Category: Speeches

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in Budapest, Hungary on 7 January 2016.

Well thank you very much and thank you Viktor [Orbán] for the warmth of your welcome and for your friendship and your support. As you say, it’s a decade since a British Prime Minister has been to Hungary. That’s far too long and I’m delighted to be here today.

I came to your country as a student in 1985. I came as a young man a couple of times, actually, in the 1990s and later, and it’s great to be back here as Prime Minister and to see the incredible progress of this country and to see your Prime Ministership and economy that is growing, unemployment that is low, and a very successful Hungarian economy it is. And thank you for what you said about Britain’s investment. It is a strong economic relationship we have, and a number of British companies are operating here, and I would like to see that number increase.

Britain and Hungary have important and close relations. We’re both members of NATO, enthusiastic members of NATO. We’re both members of the European Union. And we’ve worked together very closely. I think we share a lot of the same perspectives about Europe. We want a Europe that works, but we want a Europe that respects nation states, and a Europe that does not try to do everything, that recognises the role of nations states and believes in subsidiarity, that there are many things that are better left for countries to do themselves. But we should cooperate where we can achieve goals that suit us all.

We’ve discussed at some length the European reform agenda that I’ve put forward and the 4 points, the 4 areas where we think there needs to be progress. We want to see a Europe where, of course if some countries want to integrate further, they can, but for Britain this is not an ever-closer union. This is a cooperation over economics, over things we share in common, over policies where we can advance our mutual interests, but we don’t believe in an ever-deepening political project for Britain.

We want, as you said, a Europe that adds to our competitiveness, not that takes away from our competitiveness. We want a Europe that’s signing trade deals with the fastest-growing areas of the world, that’s completing the single market in energy, in services and digital; things that can drive the growth in jobs that we want to see in our countries. We want a Europe that has fair rules for those countries that are in the eurozone and those countries that are outside the eurozone. And this is, I think, an area where Britain and Hungary can make common cause. We want to make sure, yes, that the euro is a success. That is important for my economy, important for your economy. But we need to make sure that those of us outside the eurozone suffer no disadvantage, suffer no discrimination. And I think it’s important we get that right in the discussions we have.

And finally we have discussed the issue of welfare and of the movement of people. Let me be clear, I support the free movement of people. People in Britain welcome the fact they are able to go and live and work in other European countries. But what matters is that we deal with the scale and the pressures that sometimes that movement can create. And Britain’s welfare system has provided something of an additional draw in terms of movement of people, and it’s that that my proposal of the 4-year wait for welfare benefits is designed to address.

So we’ve had good discussions. We obviously now have a limited time between now and the February European Council, but I’m confident that, if we work hard with goodwill on all sides, we should try for an agreement at that Council. But as I have said, I only have to hold my referendum by the end of 2017. If it takes longer to make an agreement, then obviously what matters to me is the substance rather than the timing.

We’ve also discussed the important issues of mutual concern. The migration crisis into the European Union, where I think we have many common perspectives. We agree we have got to solve these problems upstream. We need a peace deal in Syria. We should go on supporting, as Britain does very generously, Syrian refugees in Lebanon, in Turkey, in Jordan and indeed in Syria itself. I quite agree with Viktor that Europe needs strong external borders and those that help provide those strong external borders I believe are doing very much the right thing.

We talked about the crisis in Syria and how we can work together. We’ve talked about the work that we’re doing to confront Daesh and Islamist extremism, and the very welcome contribution that Hungarian forces are making as part of the coalition. And we’ve also discussed relations with Russia and the importance of Europe working together, particularly over implementing the Minsk Agreement with respect to Ukraine.

So it’s been a very good meeting. Viktor and I have worked together now for many years. I look forward to working with you for many more years in the future, and I think there are important perspectives that we share, not just on Europe, but on defence, on NATO, and on these broader issues too. So thank you for the welcome, it’s very good to be back and I promise it won’t be another 10 years before a British Prime Minister, indeed this British prime minister, comes back to Hungary.

Thank you.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, to HMS Bulwark in Malta on 11 November 2015.

Thank you very much indeed. Let me say that in this extraordinary and beautiful harbour, and on this remarkable ship and on Armistice Day, the pleasure and the honour is entirely mine standing in front of you.

I think it is fitting that we do it on Armistice Day when we think about those that served and fell for our country in causes so that we could live with the freedom we enjoy today. But I really want to thank you, from the bottom of my heart, for what you’ve done. I well remember that day in April when it was so important to act and act quickly, and the way you responded from moving from Gallipoli to here has been absolutely brilliant. And above all, you should be incredibly proud of the lives that you’ve saved.

There will be people who will live out extraordinary dreams and lives that wouldn’t have happened, were it not for what you have done in the Mediterranean.

This is the biggest problem facing Europe today. It’s a movement of people bigger than anything we’ve seen since the Second World War and I think you can be proud of the role that you’ve played, those lives that you’ve saved, those lives you have transformed – over 4,700 people in the last 60 days alone.

So how are we going to solve this great problem? What role is Britain going to play as a member of the European Union, as we help to tackle this enormous challenge?

Well the first thing we should do is do what you’ve done and respond with humanity. We are a moral nation, we care about the lives of others. And going on and saving lives and helping people is part of what we should do as a country. You should be incredibly proud of the role that you’ve played in that.

But saving lives is not going to be enough. We need a real partnership with the countries from which these people are coming. And that is what this summit in Malta today and tomorrow is all about. Bringing together the countries of Africa, the countries of Europe so we can work together.

And again Britain will play a huge and historic role. Our aid programme means we can get into those countries and help to tackle not just the poverty, but the failures of governance, the corruption, the conflict and all the things that cause people to leave their homes and make this perilous journey.

