Category: Speeches

  • Rupa Huq – 2020 Speech on Emergency Transport and Travel Measures in London Boroughs

    Rupa Huq – 2020 Speech on Emergency Transport and Travel Measures in London Boroughs

    The speech made by Rupa Huq, the Labour MP for Ealing Central and Acton, in the House of Commons on 4 November 2020.

    Travel and transport are what keep our capital going, and they produced its suburbs. When we add the covid emergency into the mix, however, questions are raised about the disproportionate numbers of black and ethnic minority people and transport workers who died earlier in the pandemic, at a time when they were not getting the protection they needed. Their families are still seeking death in service benefits. There is also the whole question of democracy in the age of the virus, and how we build back better, more sustainably and in a more resilient way on the other side of all this as part of the new normal.

    Happily, some of the issues I thought I would be addressing tonight have been overtaken by events. Thanks to the Transport for London bail-out at the weekend, there will be no extension of the congestion charge—phew!—and there will be no charging for under-18s. I pay tribute to our Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan—so much better than the guy before, isn’t he?—for all that.

    That leaves me with emergency traffic orders, which are those controversial things that have enabled pop-up cycle lanes, pavement widenings—some people call them “road smallings”—and controversial low-traffic neighbourhoods all over our capital. They have followed a sequence of implementation now, consult later.

    I want to make a confession: I am a confirmed, long- standing cyclist, dating back to when I went to school in what is now my constituency every day in the ’80s. We now have more bikes than people in our household. My own offspring replicate that journey in the ’90s when I was at Cambridge University, where it was almost compulsory to get on your bike every single day. I completely understand the benefits of cycling: it is free, it takes us door to door, and it is environmentally friendly. I am a confirmed cyclist.

    These low-traffic neighbourhoods seek to get us all on two wheels or on foot, in a move towards active travel—a modal shift. We can still get everywhere we need to go in a car; they just mean we have to go the long way round. A good recent example is Bowes Road in Acton, which first became known to me because every BBC cabbie, when they took me up there, would go down it rather than the A40. Residents hated that because their road had turned into a thoroughfare and they could not get out of their houses. Now a low-traffic neighbourhood has been introduced there, and they love it. There are these oversized flower pot things called planters, and bollards, and the residents have been able to reclaim their street. In that instance, a pre-existing problem has been dealt with and rectified.

    However, colleagues from every compass point of London, some of whom are here today, have told me about examples of LTNs that are not well-designed and are not working, in neighbourhoods that are already naturally low-traffic neighbourhoods. These things popped up with no consultation and no notice, even, and it feels to people like they have been inflicted on them. We have seen large-scale opposition all over London, with tens ​of thousands of signatures in Wandsworth and in my own borough, and in Islington I think there have been marches.

    Theresa Villiers (Chipping Barnet) (Con)

    Does the hon. Lady agree that a number of the changes that have been made have had a really negative impact on the taxi trade? The licensed taxi is one of the most accessible forms of transport. If we block it out of key routes such as Bishopsgate, we make it more difficult for people with mobility issues and disabilities to get to the places they need to get to.

    Dr Huq

    The right hon. Lady makes a really good point. We have relied on cabbies—remember that taxi exam, the knowledge? That is completely invalidated by these changes. She makes a really powerful point. I think people feel discombobulated because these changes are so radical and dramatic, and they appear to have come out of nowhere.

    I think that policies work best when policy makers take the public with them and act for them, rather than doing stuff to them, which I think many feel has happened. In our borough there are 37 different schemes, with over £1 million of funding. The most controversial is LTN 21—they all have these rather Stalinist names. Oh, sorry—I will be in trouble. Across three wards, nigh on every side street has been blocked; it has turned the area into a convoluted maze of planters at odd angles. The right hon. Lady referred to commercial vehicles. Delivery vans have become more and more prevalent in the pandemic; they are completely outfoxed by these measures.

    When news of this debate broke on a local forum, hundreds of replies—they were going up by the minute—came in with things that I should raise, so I will try to give voice to some of those.

    David Simmonds (Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner) (Con)

    I do not know whether the hon. Lady is more concerned about having been insufficiently enthusiastic in her mention of Stalin or having been too enthusiastic in bringing him up. In the context of low-traffic neighbourhoods, does she think that a good deal of consultation and discussion with the emergency services is critical? That has been a consistent problem with the implementation of LTNs, certainly in the view of my constituents and many others.

    Dr Huq

    The hon. Gentleman speaks so much sense. We are at one on Heathrow—actually, I think all three of us who have spoken so far are—and he is right. In theory, these people are not allowed to express an opinion, so the leadership say, “Yeah, fine,” but the people who have to implement these things—the ambulance personnel, police people and fire officers—all think that they have made a difficult job ever more difficult at a time when every second counts. The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right.

    Lilian Greenwood (Nottingham South) (Lab)

    I am sure my hon. Friend is reflecting the views of some of her constituents, but does she share my concern that while we worry about sending car drivers around the long way, pedestrians have to walk a long way down the road to find a safe place to cross every single day and no one ever notices, because it is so normal for pedestrians’ needs to be put behind those of the motorist?

