Category: Speeches

  • John Morris (Lord Morris of Aberavon) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    John Morris (Lord Morris of Aberavon) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by John Morris, Lord Morris of Aberavon, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    My Lords, I had the privilege on a number of occasions to have a private audience with Her Majesty, as Welsh Secretary for six years. The most memorable was, while travelling on her plane from Caernarfon, to be summoned by her private secretary to come and sit by Her Majesty on the journey to London. She sought to scrutinise my policies with very careful prodding. As a professional cross-examiner, I was totally unused to being in the witness box.

    My job during the Silver Jubilee was supervising the organising of her tour of Wales, based on “Britannia” for three wonderful days, meeting her one sunny morning in a railway siding in north Wales and finishing with the Royal Marines playing on the quay in Cardiff. She greeted the immense crowds from Llandudno to Cardiff with immense pleasure and great interest. I surmise that the high point of the tour was a few quiet hours admiring the beauty of Bodnant Garden. She had the magical quality of combining formality and informality as appropriate. My wife and I valued the great care and meticulous consideration given for my wife’s hearing when she entertained us at the end of each day.

    The sense of fun in the Duke and Her Majesty herself was manifest at the opening of Theatr Clwyd in north Wales, when the great actor, Emlyn Williams, delivered his monologue describing the bus trip full of Welsh bards in search of the Druid’s Tap for refreshment. When the Duke turned to me and asked, “Was there such a place as the Druid’s Tap?”, we all rolled with laughter.

    Wearing another hat many years later, as Her Majesty’s Attorney-General I had the privilege at the first sitting of the Welsh Assembly to present her two copies of the Wales Bill for initialling. The first was in English; there was no problem. I then presented a second, in Welsh. Trusting her bilingual Minister, without batting an eyelid she signed the second one too.

    My sympathies go to King Charles and his family. I have visited his home in Wales on many occasions and he has won the respect and friendship of the nation of Wales through his close interest in our affairs.

  • Stuart Polak (Lord Polak) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Stuart Polak (Lord Polak) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Stuart Polak, Lord Polak, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    My Lords, I pay tribute to all the speakers before me, particularly the noble Lord, Lord True, who is not in his place. On an occasion like today, I think I speak on behalf of the whole House when I say we miss the late Lord Sacks, who would have known exactly what to say.

    On hearing of someone’s passing, the Jewish tradition is to say “Baruch dayan ha’emet”, which means “Blessed is the true judge”. In my earliest memories of going to synagogue on a Saturday morning, there was only one prayer that was said in English, and that prayer will be said tomorrow in synagogues up and down the country. I will read it as it was done last week: “He who giveth salvation unto kings and dominion unto princes, whose kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, may he bless our sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth and all the Royal Family. May the supreme King of kings, in his mercy, preserve the Queen in life, guard her and deliver her from all trouble and sorrow.” In synagogues up and down the country tomorrow we will say it as usual for His Majesty King Charles.

    I have been listening to so many personal stories of how Her Majesty touched the lives of so many, even just for a fleeting moment, and that will forever be etched on the memory of those people. In 1971 my mother and my late grandmother were at Royal Ascot. My grandmother at the time thought she was part of the Royal Family and we did not tell her that she was not. On the way back from the paddock to the enclosure, my grandma Leah touched the back of the Queen Mother and said, “Ma’am, you look beautiful.” As the heavies suddenly came round to where my mum—who was deeply embarrassed—was, the Queen Mother said, “Hang on”, and turned to my grandmother and said, “And, if I may say so, you look beautiful too.” At this point both embarrassed daughters, Her Majesty the Queen and my mother, turned round at the same moment and said, “Oh mummy.” This moment, this 10-second encounter, stayed with my late grandmother her whole life, and has stayed with my mother to this day.

    The tributes to Her Majesty have all been magnificent, but I listened particularly carefully to Sir John Major, the former Prime Minister, whose tribute included the line, “There was almost no part of the world she had not visited.” Sir John was right. I will concentrate for a moment on the word “almost”. On 22 June 2016, the night before the EU referendum, I was at a small dinner with a few people raising a little bit of money for Gordonstoun at the home of the Princess Royal. As I was leaving, I said to the headmaster that I would happily come up to the school and speak to the students about politics. Princess Anne turned round and said, “I think they’d be more interested in your previous work.” We had a conversation and discussed how the Royal Family were prohibited by the Foreign Office from visiting Israel. We agreed that it was and is sad that the Queen, as someone who was deeply religious and God-fearing, never walked down the Via Dolorosa into the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, visited the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem or experienced the peace and tranquillity on the shores of the Sea of Galilee.

    At a Jewish funeral, Psalm 16 is often recited in Hebrew. In translation, it ends:

    “You will make known to me the path of life;

    In your presence is fullness of joy,

    at your right hand bliss for ever more.”