But as well as responding with humanity, and with partnership, we also have to respond with resolve. And that is what the next stage of this mission is going to be all about. Because to be frank, it is not enough just to put people up and save their lives. We’ve got to go after the criminal gangs that are loading them into the boats and offering them false hope in the first place. We need to smash those gangs and that is what the next stage of this work is going to be all about.

It will be difficult work but its absolutely essential and we will give you everything you need to make sure that work gets done properly. In the end, we have to break the link between getting on a boat and getting the chance to come to Europe. As long as that ability to do that is there, the criminal gangs will keep on exploiting people in the way they are today.

So we know what needs to be done. The humanity of a moral nation. The partnership of a country that acts with others to get things done in the world. And a country that knows that resolution, resolve, is going to be absolutely key in dealing with this.

And as you do so, as well as being proud of what you’ve done, I hope you will feel very proud of the country that you’re part of. There is no other country, no other major country, in the world that is both meeting its 2% NATO spending commitment and its 0.7% gross national income aid commitment. We are the engaged nation that recognises we need the hard military power that this great ship represents but also the incredibly important soft power of an aid programme that can help us live together and mend these countries from which so many people are coming.

So that is the promise I make to you. We will go on investing in the military hardware that we need and go on investing in the aid programme that we need to help you, to help us, to solve these great problems that we face in Europe today.

But above all, I want you as you go home, I hope for a break, at the end of the very hard work you’ve done – you’ve been in high readiness for four years, and you’ve been working round the clock for the last 60 days and more – I think you should be proud of the work you’ve done here in the Mediterranean, above all of the lives that you’ve saved, the futures that you’ve made possible. That is a very great thing for you to consider as you think of the rest of your service in the Royal Navy and our Armed Services.

Thank you again for the welcome, thank you for your service, it’s an honour to stand with you here in Malta today. Thank you very much.

Below is the text of the press conference between David Cameron, the Prime Minister, and Narendra Modi, the Indian Prime Minister, in London on 12 November 2015.

Thank you everyone; good afternoon. It’s a huge pleasure to welcome Prime Minister Modi to London today on this, his first visit to the United Kingdom since taking office. It is the first of an Indian Prime Minister in almost a decade, and it’s a real opportunity to open a new chapter in the relationship between our 2 countries.

I believe we are already natural partners, as the world’s oldest democracy and the world’s largest democracy, we share so many of the same values. And the ties between our people bind us together, with 1.5 million people of Indian origin living here in the UK, the second largest Indian diaspora anywhere in the world.

Yet I do not believe that we’re realising the true potential of this relationship. And that is what Prime Minister Modi and I want to change. We want to forge a more ambitious, modern partnership, harnessing our strengths and working together for the long term to help shape our fortunes at home and abroad in the 21st century. As leaders, we share similar priorities to create jobs and opportunities for all, to protect our people from terrorism, and to tackle global challenges like climate change.

And it makes sense to work together on these issues. So today we’ve discussed how to build a stronger economic partnership, a stronger defence partnership, and a stronger global partnership. And let me say a word about each.

First, our economic partnership. Britain is the biggest major investor in India, bigger than the USA. British businesses already support nearly 700,000 jobs in India, and India invests more into the UK than it does in the rest of the European Union combined, creating almost 8,000 new jobs here last year alone. And during this visit, British and Indian companies are announcing new collaborations, together worth more than £9 billion.

But I think there’s scope to go much further. Today we’ve discussed Prime Minister Modi’s vision for India, to transform its economy, building 100 smart cities, increasing the skills of 500 million young people, providing around the clock electricity for all; building 10,000km of roads. These are immense projects, and we’ve talked about how Britain can help to transform this vision into a reality. We want to become your number one partner for securing the finance needed for this ambitious plan, making London the world’s centre for offshore rupee trading.

We’re getting that started with plans already in place today to issue over £1 billion of bonds, right here in London, including the first ever government‑backed rupee‑denominated bond to be issued internationally. We want British companies with their world‑class consulting, project management and engineering skills to help you plan, design and build these new cities. So I am delighted we’ve agreed a new 5‑year partnership to develop 3 cities: Amravati, Indore and Pune. We want UK and Indian scientists to work together to develop the low‑cost, low‑carbon energy that’s vital for the future, and that’s why we’re establishing a new, £10 million joint research collaboration into new technologies. We want our companies to truly make in India, and that’s why we’re re‑invigorating our forum of business leaders who we’ll see tomorrow.

Second, we’ve agreed to establish a stronger, broader defence and international security partnership. All countries have a right to self-defence, and we want to assist India, the world’s largest defence importer, to modernise her capabilities. We’ll establish a new government‑to‑government framework to help make this happen. This will also mean increasing co-operation on new technologies and new capabilities, like cyber, like our aircraft carriers too.

We’ll deploy a Royal Navy warship to the Bay of Bengal next February to take part in India’s first major international gathering of warships for a number of years. And we’ll work together to better protect ourselves from new and emerging threats, such as cyber‑attacks, with the UK helping to establish a new centre to train 1 million India cyber‑security professionals and offering assistance to set up a new Indian cyber‑crime unit.

Finally, as global powers with a global outlook, we discussed what more we can do to solve the challenges we face. The UK firmly supports permanent membership for India on the United Nations Security Council. International institutions need to reflect the world as it is today, in order to maintain relevance and to support the rules‑based system that benefits us so much.

Today, we agreed on the vital importance of securing an ambitious global deal in Paris later this year that keeps our goal of limiting global warming by 2050 to 2 degrees, within reach. And we discussed what more we can do to support free trade, in particular by accelerating talks on a free trade deal between the EU and India, which could benefit more than 1.7 billion people and be worth over £15 billion each year to the EU and India combined.

So we’ve had some excellent discussions here today and I look forward to more this evening and of course tomorrow as well. We both have big ambitions for the relationship between our countries. We want a modern, essential partnership founded on old ties, but defined and fuelled by the modern, diverse, dynamic countries that we are both today.