    Dr Huq

    My hon. Friend is right. Pedestrians often feel at the bottom of the food chain. Actually, walkers have contacted me saying that they have got nothing out of this. Cyclists have got new cycle lanes, but they seem to have been a bit forgotten in all this. I think the key thing is to take people with you and get consent, and that also means consultation.

    Other issues that have popped up include kids being distressed at the much elongated minibus journey to the Log Cabin disabled children’s adventure playground. Elderly and infirm people and their carers are also affected. When we say, “Oh, the sat-nav will update”, they are a bit befuddled because they use the old-fashioned “A to Z”, as do I actually. I have a case of a lady who had regular out-patient appointments at a central London hospital, but has now been discharged because the taxi gave up on too many occasions, so that is a bit serious. This affects all sorts of businesses, such as workmen with all their tools. Shops say that they used to benefit from passing trade on the way back from longer journeys, and that has all gone now.

    If hon. Members have a little google, they can see on YouTube how, all over London, traffic that was supposed to be evaporating—it was meant to disappear because, after a while, people have new habits and give up driving—has actually been displaced to main roads. Those are residential roads, and people live there too. They already had unacceptably high levels of pollution, and it has just worsened. If the whole aim was combating emissions, that is undermined when there is a very long way round—five times, 10 times longer, or whatever. In some boroughs, compliance checks that no one is driving through are done with those sinister little motor vehicles that are idling, with NO2 emissions. Again, that seems a little bit serious.

    Felicity Buchan (Kensington) (Con)

    Does the hon. Member agree with me that consultation is important, but what is also important is signage? One of my constituents approached me to say that the family drives every day from Kensington through the borough of Hammersmith and Fulham, and on the first day that one of these schemes was operating, the family got eight tickets because they were not aware of it and the signage was so poor.

    Dr Huq

    Goodness me, the hon. Lady tells a chilling story. In Ealing, at least initially, there are no fines—maybe I should not be saying that—so that people get used to it. There is a softly-softly approach. Ultimately, I guess that people do get used to it, but it seems wrong to have that many tickets on day one.

    In a global pandemic, life is hard enough as it is, and to make life even harder feels punitive. This policy is well tried in places such as Copenhagen, but this is just copying and pasting that into outer London, a place that people liked because of suburban convenience and because of the grid system.

    Apsana Begum (Poplar and Limehouse) (Lab)

    I thank my hon. Friend for securing this important debate. I want to draw her attention to a recent report by the Institute of Race Relations called “The London Clearances”. This report found that regeneration projects are being used to actively dispossess working-class communities and low-income families of their homes. This process, which is commonly known as social cleansing, ​has mostly been understood as a class issue. However, given the over-representation of black, Asian and ethnic minority communities in social housing and the racialised language used to describe London’s post-war housing estates—for example, in the aftermath of the 2011 riots —I believe this is also very much a race issue. Certainly, constituents of mine have been in touch about the impact this is having on them and the fact that some of the measures have been targeted not towards housing estates in very congested or overcrowded areas but areas that have terraced homes—

    Mr Deputy Speaker (Mr Nigel Evans)

    Order. I am sorry, but interventions by their very nature should be short, and that was very long.

    Dr Huq

    I thank my hon. Friend for a point that deserved to be made at length. She makes the point about the main roads, and those are people too. They feel two-tiered now: their house prices are probably lower, and they feel they have a raw deal because of the constant gridlock forcing everyone there.

    At best, this has been a mixed experience. Where these measures work, where there is a need and where there is consultation, they are really good, but if it is felt that they have been illogically plumped somewhere they are not desired, that is a completely different matter. Somebody said to me the other day that a bollard had been put on a very short road that has got only one house on it. He said he did not ask for it and added, “We feel penned in like animals.”

    Bambos Charalambous (Enfield, Southgate) (Lab)

    Is not part of the problem the lack of consultation? Has not that been caused by the Government’s insistence that the schemes be implemented straightaway within an eight-week period, not allowing any consultation with communities or very limited consultation at best?

    Dr Huq

    My hon. Friend speaks so much sense. It is true that it feels that this catastrophising, saying, “Emergency, emergency, we have to do it by the end of September”, with no time for consultation apart from six months later, is just the wrong way round, putting the cart before the horse.

    We have had this vote today, and some of us have wrestled with our consciences about the lockdown. On balance, I thought it was the right thing to do, but coronavirus has greenlighted many incursions—some people call them draconian—on our civil liberties, on citizens’ freedom of movement. As I said, I strongly think that to gain consent, we should consult. Pictures have gone viral in Ealing of planters that have been vandalised and bollards that have been ripped out. Yes, that cedes the moral high ground: it is wrong to do that. Vandalism is bad, so it is a moral boost for the diehard proponents of the schemes, but it also shows this is not a consensual policy and that something has gone wrong if that is happening.