    Yehi zichra baruch—may Her Majesty’s memory be for a blessing.

  • Jonathan Hill – 2011 Speech to the National Governors’ Association

    Jonathan Hill – 2011 Speech to the National Governors’ Association

    The speech made by Jonathan Hill, the then Education Minister, at the Royal Lancaster Hotel in London on 2 March 2011.

    Improving all our schools

    Thank you so much for having me back.

    A lot has happened since I last spoke at your conference in November.

    Since then, we’ve published our white paper, The Importance of Teaching, and introduced our Education Bill into Parliament. Both have something to say about the importance of governors. Both reflected a number of the arguments made to me by Emma and Clare on your behalf. And both set out our plans for improving all our schools.

    As I hope you know, I am very grateful for the work the NGA does on behalf of governors – and to governors for the work you do on behalf of schools.

    As the white paper made clear, we believe that governing bodies should be the key strategic body in schools, responsible for the overall direction that a school takes. In that respect, governors are also therefore the key body for school improvement.

    One of the most important parts of my job is to make sure that you have the time, the space and the tools you need to do yours.

    I know that good governing bodies can come in all sorts of shapes and sizes, with members drawn from many different walks of life. So we want to give schools more flexibility to decide for themselves on the structure and composition of governing bodies that will best meet their school’s particular needs.

    I am especially keen that governing bodies are able to appoint members with the mix of skills they think they need, rather than because they have to be appointed from a particular category or group. So I am pleased that we’re making it possible for schools to adopt more flexible models, with the only requirement being that they appoint a minimum of two parent governors to sit alongside the headteacher on the governing body.

    Schools will of course still be able to appoint members of staff or local authority governors if that’s what they believe is right for them. Voluntary-aided schools can still also retain foundation governors to allow them to preserve their religious character.

    But it will be a decision for schools to exercise themselves – or not – not something that is imposed. And it is very much in line with points made to me by the NGA about moving away from a one-size-fits-all approach.

    I also agree with the NGA that trained clerks who can offer expert advice and guidance to governing bodies can be a real help and I would like to see more schools considering appointing them.

    And I agree too that governing bodies sometimes don’t have the information or training they need to challenge and support their headteacher, which is why I want to make it easier for governors to ask challenging questions by giving them access to more data about how their school is doing and to work with the National College to offer high-quality training for chairs of governors.

    These measures are all deliberately designed to help governors perform their vital school leadership role, because there is no more important part of your jobs than helping your schools to improve.

    Let me set out the broad context for school improvement by explaining the principles that underpin our approach.

    First, at the heart of our approach is a belief that greater autonomy should be extended to schools and greater trust to front-line professionals.

    The evidence of the past decade in our own country, as well as from the jurisdictions around the world with the best-performing education systems, shows that the fastest improvement takes place where schools have the most freedom.

    One way to give schools greater autonomy is through our Academies programme, and I’m delighted that so many schools have decided to take us up on our offer to become academies. Since the start of the school year in September, more than two new academies have opened every working day, bringing the overall total of academies to around 450. By the beginning of this year, more than one in 10 secondary schools was an academy – since then the pace has been accelerating.

    Of course, some schools don’t yet want to become academies. My job is to support those schools just as much as in those that do convert. So as well as the freedom for governing bodies I described earlier, we’re keen to reduce the bureaucratic burden faced by all schools by cutting away unnecessary duties, reducing prescription in the curriculum, clarifying and shrinking guidance, simplifying school inspection and scrapping as many unnecessary processes as we can.

    The best-performing education systems all combine greater autonomy for schools with intelligent accountability that makes schools accountable, allows fair comparisons to be made between schools by parents, and drives improvement.

    So our second principle is to strengthen the accountability framework. We want to publish much more information and data so that governors, headteachers and parents can all see how their schools are doing but also learn from those schools that are performing well.

    And it’s because it’s so important that the public can make fair comparisons between schools that we are also revamping performance tables to place more emphasis on the real value schools add, as well as the raw attainment results they secure.

    Pupils need good qualifications to succeed – but I know that it has been a bugbear of many governors for a while now that we don’t always recognise the successes by those schools that take children from the most challenging and difficult backgrounds and help them gain good qualifications.

    The third principle of our approach to school improvement is to strive for higher expectations for all pupils.

    Other nations have an expectation that more and more young people leave school with better and better qualifications. Our current expectation that only English and maths be considered a minimum benchmark at 16 marks us out from them.

    It is because we want to raise our expectations to match the highest standards around the world that we are introducing a new measure – the English Baccalaureate – which will show how many students in each school secured five good passes in English, maths, science, languages and one of the humanities.

    More generally, minimum standards at GCSE have also risen in recent years, in line with the increased aspirations of parents and communities. All those headteachers, teachers and governors who have helped drive improvement deserve special credit.