Thank you. Prime Minister Modi.

Narendra Modi

Mr Prime Minister Cameron, members of the media. Prime Minister Cameron has shown great hope and positivity with regard to the relationship with India. I’d like to thank you for that. You have done a great deal to strengthen this partnership between India and UK. I would like to thank you for your warm welcome and your gracious hospitality, and all the time that you have set aside for me during my visit here. So I’d really like to thank you for your past efforts in strengthening the partnership between our 2 countries.

I am delighted to visit the United Kingdom. This is a relationship of immense importance to us. We are – the familiarity of history, the extraordinary people‑to‑people ties and our shared values give it a special character. And this has made it possible to give a special character to our relations. We also have vibrant and growing partnerships across all areas, trade and investment, defence and security, science and education, clean energy and health, technology and innovation, art and culture.

At the international level, we have a broad range of shared interests that are vital to both our countries. Today we have agreed to intensify our political dialogue and hold regular bilateral summits. We have decided to turn our shared values into a partnership to support development in other regions of the world, and alongside we are committed to deepen co-operation across all areas.

Today, we have signed a civil nuclear agreement. This is a symbol of our mutual trust. And we have also resolved to combat climate change. The global centre for clean energy partnerships in India is one of the areas where we have agreed to co-operate, and this will strengthen safety and security in the global nuclear industry.

We attach great value to defence and security co-operation with the UK, including joint military exercises, and trade – defence trade and collaboration. And this co-operation will continue to grow. I am gratified to note that in February 2016, UK will participate in the international fleet review in India. UK will also be strong partners in India’s defence modernisation plans, including our make an India mission in the defence sector. And I’m convinced that UK will play an important role in this mission of ours.

Economic partnership is a key pillar of our partnership. I am convinced that this relationship will grow rapidly in the years ahead, given the size and scale of opportunities in a rapidly expanding India and Britain’s own formidable economic strengths.

The UK is the third-leading investor in India, and India invests much more in UK than in other European Union countries. In – for greater investment in India, we are launching a new fast-track mechanism. We also welcome the revival of the India-UK CEO Forum. We are – we will also increasingly raise funds in London’s financial market. I am pleased that we will issue a railways rupee bond in London stock market. This is – for this is where the journey of Indian Railways had begun.

In the next 2 days, I am looking forward to our engagement with the business sector, and we are – we hope to hear significant announcements from this sector. I am pleased with the progress in our co-operation in clean energy and climate change involving our governments and the private sector. This is an area of immense importance, and it offers enormous opportunities.

Our – with regard to India’s comprehensive and ambitious national plan on climate change, we have a lot of expectations from our bilateral co-operation. We look forward to a concrete outcome in Paris within the framework of the UN Convention on Climate Change, that charts decisive goals for a sustainable and low-carbon future for the world.

We have also achieved many other tangible outcomes in other areas that are all part of India’s national priorities. These include smart cities, healthcare, clean river initiatives, skills and education. Indeed, we agreed that technology, research and innovation will be strong foundations of our partnership across all areas. Both our nations will be able to create more opportunities for our people and increase their prosperity. And at the same time, we will advance our many shared interests and address our challenges. These include peace and stability in Asia, especially in South Asia and West Asia; maritime security; cyber security; and of course, terrorism and extremism.

Prime Minister Cameron, I will continue our discussions on these and other issues in Chequers today and tomorrow. But before I conclude, I wish to thank Prime Minister Cameron and the UK for the strong British support for India’s permanent membership of the reformed UN Security Council and membership in the international export control regimes. I look forward to the honour of speaking in Parliament and addressing the India-UK business summit. And I will have, therefore, the opportunity to speak at length about the rich promise of this relationship.

Today, we have outlined a bold and ambitious vision for our strategic partnership, and the decisions we have taken today reflect our firm commitment to pursue it and the confidence to achieve it. Indeed, the outcomes today have shown that we have already taken our relationship to a new level. Thank you.

Question

Prime Minister Cameron, you’ve visited India 3 times since you came to power. Why has it taken so long to get a return visit?

And Prime Minister Modi, India is becoming an increasingly intolerant place. Why?

David Cameron

Let me answer your question. Actually, India is not only the first major country I visited as Prime Minister, it was also the first major country I visited as leader of the opposition, so I have been wanting to see a strengthening of this relationship, not just for the last 5 years, but the last 10 years, and I think we have made some important progress. The figures on investment are very striking, you know, India invest more into Britain then into the whole of the rest of the EU combined, and in terms of G20 countries, Britain is the biggest investor, bigger than America, bigger than France, bigger than Germany, into India. But I think where we agree, is that we shouldn’t rest on our laurels, we should try and raise our sights and look at these projects, like Smart Cities, like Digital India, like Clean India, where we can bring expertise and really forge a partnership. India soon will be the third largest economy in the world, Britain is the fifth largest economy in the world. We have, I think, real potential. As for the time it takes to have a visit, I’m delighted that the Prime Minister is here. We’ve met many times before at G20s, most recently in New York, and we agreed to make this visit an absolute centrepiece of building the stronger relationship, which is what we are doing today. Prime Minister.

Narendra Modi

It’s true that there has been a gap of 10 years. Nonetheless, during my term in the past 1 year there have been 11 ministerial visits from India to the UK and from the UK to India. Therefore, the relations between the UK and India is continuing. In fact, I have had the opportunity of discussing at length with Prime Minister twice, and we have all committed to taking our relationship forward. In terms of the questions you have raised, India is a land of [inaudible] – India is the land of Ghandi and therefore there is something that is deeply entrenched in our culture, in our traditions, which is that of not accepting anything that is – that has to do with intolerance. Therefore, if any event takes places, wherever it may occur in India, whether it’s once or twice, in a country of 1.2 billion people, every incident that happens is a serious incident for us, and we do not tolerate such incidents of violence at all. We take strong actions and we will continue to take strong actions and legal actions against such incidents. India is a vibrant democracy which, on the basis of the constitution, protects every citizen, and the values of every citizen in accordance with our constitution, and we’re committed to that.

