescribing systems using the Safer Hospitals, Safer Wards fund, and through more one-to-one pharmacist consultations as part of the New Medicines Service. But there is much more to do to support patients and clinicians to get the best outcomes from medicines.

    The fourth challenge is procurement. The NHS spends almost £15 billion each year on medical equipment, devices, office supplies and facilities. Prices for surgical gloves vary from £2.43 to £5.44 across the NHS, and the NAO found variation of up to 183% in the prices paid by Trusts for the 100 most commonly ordered products. So we have established the Procurement Efficiency Programme, led by Lord Carter, which aims to deliver savings of at least £1.5 billion from the NHS procurement budget from next year. Mid Cheshire Foundation Trust made savings of 9% on their orthopaedic wards and reduced clinical time spent on stock management by 74% by embracing modern procurement and stock control principles, and I am confident we can make similar changes across the NHS by collecting and sharing data, getting a grip on stocks and supplies, and helping providers with central frameworks and core lists to purchase common products.

    My fifth challenge is agency staffing. Agency staff can be an essential way to fill difficult gaps quickly and to ensure that services continue to be delivered. But we know that a Band 5 agency nurse can cost three times more than a permanent member of staff. And data from University Hospitals Birmingham suggests that high use of temporary staffing can be a sign of poorer quality care, something that Professor Sir Mike Richards has also noted during his inspections. The amount being spent by trusts on agency fees has gone beyond a sensible response to new staffing levels required by Francis and become an unacceptable waste of money.

    So we are supporting Trusts by publishing a new toolkit to help reduce spend on agency staff. And we will bring down these costs further by working with providers to improve their processes and challenge agencies that are ripping off the NHS and the taxpayer. We know it is possible – Taunton and Somerset Foundation Trust, for example, saved £2.5 million by introducing clear rules for hiring agency staff and using electronic rostering.

    The sixth challenge is on surplus land and estates. In many areas of the country the NHS owns buildings and land that it no longer requires, as care is increasingly delivered in the community or in people’s homes. There is huge potential for that land to be used for better NHS primary care facilities or indeed housing and schools – whilst at the same time, reducing NHS overheads and generating cash for reinvestment in NHS services. The London Health Commission estimated that the total value of surplus estate in the capital alone was worth £1.5 billion.

    The seventh challenge is to ensure that visitors and migrants pay a fair contribution to our NHS. Government and the NHS need to ensure that, where people need to pay for their care, every effort is made to recover the charges. Independent research from Prederi suggests that up to £500 million can be recovered from visitors and temporary migrants accessing NHS services. That would be enough to pay the salaries of almost 10,000 nurses. To do this we are providing financial incentives to trusts to promote the identification of people who should be paying for their healthcare. Identification will also be made simpler through details listed in healthcare records of visitors and migrants.

    The eighth challenge is back office costs. The health system is on track to reduce its administration costs by one third over the course of this Parliament, which will save £1.5 billion – and we are committed to save a further £300 million in next year including through shared services and bearing down on estates costs in the department and its agencies. All of these savings go back to supporting frontline care. But it is vital that the NHS continues to look at how it can reduce back office costs in order to support better patient care and these could produce an around £0.5 billion of savings.

    The ninth challenge is to come up with more solutions ourselves by reducing the £500 million plus we spend a year on management consultants. We have the ideas and people inside our NHS to deliver the change we need. It is our doctors, nurses, healthcare assistants and managers who will create a sustainable NHS but we won’t grip this if we try to subcontract the challenge of working out the solution. The final challenge is a personal priority of mine: making better use of IT to free up time for frontline staff. A study by the Health and Social Care Information Centre found that 66% of a junior clinician’s time is spent finding, accessing and updating patient notes – compared to just 24% on patient contact. Electronic records systems could make a real difference in freeing up time to care for patients. And that is why I want all clinicians in primary, urgent and emergency care to be operating without the use of paper records by 2018.

    Taken together these changes could save a significant part of the Forward View’s £22 billion – and combined with local innovation we can surely find the rest. But some of them are not new – so why am I optimistic we can deliver them this time round?   Because I think the Department of Health has learned that simply coming up with an initiative and hoping to “roll it out” from the centre is rarely successful. These challenges will only be achieved if we construct and implement them with the full support of NHS organisations and their frontline staff.

    So I want to do something different this time.

    I want to build on the consensus around the Forward View to develop a compact around both the amount and the way we embrace innovation and efficiency to deliver the savings needed. A compact between the bodies leading the NHS and NHS organisations themselves. And a compact that goes on to be translated at a local level to agreements between Trusts and their own staff as to how we are going to improve both care and efficiency at the same time.

    Fourth pillar

    So that’s the third pillar is a compact to deliver real change in the way the NHS embraces innovation and efficiency.

    But there is a fourth pillar, perhaps the most difficult and important of all. And that is to make sure we get the culture inside the NHS absolutely right. We can make the investments, find the efficiencies, we can even invent new cures – but if those changes are delivered without the right culture of safe, compassionate care they count for little.

    I will return to this on another occasion, but let me leave you with a thought about the two biggest areas of culture we still need to improve. First of all safety: why in healthcare is it somehow acceptable that one in twenty deaths are avoidable? In the NHS in England that is 1000 avoidable deaths every single month. I want us to be the first country in the world that aims to eliminate avoidable deaths in healthcare with the same standards of safety they have in the airline, nuclear or oil industries.

    And we will do that by nurturing a new culture in which the main driver of performance improvement is not endless new targets, but a culture of openness, transparency and continual improvement through peer-review.

    And the second area we need to think about is accountability. Still too often in the NHS it is hard for patients to see where the buck stops. Whether it is frail elderly with complex conditions, adolescents with severe mental health trauma, inside hospital or outside we still have a system where corporate goals trump responsibility for individual patients. Patients will never be at the heart of our system until we have professionals truly accountable for making that happen patient by patient, person by person.

    Conclusion

    So ladies and gentleman it has been a longer speech than normal, even for a politician.

    But I wanted, in the wake of the Forward View, to put some flesh on the bone with respect to the government’s response and the plan we want to work with you on for delivering for the NHS.

    I’d like to finish then on a note of optimism: we are not alone as a country in facing these challenges. But if we implement the plan I have outlined this afternoon, we will be the first country in the world to do so across an entire health economy.

    A properly funded healthcare system backed by a strong economy.

    New models of care appropriate for an ageing population with the safe sharing of data.

    Innovation and efficiency that both saves money and puts patients in the driving seat for their own healthcare.

    And a culture of safe, compassionate care where patients always come first.

    And an NHS that turns heads across the world as it blazes a trail for 21st century healthcare.

    Thank you very much.