    But given the quickening pace of school improvement around the world, we have also raised the floor standards and, importantly, made them fairer by adding a new progression measure.

    A secondary school will now be below the floor if fewer than 35 per cent of pupils achieve the standard of five A*-C GCSEs including English and maths – up from 30 per cent – and fewer pupils than the national average make the expected levels of progress between Key Stage 2 and Key Stage 4 in English and maths.

    A primary school will be below the floor if fewer than 60 per cent of pupils achieve the standard of Level 4 in both English and maths at Key Stage 2 – up from 55 per cent – and fewer pupils than the national average make the expected levels of progress between Key Stage 1 and Key Stage 2 in English and maths.

    But I am clear that this is only a guideline, and any school where attainment and pupil progression are low and where schools lack the capacity to improve themselves will be eligible for the additional support they need.

    And that’s why proportional support is the fourth principle that guides our approach to school improvement. Many of those schools that need to improve the most serve the most disadvantaged communities of the country and face the greatest challenges.

    Our pupil premium will ensure those schools receive additional money – starting at £430 per pupil but rising in total from £625 million this year to £2.5 billion per year by 2015 – to support the education of the most disadvantaged pupils.

    On top of this, we have created a new education endowment fund worth £110 million, which provides a further incentive for schools and local authorities to work together to bring forward innovative projects that will raise attainment of disadvantaged children in underperforming schools.

    And because nothing matters more than giving more of the poorest children access to the best teaching, we are more than doubling the size of Teach First so more of the best young graduates are able to teach in more of our most challenging schools, including primaries.

    But this won’t be enough for all of the lowest-performing schools.

    You’ve already heard today from Dr Liz Sidwell, herself an inspirational head, who I’m delighted to say is now working with us as the Schools Commissioner. Liz’s job will be to use her experience and knowledge to work with local authorities to identify those schools most in need of support and then to help them develop plans for their improvement.

    I’m sure Liz will also be interested to hear your thoughts – through the NGA – on how the expertise of local authorities in school improvement can be retained and used most effectively.

    And I do want to stress that local authorities remain our essential partners in school improvement. Many local authorities will already have plans to improve schools below the floor standards in hand. And Michael Gove wrote to local authorities yesterday asking them to share those plans, which will also cover primaries for the first time, with us.

    Where it’s essential, additional financial support will be made available, but many will not require extra money and will involve extending the influence of high-quality academy sponsors and harnessing the talents of great headteachers to help those schools that are underperforming.

    School-to-school collaboration is the fifth and final principle. Whether it’s a strong school supporting a weaker school or good schools collaborating together, partnership working goes with the grain of the culture that already exists within many schools.

    One of the most exciting developments – if not the most exciting development – coming out of the academies programme is that powerful combination of autonomy and partnership that is seeing a growing number of schools wanting to become academies in chains or clusters.

    And it’s just as encouraging to see groups of primaries clustering around a secondary school or federations of good schools where opportunities for pupils and staff are being increased, standards are going up and costs are going down – including in rural areas.

    One of the great school improvement success stories in recent years have been national and local leaders in education.

    Because we are committed to more of that system-led leadership that we know works, we’ve doubled the number of NLEs and LLEs and we’re also establishing a new national network of 500 teaching schools by 2015. Based on our teaching hospitals, they will act as real centres of excellence and ensure teachers can access excellent continued professional development throughout their careers.

    In many ways, education is a continual quest for improvement. It is a quest to reach the ever higher standards that will allow more of our young people to be educated to ever higher levels.

    I know it is that quest that led to you to giving up your valuable time to volunteer as school governors. You are the unsung heroes of our education system.

    That’s why it’s always such a privilege to speak at an NGA conference.

    And why I will do what I can to champion the role of governors.

  • Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on Energy

    Ursula von der Leyen – 2022 Statement on Energy

    The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 7 September 2022.

    We are facing an extraordinary situation, not only because Russia is an unreliable supplier, as we have witnessed over the last days, weeks, months, but also because Russia is actively manipulating the gas market. I am deeply convinced that with our unity, our determination, our solidarity, we will prevail. And we have, over the last six months, during this war, very much increased our preparedness and we have weakened the grip that Russia had on our economy and our continent. We have done three things, as you recall: The first one was demand reduction. Demand reduction, so save gas in order to save it in the storage. We have created a joint storage, and this is really a success story, because now we are already at 82% with the joint storage in Europe. As you know, our goal was to reach 80% at the end of October. So we overshoot it, and that is good.

    The second step that we have taken was: Diversify away from Russian fossil fuels. And you know that we have stopped the import of Russian coal. We are winding down the Russian oil. And we have been working very hard to diversify away from Russia towards other reliable suppliers, like for example the United States or Norway, Azerbaijan, Algeria and others. Actually today, Norway is delivering more gas to the European Union than Russia. And we were able, if you look at the cuts that Russia has done in gas, to completely compensate so far the gas imports through other reliable suppliers.