Question

So, my question is to both the Prime Ministers. Sir, both India and the UK are victims of terror from the same terrorist groups. Both our cities are being bombed by the people who are trained from the same sort of terrorism. Both countries lost lives in Afghanistan, the same set of terrorists. In your discussions today sir, did you discuss the shared concerns? And did you agree on some of the co-operation in this field?

Narendra Modi

Thank you. As far as terrorism is concerned, your concern is vital for anyone who believes in humanity, and I would like to state that – with satisfaction, that in the United States all the initiatives taken against terrorism, both India and the UK have been standing together shoulder to shoulder, to fight against all sorts of terrorism and we have taken a common stand in the UN.

Both our countries face extreme threat from terrorism, that is why fighting terrorism is not something that just 1 or 2 or 3 countries can do. This is the responsibility of every human that’s in the world, every humanitarian, every human being. Today, terrorism has spread so far that it has no frontiers. It has no barriers. New groups are born every day. New equipment falls into their hands every day, so terrorists don’t manufacture their own equipment, obviously it comes from somewhere. Mahatma Gandhi used to say that you only get justice when you know what injustice is. So, who do we designate as terrorists? Who helps the terrorists? In fact, there is a proposal in the United Nations on this issue, but unfortunately, it is just hanging without any settlement and the UK and we agree that we need to discuss this at length. That is why all well-meaning nations should work together. All those who help terrorists, in one way or the other, should be fought against and we all should work towards protecting humanity.

David Cameron

[Inaudible] today about the terrorist threat that we both face. We’re going to have intensive discussions tomorrow morning on exactly this issue. India has suffered on the streets of Mumbai, for instance. We have suffered on the streets of London, and we have to confront, particularly this Islamist extremist violence and terrorism, which is doing so much damage, not just to our countries but also to the world. The argument I would make is it’s not enough simply to close down terrorist groups and close down ungoverned space which is what our intervention in Afghanistan was about; was to try and make sure that that country was run by a government with the power to keep terrorist groups out of that country. We also need to deal with the narrative that the terrorists use, with the culture of grievance they try to build up to justify unjustified actions, and that, I think will be part of our discussions tomorrow.

Question

Thank you Prime Minister. Prime Minister Cameron can I ask you, how comfortable do you feel welcoming Prime Minister Modi to this country, given that for the first 2 years of your premiership he was not permitted to visit this country because of his record as Chief Minister of Gujarat?

And on Europe, can I ask you, Donald Tusk has just said that unless the European Union strengthens its external borders, there will be no future for Schengen. Do you agree with him?

And what do you say to Martin Schulz who says that Europe is very happy to spend billions of pounds on bankers helping them, but is pretty miserable when it comes to helping migrants?

And Prime Minister Modi, can I ask you, in the next 2 years, the United Kingdom will be having a referendum on whether to remain in or leave the European Union. Do you see a future for the United Kingdom outside the European Union? And also Prime Minister Modi, can I ask you, tomorrow night you will obviously have a rapturous reception at Wembley Stadium, but there are a number of protestors out today who are saying, and I’m wondering what you say to them, that given your record as Chief Minister of the State of Gujarat, you do not deserve the respect that would normally be accorded to the leader of the world’s largest democracy? Thank you.

David Cameron

Well, lots of questions there. Let me try and answer all of them. I’m pleased to welcome Prime Minister Modi here. He comes with [inaudible] from the people of India who made him Prime Minister with a record and historic majority. As for what happened in the past, there were legal proceedings. There were also, as my colleague, Priti Patel said earlier today, representations from the British government at the time. But we are now discussing the future partnership between Britain and India, both of us backed by our countries for this parliament to work together to strengthen the partnership that we have.

On the other issues that you raise: the reason for supporting banks in a crisis is not that they are uniquely wonderful things or wonderful people, but simply if you allow banks to collapse, they pull down every other business with them. But that’s why we’ve reformed the system in this country so that if banks get in trouble in future, they are bailed out by their own creditors and not by the taxpayer.

As for support for migrants, I think Britain can hold its head high up internationally because we have given more than any other European country, indeed more than any other country in the world, apart from the United States of America, to help with the Syrian refugee crisis, supporting the neighbouring countries, supporting people in Syria, and of course supporting the refugee camps. No country apart from America has done more.

As for what Donald Tusk says about Schengen: Britain is not in Schengen. We have kept our own borders, while being part of the European Union. So, it is not really for me to say, but obviously I want to help my colleagues in Europe deal with this migration crisis. That is why actually we have done more than any other European country to support the European asylum support officers that are helping to deal with this crisis on Schengen’s external borders. And we’ll continue to do that.

But clearly, you need to have either a system with external borders or a system with internal borders. You can’t have borders that don’t work at either level. But as I say, Britain will remain out of Schengen. We will keep our own borders. We think that’s important for our security.

I think those were all your questions. Prime Minister.

Narendra Modi

I came in 2003 and had been warmly welcomed at that time as well. The UK has never stopped me from coming here. They have never banned me from coming here. Perhaps I could not come because of my own time constraints, so please do correct this wrong perception you may have.

Secondly, yes, there will be a referendum in the UK after 2 years. I believe that the citizens of this country are very intelligent and wise. I have nothing to say to them, as far as India is concerned. If there is an entry point for us to the European Union, that is the UK and that is Great Britain. And if we have economic co-operation with any country, then the largest economic co-operation is with the UK. Yes, we are going to other European Union countries as well, but we will continue to consider the UK as our entry point into the European Union, as far as possible.

Question

My question is: India is facing a lot of changes currently, and you have recently initiated many initiatives. So, Prime Minister, I would like to ask you, given the economic and social situation in India, what kind of co-operation are you expecting from the UK?