    Bell Ribeiro-Addy (Streatham) (Lab)

    Does my hon. Friend agree that the low traffic neighbourhoods are really important in constituencies such as mine, which has the A23 running through it and has so much pollution? Does she also agree that the lack of consultation could have a negative impact on future measures as the public ​will almost learn to react negatively because they feel like they have not been consulted in the past? We really do need those measures to protect our environment and change the nature of traffic in our areas.

    Dr Huq

    I completely agree that we have a climate emergency, we have our net zero obligations and we have an obesity crisis, but doing this without a consultation has just got people’s backs up. It sometimes feels that these things have been formulated, not by anyone who cycles or understands local traffic flows, but just in order to satisfy the criteria for a budget where there is money available and time is running out.

    Nickie Aiken (Cities of London and Westminster) (Con)

    Does the hon. Member agree that low traffic neighbourhoods can sometimes be important for air quality in constituencies such as mine in central London? One council is currently going through a consultation on the Hyde Park estate, and while residents welcome the ending of rat running, they are concerned that they have not been listened to. They have their own ideas and they want to work in partnership with the council to make those work. Does she agree that working in partnership with residents is the way forward for local authorities?

    Dr Huq

    The hon. Member, and former council leader for where we are now, speaks with authority and passion and makes total sense on this. We need a collaboration between residents, stakeholders and businesses—all the different actors in this—which sometimes feels like it has not happened.

    I know the Minister is a reasonable person and I have some questions for her. She is not the type to blame it all on Sadiq Khan, like some people would.

    Bell Ribeiro-Addy

    On the matter of Sadiq Khan, does my hon. Friend agree that he should be congratulated on seeing off the Government’s plans to extend the congestion charge zone and to begin charging under-18s for travel?

    Dr Huq

    Of course I agree with my hon. Friend. People would have been charged to go from Ealing to Acton, and possibly to use the A23, which goes to Brighton. It is good that that has gone, and congratulations to the Minister too, if she was involved in that.

    We are told that local authorities are the final arbiters, but there is so much mistrust around this. Is there any kind of mechanism to ensure that it does not look as though people are marking their own homework? Would she, or someone, be able to swoop in? The Secretary of State wrote to councils to say that they should have had pre-implementation consultation, and should respect all road users. How will that wish be operationalised, especially in places where the consultation takes place six months after implementation? Surely there is scope for some sort of review before then if things are not working. There have been reversals—wholesale in Wandsworth, partial in Redbridge and Harrow. Could the Minister give some guidance on that? I think some councils are getting a bit entrenched; they are not for turning, or for any modifications.

    In the final reckoning, does the Minister think a referendum might be a way forward? The scheme has been divisive in the way that Brexit was—sorry to bring ​that up, Mr Deputy Speaker, but it coloured all our lives for many years, and it has not gone away. A referendum would be completely equitable. If a council has a consultation tool on its website, only those with the right level of literacy, technology and energy will use it and make that count; what about the elderly and infirm? In a referendum, we could give as options, “Yes, with modifications, if need be”—then if “yes” wins, the modifications can be worked out—and “No” for those who want the measures removed.

    Apsana Begum

    I will be brief this time. Does my hon. Friend agree that there should not only be consultation, but due consideration should be given to equalities impact assessments, and to determining the socioeconomic impact of LTNs?

    Dr Huq

    My hon. Friend has read my mind. Impact assessments are missing in all this. There have been no baseline data or traffic surveys. It would be good to have a clear point of measurement, so we can ask, “Did it work?”. How will this be measured?

    I have suggestions for the Minister. There are ways to discourage car use other than taking this big-bang approach of setting up all the LTNs at once. Instead of our closing every side road, I would like us to have dedicated, segregated cycle lanes on main roads. More of those, please—but not the bollarded ones, because I feel kettled in those, and people cannot overtake or be overtaken in them. Could she address cycle theft, cycle storage, and even bike grants? Not everyone has the same ratio of bikes as the Huq household, so could she help out there, maybe?

    There could be more demand-responsive buses, and we could incentivise lift-sharing; on the other side of the pandemic, we will be allowed to be less than 2 metres apart. Perhaps we could even make public transport free, or cut fares—that was a Khan policy as well. There could be more charging points for electric vehicles. People who have bought those recently feel doubly diddled—or triply, if you count controlled parking zones, but that is probably another debate.

    The biggest side-effect of this noble policy, which has good intentions—reducing carbon emissions and obesity, and all that stuff—is that it has dichotomised residents into the Lycra-clad brigade of cyclists versus the greedy, gas-guzzler motorists who feel a sense of entitlement to drive around in a metal box, when most of us are both, if not many other things, too. We all inhabit complex Venn diagrams. I use the tube every day as well as doing all those other things. Just the other day, I was on my bike, near one of those bollards. A guy in a Transit van-type vehicle had to reverse a long way, and started effing and blinding at me for being on a bike. I do not think he knew who I was—I hope not. Anyway, that is what the policy has done: create binaries in previously harmonious communities. What I am trying to say is that a well-intended policy has had unintended consequences, but there is time to rectify them. I know that the Minister is a reasonable person; I am curious to hear her answers to all those points.