And Mr Prime Minister Cameron, I would like to ask you that India and UK have had historical relations. How would you define them in this new context? And what kind of new steps you will take so that these relations are further strengthened?

Narendra Modi

The direction that India wants to take in its future progress, for instance, let me give you an example. We have very high [inaudible] density in India. About 27,000 to 28,000 towers are standing tall, and they all use diesel, and we have to import diesel. That is not something that is very good for the climate, as you know. And UK has developed a hydrogen fuel cell technology. We wish to – that UK would make this technology available to the – to India, so that we can use it to power these towers, which will increase the number to 40,000. So on the one hand, we’ll be able to stop using diesel, we will contribute to reducing our carbon footprint, and therefore impact the climate. And if you look at coal, we have to try and figure out how we can bring about coal gasification using green energy, skill development. UK has done extraordinary work in terms of skill development. In the health sector as well, UK has worked in building a very good health system, hospital system.

So we have discussed all these different issues, and we have also seen how even the poorest person in India can benefit from all this. And my visit to UK this time would – enables me to say how we can move forward and how we will be moving forward together.

David Cameron

That’s what we’ve been talking about. I think it’s probably true that for years, the relationship between Britain and India was in some way imprisoned by the past. I think sometimes in recent years, it’s been imprisoned by misconceptions that trade with India is simply about outsourcing. Look at the relationship today. If someone had told you 20 years ago one of the most successful car manufacturers in Britain expanding and selling all over the world would be a combination of Indian capital and British design and manufacturing expertise, people would say, ‘Really, is that going to happen?’ Well, that’s what Jaguar Land Rover, just one example, is all about.

So I think it’s time to set this relationship free from those misconceptions and from the past, and recognise that this is a modern, dynamic partnership of 2 countries who face similar challenges: how do we get growth and prosperity, how do we combat terrorism, how do we ensure a green environment for our future and our children? Those are the things that we’re now talking about, and I think the excitement is that with Prime Minister Modi’s vision of smart cities, of clean India, of digital technology, of skilling up tens of millions of young people in India, there are huge opportunities for Britain to play a part in building that future together, and that’s why we are so, I think, excited today to be signing so many different agreements across such a wide range of areas, demonstrating this is a truly modern and dynamic partnership.

With that, we have a packed timetable – 2 speeches this afternoon, including the first to Parliament – and we must go and make the most of that. But thank you very much.

Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at Downing Street, London on 13 November 2015.

Good morning. Last night, the United States carried out an air strike in Raqqa, Syria, targeting Mohammed Emwazi – the ISIL executioner known as Jihadi John.

We cannot yet be certain if the strike was successful.

But let me be clear. I have always said that we would do whatever was necessary, whatever it took, to track down Emwazi and stop him taking the lives of others.

We have been working, with the United States, literally around the clock to track him down. This was a combined effort. And the contribution of both our countries was essential.

Emwazi is a barbaric murderer. He was shown in those sickening videos of the beheadings of British aid workers. He posed an ongoing and serious threat to innocent civilians not only in Syria, but around the world, and in the United Kingdom too.

He was ISIL’s lead executioner, and let us never forget that he killed many, many, Muslims too. And he was intent on murdering many more people.

So this was an act of self-defence. It was the right thing to do.

Today I want to thank the United States: the United Kingdom has no better friend or ally.

And I want to pay tribute to all those professionals in our own security and intelligence agencies and armed forces for the extraordinary work they do on behalf of our country. On this, as so often, they’ve been working hand in glove with their American colleagues. We are proud of them.

If this strike was successful, and we still await confirmation of that, it will be a strike at the heart of ISIL. And it will demonstrate to those who would do Britain, our people and our allies harm: we have a long reach, we have unwavering determination and we never forget about our citizens.

The threat ISIL pose continues. Britain and her allies will not rest until we have defeated this evil terrorist death cult, and the poisonous ideology on which it feeds.

Today though, my thoughts, and the thoughts of our country, are with the families of those who were so brutally murdered.

Japanese citizens Kenji Goto and Haruna Yukawa, American journalists Steven Sotloff and James Foley and aid worker Abdul-Rahman Kassig.

And of course our own citizens. Aid workers David Haines and Alan Henning. Nothing will bring back David and Alan. Their courage and selflessness stand in stark contrast to the empty callousness of their murderers.

Their families and their friends should be proud of them, as we are. They were the best of British and they will be remembered long after the murderers of ISIL are forgotten.

Below is the text of the speech made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet Speech held at the Guildhall in London on 16 November 2015.

Introduction

My Lord Mayor, My Late Lord Mayor, Your Grace, My Lord Chancellor, My Lord President of the Council, Lord Speaker, Your Excellencies, My Lords, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Chief Commoner, Ladies and Gentlemen.

We meet today in the aftermath of the worst terrorist attack in Europe for a decade.

The thoughts and prayers of this hall – and our whole country – are with the friends and families of all those affected – including the British victims.

These were innocent people going about their lives enjoying a Friday night out brutally gunned down by callous murderers.

Murderers who thought that their acts of depravity could somehow destroy everything we stand for.

They could not have been more wrong.

Britain, France and our allies around the world will never be cowed by terrorism.

We will only redouble our resolve to defeat it.

Tonight I want to talk about how.

But before I turn to the specific terrorist threat, let me first say a word about our wider approach to Britain’s national security.

Because at the heart of the National Security Strategy that we are publishing next week are some key choices which provide the foundations from which we can defeat this terrorist scourge.

Economic security

The first choice is about ensuring our economic security.

As I argued at this dinner last year, economic security and our national security go hand-in-hand.

You cannot have one without the other.

It is only because we have a strong economy that we can afford the resources to invest in our national security.

It is only because we have halved the deficit and made our economy the fastest growing in the G7 last year that we can maintain the second best funded armed forces in all of NATO – and together with France, the most capable and globally deployable in Europe.

So we will continue to see through our long-term economic plan and take the difficult decisions to deal with our deficit.

Hard power

Second, we are using our economic strength to invest in hard military power.

As I will explain later, whatever others might wish were the case, the reality is that there are times when you do need to be able to deploy military force.

And if you don’t have it, you can’t deploy it.

So in a difficult spending review where resources are tight, we are choosing to spend 2% of our GDP on defence every year for the rest of the decade.

With a growing economy this means a rising defence budget – with more money every year.

But it’s not just about the amount of money we spend or the size of our forces, it’s also about our ability to deploy them quickly with the right equipment to get things done.

We have seen how vital drones are in the fight against ISIL so with this extra money we are doubling our fleet of drones.

We know we need the ability to carry out airstrikes so this money will provide for more fighter aircraft.

We want to increase the capabilities of our brilliant special forces.

So there will be a £2 billion programme of new investments over this Parliament.

We will maintain our continuous at-sea nuclear deterrent.

And we will also invest in a new generation of cyber defences to block and disrupt attacks before they can harm our United Kingdom.

All these measures – and more – come from the choice that we make to spend on our security to deal head-on with the wide range of threats that we face today.

Aid

But keeping our people safe in the modern world means tackling the causes of the threats we face – not just dealing with their consequences.

So the third key choice that we make is to keep our promises to the poorest in the world by spending 0.7% of our Gross National Income on aid.

I have made the argument many times before that this is the right thing to do morally and I’ve made the argument that it’s in our national interest.

But tonight I want to make a slightly different point tonight.

Our aid budget makes us the fastest in the world to react.

At the migration summit in Valetta last week, as other countries were struggling to work out their contribution to the international effort to stop this lethal trade in human beings across the world, I was able to say very quickly what we would spend, where the money would come from, what we’d do.

We don’t need to spend time deliberating wondering whether we can afford to help or not, we can focus immediately on what we can do that will help the most.

So when a typhoon hits the Philippines – British sailors were among the first to arrive.

And with Ebola in Africa, I knew we could afford to act – and act comprehensively and it was the rapid contribution of British forces, humanitarian workers and medical staff who helped to make Sierra Leone Ebola-free last week and prevent the spread of this dreadful disease around the world.

This ability to respond swiftly, flexibly, generously means that we have a big impact on the way the world responds to crises.

And we are going to enhance that capability by refocusing our aid spending so we will target at least half of the Department for International Development’s budget on stabilising and supporting broken and fragile states, and do so much more to help refugees closer to their homes.

This will make our aid spending an even more fundamental part of our strategy to keep our country safe.

And it will help to maintain Britain’s position as number one in the world for soft power.

And yes, it may be called soft power but whether it’s saving the lives of refugees by stopping them from having to make that terrible journey across the Mediterranean, helping the Lebanese build defences against ISIL, or helping countries establish the building blocks of democracy and justice and the rule of law, I can tell you that soft power packs a real punch.

Building alliances

The fourth key choice we have made in taking a comprehensive approach to our security – is to engage with countries around the world even when there are difficult issues to address.

Some people said I shouldn’t have invited the leaders of India, China and Egypt to Britain in recent weeks.

Others concluded that it’s a sort of zero sum game, with the drawbacks of engagement being balanced out exactly by the benefits to our trade.

Frankly, I disagree with both of those views.

It is not just about trade – important as that is.

It’s about influence.

It’s about using our world class diplomatic network to build relationships that mean you can work together to solve shared problems and have the ability to express concerns where you need to.

Think about the consequences of not engaging.

Is anyone really saying that I shouldn’t talk to the Egyptians on the day after an airliner is blown up in their country and when it is Britain’s national interest that we support their airport security and get our own people safely home?

The people who wanted me to raise the dumping of cheap steel with the Chinese are also often the same people who say I shouldn’t meet the Chinese in the first place.

Well, I can’t raise the issue if I’m not talking to them, just as we can’t influence their rise in the world if we’re not willing to engage.

The bottom line is this.

Yes, it is a strategic choice to engage with countries where we have concerns.

But my view is this.

You can’t conduct foreign policy by press releases and pious statements in Parliament.

You have to engage and build the alliances that can make a difference.

A deeper partnership means a deeper conversation and a greater ability to address the issues that might concern us.

So the National Security Strategy that we are publishing next week will give Britain the resources it needs to increase both its hard and soft power and build the relationships that can project and enhance our influence in the world.

And it’s against this background that I want to turn specifically to the terrorist threat that we face.

Full spectrum

The more we learn about what happened in Paris the more it justifies the approach that we are taking in Britain.

When you are dealing with radicalised European Muslims, linked to ISIL in Syria and inspired by a poisonous narrative of extremism, you need an approach that covers the full spectrum – military power, counter-terrorism expertise and defeating the poisonous narrative that is the root cause of this evil.

Let me take each in turn.

Military power

We have to be realistic and hard-headed about the threats we face: confronting this murderous violence requires a strong security response.

Those who say we should have somehow arrested ‘Jihadi John’, don’t get the reality of the world we are in.

The same is true of Junaid Hussain or Reyaad Khan.

There is no government we can work with in Syria, let alone that part of Syria.

There are no rigorous police investigations or independent courts upholding justice in Raqqa.

We have no military on the ground to detain those preparing plots.

And there was nothing to suggest that any of these people would ever leave Syria or stop planning to murder British and American citizens.

In that situation, you do not protect people by sitting around and wishing for another world.

You have to act in this world.

And that means being prepared to use military force where necessary.

Counter-terrorism

Turning to counter-terrorism, our security services have foiled no fewer than 7 different terrorist plots right here in Britain over the past year alone.

We should all be extraordinarily grateful for the work they have done in thwarting these attacks and keeping us safe.