  • Gavin Newlands – 2020 Speech on Dismissal and Re-employment of Employees

    Gavin Newlands – 2020 Speech on Dismissal and Re-employment of Employees

    The speech made by Gavin Newlands, the SNP MP for Paisley and Renfrewshire North, in the House of Commons on 4 November 2020.

    I beg to move,

    That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prohibit employers dismissing employees and subsequently re-employing them for the purpose of diminishing the terms and conditions of employment; and for connected purposes.

    Since I introduced the Employment (Dismissal and Re-employment) Bill in its first incarnation in June, I have been taken aback by the level of support for the measure. The messages I have received from people across the country asking how they can help and support the progress of my Bill have been touching and gratifying. I thank the great many colleagues from all parts of the House who have been supportive since the outset. That is perhaps evidenced by the fact that every political party that has elected Members in this place is represented in the list of sponsors of the Bill. I should add that without the help of Public Bill Office staff, I would have no Bill to speak to today, and I offer them my thanks for their help with getting it this far.

    Tens of thousands of workers have been forced to the edge of a cliff by employers who have suddenly discovered the value of ignoring loyalty. Some 30,000 British Airways employees were told to suck up huge wage cuts and slashed conditions or join the dole queue. For some, this meant a cut in take-home pay of 60%-plus. They were told that they were the lucky ones. More than 10,000 of their colleagues have joined that queue.

    Like many of my colleagues on the Transport Committee, I have received hundreds of emails from BA employees who have been subjected to such tactics. Those emails tell individual stories of fear, worry, anxiety, disappointment, anger and resignation, but they also paint a picture of a corporation intent on badness from the start. Workers who had decades of service with BA received emails just before midnight advising them to sign on the dotted line or face the sack. Employees who had recently returned from leave for ill health were told that their annual leave would be slashed, or they would face the sack. People were told that their wages would be slashed and they had no option but to accept, or face the sack. This is not how a modern, civilised country manages its labour market. These are the tactics and behaviour of characters from a Dickens novel, and the behaviour of these companies is like yet another remnant of the 19th century.

    No one argues that the economic crisis that the world faces means that businesses do not have tough decisions to make; of course they do. The impact of covid-19 on commerce and industry will not disappear as soon as we have tackled the virus and normality begins to return. The after-effects will be long-lasting and damaging, but that does not give employers the right to behave like absentee lairds, returning to their assets only to inflict yet more damage on people they appear to hold in contempt.

    We should expect—and, given their various answers and statements on the matter, the Government fervently hoped—that these companies might self-police their ​behaviour. Most other employers are able to treat their staff fairly, with decency and respect, but it is clear that we cannot rely on rogue bosses to show that same decency and fairness voluntarily. That is where the state, this Parliament and the UK Government must step in to guarantee fairness for every worker in the UK, as Governments around Europe have done in the past.

    It is one of the sad ironies of the British Airways situation that in the other two countries where its parent company, International Airlines Group, operates—Ireland and Spain—fire and rehire tactics are banned. IAG could not tell its Aer Lingus subsidiary to copy and paste from the playbook of Willie Walsh and Alex Cruz, because the Irish Dáil took a decision to extend protections to workers in Ireland. Ireland’s economy is better placed, better structured and better regulated than that of the UK. It is time for the UK Government to learn lessons from our nearest neighbour and follow its lead.

    The Government can, in the words of the Prime Minister himself, put their “arms around” millions of workers across these isles with one very simple action: put aside Government time for my Bill. Get it into Committee, where we can debate how best to offer workers more protection from rogue bosses, and encourage those who are yet to be convinced to back this measure. My Bill would simply amend the Employment Rights Act 1996 and equip workers with the tools to protect their living standards virtually overnight. It would put our labour market on a level playing field with those of our European friends and allies, and, crucially, it would put our workers on a level playing field with workers in the rest of Europe. It would put our businesses on notice that the Victorian era is fit for the history books, not a guide to human resources.

    As I said to the Minister when we met to discuss the merits and content of my Bill, I am not precious about it being my Bill—this Bill—that makes the changes required. If the UK Government and the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy come up with their own plan that achieves the same ends, I will wholeheartedly welcome it. I know that hon. Members on this side of the House would do the same, and that a great many of the Minister’s concerned colleagues, who have spoken to him about the issue, would also appreciate action.

    Workers do not care whose name is on the Bill. They care that their interests are being protected and that their jobs are not being used as pawns in a war in which the only winners are the likes of Willie Walsh and well-upholstered shareholders. The Minister said that although he and the Government could not support the Bill at this time, he remained open to looking at the issue and further protections. I hope to continue the dialogue.