But we need to do more to ensure our agencies have the resources and the information they need to prevent and disrupt plots against this country at every stage.

So in next week’s Strategic Defence and Security Review, we will make a major additional investment in our world class intelligence agencies.

This will include over 1,900 additional security and intelligence staff and more money to increase our network of counter-terrorism experts in the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.

We will also more than double our spending on aviation security around the world with more experts overseas working side by side with host nations in the most vulnerable locations.

We also need to do more to make sure the powers we give our security services keep pace with changes in technology.

So we have published a draft Bill that will ensure that GCHQ, MI5 and our counter-terrorism police continue to have the powers to follow terrorist movements by tracking their online communications to intercept those communications under a warrant and to obtain data from computers used by terrorists and paedophiles.

Now of course there will be those who criticise these measures as an infringement of civil rights.

But I disagree.

They are about protecting those liberties from terrorists who want to take them away.

Furthermore, these are powers that have been used in every major recent counter terrorism investigation by MI5 and the police.

And they have played an important part in thwarting many attacks from a plot to blow up the London Stock Exchange in 2010 to a sickening attempt to imitate the killers of Lee Rigby by murdering a soldier with a knife and a hammer in August last year.

Our legislation will get the balance right – with powers matched by strong safeguards and judicial oversight to make us world leaders on transparency and accountability.

Defeating the ideology

But military power and counter-terrorism expertise will only get us so far.

To defeat this terrorist threat in the long term – we must also understand and address its root cause.

There is far too much confusion about this.

Some say it’s wronged Muslims getting revenge on their Western wrongdoers but this overlooks that ISIL, al-Qa’ida and Boko Haram murder Muslims in huge numbers.

Some say it’s because of the Iraq War but that overlooks that 9/11 – the biggest loss of British citizens in a terrorist attack – happened before the Iraq War.

Some say it’s because of poverty and deprivation but that overlooks that many of these terrorists have had the full advantages of prosperous families or a Western education.

I am not saying that these issues aren’t important.

But we could deal with all of them and some people would still be drawn to extremism.

The root cause of this threat is the poisonous ideology of extremism itself.

This ideology, this diseased view of the world, has become an epidemic – infecting minds from the mosques of Mogadishu to the bedrooms of Birmingham.

And we have to stop it at the start – stop this seed of hatred even being planted in people’s minds, let alone allowing it to grow.

That means confronting the ideology with our own liberal values, exposing this extremism for what it is – a belief system that glorifies violence and subjugates its people – not least Muslim people.

It means tackling both the violent and the non-violent extremism in all its forms because unwittingly or not those who promote extremist views – even if nonviolent themselves – are providing succour to those who want to commit or get others to commit violence.

It means improving integration – by moving away from segregation in our schools and communities and inspecting and shutting down any educational institutions that are teaching intolerance.

And it means actively encouraging reforming and moderate Muslim voices to speak up and challenge the extremists.

And this final point is vital.

Of course, this extremist ideology is not true Islam. That cannot be said clearly enough.

But it is not good enough to say simply that Islam is a religion of peace and then to deny any connection between the religion of Islam and the extremists. Why? Because these extremists are self-identifying as Muslims.

From Tunisia to the streets of Paris, these murderers all spout the same twisted narrative that claims to be based on a particular faith.

To deny that is to disempower the critical reforming voices that want to challenge the scriptural basis on which extremists claim to be acting – the voices that are crucial in providing an alternative worldview that could stop a teenager’s slide along the spectrum of extremism.

We can’t stand neutral in this battle of ideas.

We have to back those who share our values – with practical help, with funding, campaigns, protection and political representation.

This is a central part of how we can defeat this terrorism in the long term.

And it is a battle of ideas that we must win – not just here at home – but together with our allies all around the world.

This will be a huge challenge.

But in Britain we have the soft power – the influence, the educational expertise and the alliances with other countries – to win this battle and defeat the causes of hatred and intolerance that threaten our security and the security of our allies across the world.

Conclusion

Lord Mayor, here in this great Guildhall is a copy of the Magna Carta signed just months before the first Lord Mayor’s Show 800 years ago and enshrining in this land the principles of liberty, justice and the rule of law.

As this Hall stood open to the sky after the bombings of London in the heat of the Second World War it was Winston Churchill who addressed this Banquet as it temporarily moved to Mansion House.

He spoke of the resolve of this ancient City of London and our determination that however long and hard the toil may be the British nation would never enter into negotiations with Hitler.

It is that historic British resolve that we celebrate here again tonight.

And it is that same resolve that will defeat this terrorism and ensure that the values we believe in – and the values we defend – will again in the end prevail.

Below is the text of the statement made by David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, London, on 5 January 2016.

With permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a statement on the European Council meeting which took place before Christmas.

The Council focused on 3 issues – migration, terrorism and the UK’s renegotiation.

I’ll take each in turn.

Migration

First, on migration, even in winter there are still many migrants coming to Europe, with over 3,000 arriving via the eastern Mediterranean route each day.

Now of course, Britain is not part of the Schengen open border arrangements and we’re not going to be joining.

We have our own border controls and our border controls apply to everyone attempting to enter the UK and every day those border controls help to keep us safe.

Let me repeat: these controls apply to all – including EU citizens and we have stopped nearly 95,000 people at our borders since 2010, including almost 6,000 EU nationals.

These people were not allowed to come in. What Schengen countries are now trying trying to put in place are a pale imitation of what we already have.

What they do is, of course, a matter for them. But it is in our interests to help our European partners secure their external borders.

So we have provided more technical expertise to the European Asylum Support Office than any other European country including practical assistance to help with registering and fingerprinting of migrants when they arrive in countries like Greece and Italy.

We have also focused on the root causes – not just the consequences – of the migration crisis.

That is why we continue to play a leading role in the efforts of the International Syria Support Group to end the conflict in Syria through a political process and that’s why we have backed the agreement reached in Morocco which should pave the way for a new united, national government in Libya.

We have deployed HMS Enterprise in the Mediterranean to go after the people traffickers. We have provided £1.12 billion in humanitarian assistance for the Syrian conflict – by far the largest commitment of any European country, and second only to America.

Find out about Syria refugees: UK government response
And the donor conference that I am hosting next month together with Germany, Kuwait, Norway and the United Nations will help further, raising significant new funding to help refugees in the region this year.

Mr Speaker, the Council focused on implementing the previously agreed measures on refugee resettlement.

In Britain, we said that we would resettle 20,000 Syrian refugees during this Parliament, taking them directly from the camps.

And I can tell the House that – exactly as promised – over 1,000 Syrian refugees from camps in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon were resettled here in time for Christmas. These people are now in homes, their children are starting this new year in our schools and they can look forward to building a new life here in Britain.

I know many in this House have called for us to take more refugees, or take part in EU relocation and resettlement schemes.

The reality is that we have already done significantly more than most of our EU partners in this regard.

Indeed the House might be interested to hear the figures. By the time of the December Council, only 208 refugees had been relocated within the EU – that was out of the 160,000 agreed. And in all other member states put together, according to the most recent statistics, just 483 refugees had been resettled from outside the EU under the EU’s voluntary resettlement scheme.

The point is clear: we’ve said what we would do – and got on and done it.

Terrorism

Turning to terrorism, the latest appalling video from Daesh is a reminder of their brutality and barbarism. It is desperate stuff from an organisation that hates us not for what we do, but for what we are – a democratic multi-faith, multi-ethnic nation built on tolerance, democracy and respect for human rights.

Mr Speaker, Britain will never be cowed by terror. We will stand up and defend our values and our way of life. And with patience and persistence we will defeat these extremists and eradicate this evil organisation.

Mr Speaker, I am sure the whole House will want to join with me in paying tribute to the British servicemen and women who have spent this Christmas and New Year away from their families.

In the last month RAF aircraft have conducted 82 strikes in Iraq and Syria. In recent weeks the priority of the international coalition has been supporting the Iraqi Security Forces’ successful recapture of Ramadi, to which our air strikes made an important contribution. They have also helped Kurdish forces repel major Daesh counter-attacks in northern Iraq.

In Syria, there have been 11 RAF strike missions, 10 against Daesh controlled oil infrastructure and 1 against Daesh terrorists near Raqqah. And we continue to fly intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance missions, providing vital support to our other coalition partners.

In terms of the discussion at the Council, we now have a clear agreement on new rules to share passenger name records. This is a vital breakthrough but we still need to go further.

So the Council agreed to take forward urgent proposals on more systematic data-sharing on stepping up our co-operation on aviation security and on working together to do even more to starve Daesh of money and resources – choking off the oil and clamping down on firearms and explosives, to stop them getting into the hands of terrorists.

We also agreed to do more across Europe to counter the extremist propaganda and the poisonous ideology of Islamist extremism that is the root cause of the terrorism we face.

The Daesh threat is a threat to us all – and we must stand together to defeat it.

UK renegotiation

Mr Speaker, turning to the UK renegotiation, I have set out the 4 areas where Britain is seeking significant and far-reaching reforms.

On sovereignty and subsidiarity, where Britain must not be part of an ‘ever closer union’ and where we want a greater role for national Parliaments.

On competitiveness, where the EU must add to our competitiveness, rather than detract from it, by signing new trade deals, cutting regulation and completing the single market.

On fairness for countries inside and outside the eurozone, where the EU must protect the integrity of the single market and ensure there is no disadvantage, discrimination or additional costs for a country like Britain – which is not in the euro and which is never, in my view, going to join the euro.

And on migration, where we need to tackle abuses of the right to free movement, and deliver changes that ensure that our welfare system is not an artificial draw for people to come to Britain.

Mr Speaker, this is the first time a country has tried to renegotiate its membership of the EU from a standing start.

Many doubted it was even possible.

But at this Council we had an entire session focused on this issue, lasting several hours, and with almost every European leader contributing.

I am happy to go into detail on what was an extensive discussion.

But the key points were these.

There was strong support for Britain to stay in the EU. European leaders began their remarks not by saying Britain is better off in Europe, but that Europe would be better off with Britain staying in it. And all wanted to reach an agreement that would address the concerns we have raised.

There was extensive discussion on all 4 areas. Difficulties were raised with all 4. And the most difficult issues were around free movement and welfare. But there was a great deal of goodwill.

And at the end of the discussion the Council agreed – and I quote directly from the conclusions – that we would “work closely together to find mutually satisfactory solutions in all the 4 areas”.

I think it is significant that the conclusions talk about solutions – not compromises.

And I made clear that these solutions would require changes that are legally binding and irreversible.

So Mr Speaker, while each of these areas will require hard work, I believe there is now a pathway to an agreement.

Later this week I am continuing my efforts to secure that agreement with further discussions in Germany and Hungary.

And I hope we can reach a full agreement when the Council meets again next month.

But what matters is getting the substance right, not the speed of the deal.

If we can see this through and secure these changes, we will succeed in fundamentally changing the UK’s relationship with the EU and finally addressing the concerns that the British people have over our membership.

And if we can’t, then as I have said before I rule nothing out.

My intention is that at the conclusion of the renegotiation, the government should reach a clear recommendation and then the referendum will be held.

It is the nature of a referendum that it is the people not the politicians who decide.

And as indicated before Christmas, there will be a clear government position, but it will be open to individual ministers to take a different personal position while remaining part of the government.

Ultimately it will be for the British people to decide this country’s future by voting in or out of a reformed European Union in the referendum that only we promised and that only a Conservative majority government was able to deliver.

And I commend this statement to the House.