    My Bill would make a simple amendment to the Employment Rights Act 1996 to add the re-employment of a worker on less favourable terms and conditions to the definition of unfair dismissal. That would allow employees to use the existing employment tribunal system to enforce their rights if required, and would mean that employers could no longer act with impunity. Amending the Act in that way would allow employees targeted for fire and rehire to take cases against unscrupulous employers and, where appropriate, secure reinstatement and compensation. In short, the Bill creates no extra bureaucracy, no extra administration and no extra ​complexity, but creates a necessary protection for workers that employers will be forced to respect or face judicial proceedings.

    I am grateful for the opportunity to lay out the case for action in that area. I look forward to the Labour Party re-tabling an Opposition day motion on it to allow us to have a real discussion and debate on the finer points. I also look forward to one or two Conservative Members potentially attempting to justify the actions of rogue employers such as Willie Walsh and Alex Cruz. Their actions were and are utterly shameful and immoral and should be illegal. After wrecking thousands of lives, they have both skipped off into the sunset. Mr Walsh took an £800,000 bonus pay-off having thrown more than 10,000 loyal staff on the dole in the middle of the biggest economic crisis since the war and effectively rehired 30,000 more on reduced terms and conditions.

    BA would say that fire and rehire has been taken off the table. Indeed, the outgoing chief exec told the Transport Committee a few weeks ago that that was the case, but there are two problems with that. First, a lot of the damage to thousands of lives has already been done. BA threatened the workforce with taking an effective pay-cut of 40%, 50% or 60% or taking redundancy, then followed through with the process of accepting voluntary requests, selecting who was successful in getting their old but less well-paid jobs back and making thousands more compulsorily redundant. Only then did it take fire and rehire off the table. That is callous and fools absolutely no one.

    Secondly, it seems that employees under the BA/IAG umbrella still face being fired and rehired at the turn of the year. When Alex Cruz confirmed to the Committee that it had been taken off the table, he was being at best disingenuous and at worst misleading. I should say that there is a new management team in place at BA. I wish them well in fixing the mess and trying to repair the broken relationship with the workforce. They need a lot of luck.

    It is not just British Airways. We said that its practice would be swiftly followed by others if the Government refused to follow the Prime Minister’s warm words with action, and so it has proven. Fellow blue-chip company, Centrica British Gas, has made the same fire and rehire threats to more than 20,000 of its employees, although it has not served notice on anyone at this point. Ground handler Menzies Aviation has also followed a similar path, despite assuring me personally that it would absolutely not be taking that approach. Many other companies across the UK, including Heathrow, have followed in British Airways’ dark and ever-growing shadow.

    Trade unions across the board, including Unite, GMB, Unison and Prospect; thousands of betrayed BA and Centrica workers; thousands more who feel that they ​will be next; and crucially, I believe, a natural majority in this House are all demanding action from the Government. They should act sooner rather than later, back our constituents and give them the support and protection they deserve, not just in the short term during the pandemic and its economic impact, but in the long term as we collectively build the economic recovery that we all need and hope for. But that recovery will be a hollow one if the Government leave workers in the same position they were in previously, at the mercy of corporations that treat the lack of regulation over their actions as a green light to mistreat and bully their employees.

    We must act to give workers security and dignity at work and my Bill would go some way—only some way, but an important way—to providing that security and dignity. I ask the Government and Government Members to go that way too and get behind my Bill.

  • Priti Patel – 2020 Statement on UK Terrorism Level Threat

    Priti Patel – 2020 Statement on UK Terrorism Level Threat

    The statement made by Priti Patel, the Home Secretary, in the House of Commons on 4 November 2020.

    On Tuesday, the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre, JTAC, raised the UK terrorism threat level from substantial to severe. This means that an attack is highly likely.​

    JTAC’s assessments are made independently of Ministers and are based on the latest intelligence. The threat level is kept under constant review.

    JTAC’s decision to change the threat level has been driven by a number of factors, including the recent attacks in France and Vienna.

    Our police and security services work tirelessly to protect the UK from terrorism and will continue to do so. The public should remain vigilant and should report any concerns to the police.

  • Matt Hancock – 2020 Statement on Assisted Deaths Abroad

    Matt Hancock – 2020 Statement on Assisted Deaths Abroad

    The statement made by Matt Hancock, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Care, on 5 November 2020.

    Issues of life and death are some of the most difficult subjects that come before us in this House, and the question of how we best support people in their choices at the end of their life is a complex moral issue that when considered, weighs heavily upon us all. My right hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Mr Mitchell) asked an important question and I want to set out the precise position. Under the current law, based on the Suicide Act 1961, it is an offence to encourage or assist the death of another person. However, it is legal to travel abroad for the purpose of assisted dying where it is allowed in that jurisdiction. The new coronavirus regulations, which come into force today, place restrictions on leaving the home without a reasonable excuse; travelling abroad for the purpose of assisted dying is a reasonable excuse, so anyone doing so would not be breaking the law. These coronavirus regulations do not change the existing legal position on assisted dying.

    As this is a matter of conscience, the Government do not take a position. It is instead a matter for each and every Member of Parliament to speak on and vote according to their sincerely held beliefs, and it is for the will of the House to decide whether the law should change. The global devastation of the coronavirus pandemic has brought to the fore the importance of high-quality palliative care, just as it has shone a spotlight on so many issues and, as difficult as it may be, I welcome this opportunity to have this conversation about assisted dying, as it is one of the most sensitive elements of end-of-life care.

    I have the greatest sympathy for anyone who has suffered pain in dying or suffered the pain of watching a loved one battle a terminal degenerative condition, and I share a deep respect for friends and colleagues in all parts of the House who share and hold strong views. I am pleased that the House has been given this opportunity to discuss the impact of the pandemic on one of the most difficult ethical questions that we face.

  • Keir Starmer – 2020 Speech to CBI

    Keir Starmer – 2020 Speech to CBI

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 2 November 2020.

    Thank you Carolyn for that introduction. And for everything that you’ve done, over the past five years, as Director General of the CBI. Carolyn and I got to know each other during the twists and turns of the Brexit process and from then on Carolyn’s always been there to help and advise.

    I value her support and friendship immensely. Carolyn: the CBI, businesses and the country owe you a huge debt.

    It’s a pleasure to be able to speak to you today and to do so for the first time as Leader of the Labour Party. I’m under no illusion about the work we have to do if we’re to win back your trust. We have bridges to build. And today I want to set out the new partnership I want to build between British business and the Labour party.

    I want to start, though, by addressing the immediate crisis the country is facing. I don’t blame the Government for coronavirus. But I do blame it for the way it’s been handled. And I can’t forgive the catalogue of mistakes that have cost lives and livelihoods.

    The two pillars of the Government’s approach: The £12bn track and trace system, and local restrictions, have been swept away by the second wave and shown to be totally inadequate.

    Even more unforgivable, the central lesson of the first wave was ignored: That if you are to control this virus you have to act early and decisively and that if you don’t the cost to people’s health and to the health of the economy is much, much worse.

    One of the things I’ve learnt from this crisis is that it exposes leadership like nothing else. On that count the Prime Minister and the Chancellor have failed. They failed to learn. They failed to listen. And they failed to lead. The result is tragic – but all too predictable.

    On 21st September, the Government’s own scientists – SAGE – recommended an “urgent” two-to-three week circuit breaker in order to prevent the virus getting out of control.

    On that day there were 11 deaths from Covid 19 and there were just over 4,000 Covid infections. The Prime Minister failed to heed that warning.

    40 days later when he finally decided to announce a longer 4-week national lockdown –those figures had increased to 326 deaths a day, and 22,000 Covid cases. That is the human cost of the Government’s inaction.

    And the impact on business – and jobs – will be severe. Make no mistake, the Chancellor’s name is all over this. His decision to block a circuit breaker, to dismiss it as a “blunt instrument” and to pretend that you can protect the economy without controlling the virus will now mean that businesses have to close for longer, more people will lose their jobs, and the public finances will be worse than they needed to be.

    It makes me so angry and so frustrated that when the British people – and British businesses – have given so much and made so many sacrifices, they have been let down so badly by the Government.

    It’s now essential that tough national measures are taken to get the virus back under control. Better late than never. And Labour will provide the votes the Prime Minister needs to be sure of getting this through Parliament.

    But we’ll also be clear it must be accompanied by a comprehensive economic support package. The Chancellor has already announced three economic plans in the last four weeks – all were insufficient. All are out of date. That is no way for businesses and working people to plan and prepare.

    The Chancellor needs to come to Parliament today and outline the full package of support. It must be equivalent to the package put in place in March, it must support businesses forced to close and at risk of closing, and it must protect people’s jobs and pay – including by closing gaps in support for the self-employed.

    The Government was slow to act – again. But it can’t now waste these four weeks. They must be used to fix test, trace and isolate – and to give control to local authorities; to get a grip on messaging and rebuild public trust; and to provide a clear and transparent roadmap to protect businesses and the NHS over the months to come.

    I know how difficult this next month will be and the months to come. Now, more than ever, we need to stand together as a country, as families, and as communities, and to show – once again – that at a moment of national crisis, the British people always stand by those in need.

    I know business will step up – as you did in March and as you have done throughout this crisis.

    I know from close quarters how important a good business can be to families and to communities. My dad was a toolmaker. He worked on the factory floor his entire life. A steady, secure job allowed him to build a better life for his family. He built a platform for me. He gave me the tools to get on.

    I know that a thriving business is not just about making profit it’s a source of good jobs, of meaning, and dignity.

    It’s why when I see businesses struggling being forced to close or to pull out of the communities they’ve been a part of for decades, I know the impact that will have. Not on profit, but on people. And that’s why the Labour Party I lead will always recognise the importance of supporting business.

    I believe we all share the idea that business and government should work together in the national interest. In recent years, I feel that partnership has broken down.

    But a Labour government under my leadership will look to renew and rebuild that partnership.

    I think that this government has let you down badly. Not just on coronavirus but also because just at this moment the Prime Minister has decided to play needless brinkmanship over a Brexit deal.

    The last thing I want to do is to refight the battle over Brexit. That argument is over. It’s time to move on and to adapt, as I know you are trying to do. But the government is making that so much harder by creating an atmosphere of huge uncertainty.

    From your point of view and mine, it’s very simple. The EU is by far our biggest trading partner. We need a good trade deal to protect jobs and to protect businesses.

    The Prime Minister said he would get one. In fact he said he had one. So he should get on with it. Stop fuelling uncertainty at the worst possible time and secure the deal he promised.

    But whatever comes of the Brexit negotiations, that will not fix the long-term problems with the British economy. As a nation we simply aren’t ready for the high-tech economy of the 2020s and 2030s. We don’t invest anywhere near enough in skills in people in science or in the future.

    Eighty per cent of companies have told the CBI that a lack of skills is harming our competitiveness. More than half of the working age population lack the digital skills required for the modern workplace. And it’s estimated that by 2030 a further 7 million people, a fifth of the workforce, could be under-skilled for their jobs.

    When I was Shadow Immigration Minister – I visited businesses across the country and asked them what the single biggest obstacle was to their success. Every time, they said the same thing: skills. If we’re to compete in the decades to come academic skills alone won’t be enough.

    We need world-class vocational education. Life-long learning. In-work training. And for a Labour Government led by me this will be a priority like never before.

    Because the days when the school gates opened to let you out and the factory gates opened to let you in have long gone. And you know as well as I do that there’s only one way to create the high-tech economy we need to be. And that’s through investing in and training the next generation with the skills they need.

    But for a decade we’ve not invested in the future, and one of the consequences is that we’re a profoundly unbalanced and unequal country. Our great towns and cities in the North West, the Midlands and the North East – once the cradle of our industrial revolution – have been ignored and marginalised. This has to change.

    Because we cannot go forward as a country if we don’t spread the rewards of prosperity more fairly and if we don’t close the productivity gap across regions and nations.

    I believe Britain can – and must – create a more dynamic, innovative and high-tech economy fit for the 2020s and 2030s. Our best days are ahead of us, but the truth is: at present, our economy rewards short-termism. It’s low-paid, low-skilled and unbalanced. I know that frustrates you as much as it does me.

    In the last decade something profound has happened in our economy. For years, the essential bargain of post-war Britain was that for every boost in prosperity that reward found its way to the factory floor. But that bargain has broken down.

    Earnings have stagnated since 2010. The cost of living – the price of food, housing, utility bills – has gone up and the returns to shareholders have carried on rising. That bargain is no longer being honoured. It’s fuelling resentment, anger and injustice.

    Together, we have to find a solution. So that when this crisis is over, we build a more sustainable model and a new partnership that can bring businesses and working people together.

    I can pledge to you today that a Labour government under my leadership will back British businesses – to grow, to succeed and to expand. We’ll provide the incentives, the corporate structures, the investment and the stability you need to plan for the long term. We’ll champion businesses of all sizes and in all parts of the country. And we’ll always recognise businesses for what they are – an indispensable part of creating prosperity, good jobs and strong communities.

    My aim is simple: that under a Labour Government every community and every town has world-class local businesses. Businesses that are a source of pride, jobs and prosperity.

    But like any joint venture, we’ll ask for something in return. We’ll expect businesses to look beyond the next quarterly statement or annual report and to focus on long-term prosperity and the long-term interests of local communities. We’ll expect every business to play its part in delivering the transition to a net zero economy as soon as possible. We’ll expect businesses to work with trade unions, to treat their workers with fairness and dignity, to invest in their skills and their futures, and to provide the kind of secure foundations that a life and future can be built upon.

    We’ll expect businesses to compete fairly, and to play by the rules, in spirit and in letter. We’ll expect businesses to leave a lasting footprint in local towns and communities – working with local schools and colleges to upskill and empower young people. And we’ll expect every business to consider the role it can play in promoting greater social justice and tackling the deep-seated inequalities that exist in our society.

    Most businesses already do this. Many go further. Every week I meet fantastic British businesses that show what can be done – even in this climate – to invest in people and in our communities. But if we’re to make this a reality across the country and to build the new partnership businesses need for the 2020s and 2030s it needs an active, pro-business government. And that’s what Labour under my leadership will offer.

    When a business is failing it is often because the management is failing. The Labour party is now under new management. We recognise that businesses with high standards are the only way to create a good economy and the only way to fund a good society. I know we share those objectives. We do not seek growth for its own sake. We seek it because, by improving living standards, we can grow as people and as a country.

    So I want to thank the CBI and British business for everything you’ve done and I look forward to what we can achieve together.

  • Thangam Debbonaire – 2020 Letter on Robert Jenrick on Banning Evictions

    Thangam Debbonaire – 2020 Letter on Robert Jenrick on Banning Evictions

    The letter written by Thangam Debbonaire, the Shadow Housing Secretary, to Robert Jenrick, the Secretary of State, on 3 November 2020.

    Dear Robert,

    As we head into a second lockdown on Thursday, it is essential that renters and homeowners have re-assurance that they will be safe in their homes.

    Will you re-instate the evictions ban, as well as the ban on repossessions to protect home-owners, and come forward with a credible plan to keep your promise that no-one will lose their home due to coronavirus?

    The Government clearly accepts the need for additional protections when additional public health measures are in place. During the first national lockdown you imposed a ban on evictions, and when the previous evictions ban was lifted in September, you set out that “evictions will not be enforced in local lockdown areas and there will be a truce on enforcement over Christmas.”

    Now that England is heading for a second national lockdown, will you ensure that renters across the country are protected from eviction?

    Although landlords must now give six months’ notice for most eviction cases, this will not help those at most immediate risk of eviction, who were issued with eviction notices before 29 August and whose cases will be the first to go through the courts this winter. No-one should suffer lockdown with harassment or anti-social behaviour from neighbours, but any exemption must be framed to prevent homelessness.

    As well immediate protection from evictions, the Government must come forward with a credible long-term plan to ensure that no-one loses their home as result of Coronavirus. Many renters have struggled to keep up with payments, through no fault of their own. Shelter has estimated that 322 000 private renters have fallen into arrears as a result of the pandemic. Will you raise Local Housing Allowance to average rents, and bring forward a plan to address the arrears crisis which is putting hundreds of thousands of renters at risk of losing their home?

    During the first national lockdown, the ban prevented many evictions but there was a worrying rise in illegal evictions. The charity Safer Renting has estimated that illegal evictions are up 60% since March. What steps are you taking to ensure that renters are not illegally evicted over winter, and have access to advice and support where it is needed?

    The Prime Minister announced a second national lockdown on the very same day as the ban on repossessions came to an end. The Financial Conduct Authority’s extension of the 6-month mortgage deferral is welcome but may be insufficient to protect mortgage holders from lenders who are concerned about the long-term viability of the mortgage. The mortgage interest loan scheme is not available until 9 months have passed, by which time many home-owners may have been assessed as unable to pay by their lender and at risk of repossession. This further puts home-owners at risk of turning to more unscrupulous lenders.

    Will you now clarify the position for those borrowers who have already taken a six-month mortgage holiday, re-start the ban on repossessions and update the Support for Mortgage Interest Scheme to ensure it provides adequate support to homeowners?

    I look forward to an urgent response.

    Best wishes,

    Thangam.

  • Nick Thomas-Symonds – 2020 Comments on Terror Threat Level

    Nick Thomas-Symonds – 2020 Comments on Terror Threat Level

    The comments made by Nick Thomas-Symonds, the Shadow Home Secretary, on 3 November 2020.

    This decision should not cause undue alarm but shows the importance of people continuing to be vigilant. Any suspicious activity should be reported to the police or the anti-terrorism hotline.

    We are grateful for the work of the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre, our Security Services and our Counter-Terror Policing who continue to carry out vital work to keep us safe.

  • Liz Kendall – 2020 Comments on Care Home Visiting Guidelines

    Liz Kendall – 2020 Comments on Care Home Visiting Guidelines

    The comments made by Liz Kendall, the Shadow Minister for Social Care, on 4 November 2020.

    This guidance is not good enough. Many care homes simply won’t be able to comply with the Government’s requirements, and so in reality thousands of families are likely to be banned from visiting their loved ones.

    Instead of requiring floor to ceiling screens for indoor visits, or outdoor ‘window’ visits that won’t work for many people with dementia and because of the winter weather, the Government should instead designate a single family member as a key worker – making them a priority for weekly testing and proper PPE just as is supposed to happen for care home staff.

    Unless the government changes course many care home residents will end up fading fast and their families will suffer the pain and sorrow of not being able to see the people they love and care about most.

  • Anneliese Dodds – 2020 Comments on Bank of England Forecast

    Anneliese Dodds – 2020 Comments on Bank of England Forecast

    The comments made by Anneliese Dodds, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 5 November 2020.

    The Bank of England’s new forecast shows the huge economic costs of the Government’s last-minute scramble to catch up with events.

    Labour called three weeks ago for a short, effective circuit breaker. Instead we got weeks of delay that will be counted in lost lives and livelihoods.

    The Bank of England has had to step in once again because of the Government’s inability to get a grip on the health and economic crisis.

  • Justin Madders – 2020 Comments on Test and Trace

    Justin Madders – 2020 Comments on Test and Trace

    The comments made by Justin Madders, the Shadow Health Minister, on 5 November 2020.

    Ministers know that we won’t get on top of the virus unless we see a better performing system. Despite the flurry of government announcements on testing this week we haven’t heard a single proposal on how they are going to fix contact tracing.

    It is absolutely vital they use this time in the second lockdown to finally fix test and trace.