    And of course, the third step is the most important one. This is massive investments in renewables. We have REPowerEU on the table. The renewables are cheap, they are home-grown, they make us independent. We will deploy renewables this year that are an equivalent to round about 8 billion cubic metres. So the renewables are really our energy insurance for the future.

    But we also see that the Russian manipulation of the gas market has spillover effects on the electricity market. So there is, on the one hand, the Russian manipulation, but there are also other factors during this summer. We see the effects of climate change. We see the drought. Hydropower has been reduced by 26% in the European Union, and by 46% in Portugal. And we have the fact that we have less nuclear electricity in the European Union at the moment being. And this is the reason why we are now confronted with astronomic electricity prices for households and companies, and with an enormous market volatility. Therefore, we will put forward a set of five different immediate measures.

    The first one is smart savings of electricity. What has changed over the summer, because of the elements I was just mentioning, is that we see that there is a global scarcity of energy. So whatever we do, one thing is for sure: We have to save electricity, but we have to save it in a smart way. If you look at the costs of electricity, there are peak demands. And this is what is expensive, because, in these peak demands, the expensive gas comes into the market. So what we have to do is to flatten the curve and avoid the peak demands. We will propose a mandatory target for reducing electricity use at peak hours. And we will work very closely with the Member States to achieve this.

    The second measure: We will propose a cap on the revenues of companies that are producing electricity with low costs. The low-carbon energy sources are making in these times – because they have low costs but they have high prices on the market – enormous revenues. Revenues they never calculated with; revenues they never dreamt of; and revenues they cannot reinvest to that extent. These revenues do not reflect their production costs. So, it is now time for the consumers to benefit from the low costs of low-carbon energy sources like, for example, the renewables. We will propose to re-channel these unexpected profits to the Member States so that the Member States can support the vulnerable households and vulnerable companies.

    The third measure is that the same goes, of course, for the unexpected profits of fossil fuel companies. Oil and gas companies have also made massive profits. Therefore, we will propose that there is a solidarity contribution for fossil fuel companies. Because all energy sources must help to overcome this crisis. Member States should invest these revenues to, as I said, support vulnerable households and vulnerable companies, but also to invest them in clean home-grown energy sources, as the renewables are, for example.

    The fourth point is addressing the energy utility companies that must be supported to be able to cope with the volatility of the markets. Here, it is a problem of securing futures markets. And for that, liquidity is needed. These companies are currently being requested to provide unexpected large amounts of funds now, which threatens their capacity not only to trade, but also the stability of the futures markets. It is a liquidity problem. Therefore, we will help to facilitate the liquidity support by Member States for energy companies. We will update our temporary framework and enable thus state guarantees to be delivered rapidly.

    The fifth and the last point: We aim at lowering the costs of gas. Therefore, we will propose a price cap on Russian gas. Of course, the objective is here very clear. We all know that our sanctions are deeply grinding into the Russian economy, with a heavy negative impact. But Putin is partially buffering through fossil fuel revenues. So here, the objective is: We must cut Russia’s revenues, which Putin uses to finance his atrocious war in Ukraine. And now our work of the last months really pays off. Because, at the beginning of the war, if you looked at the imported gas, 40% of it was Russian gas, since a long time. Today, we are down to 9% only.

    So these are the five measures that we will discuss with the Member States at the informal Energy Ministers Council on Friday. These are tough times, and they will not be over soon. But I am deeply convinced that, if we show the solidary, the unity and we have the determination for that, we have the economic strength, we have the political will, that then we shall overcome.

  • Jock Stirrup (Lord Stirrup) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Jock Stirrup (Lord Stirrup) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Jock Stirrup, Lord Stirrup, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    My Lords, my earliest memory goes back to the moment when I had just turned the age of two. I can be certain of the date because my parents had moved house and I clearly remember the removal men in their dustcoats delivering our furniture. The date was February 1952 and Queen Elizabeth was just acceding to the throne. So, until yesterday afternoon, my entire conscious life had been exactly coincident with the second Elizabethan age.

    That age has now ended. I have fond memories from its latter years of many meetings and discussions with the Queen, both professional and social, and I shall always be grateful for her kindness, her wisdom, her support and her great sense of fun, which I am happy to say was just as evident when I last spoke with her only a few weeks ago. Like the most reverend Primate the Archbishop of Canterbury, I also remember the winter barbecues at Sandringham, and I am proud of having been the co-producer, with my sovereign, of a particularly successful salad dressing.

    The Queen was, as the noble Lord, Lord Butler of Brockwell, observed, the head of the Armed Forces. She took an intense interest in their activities—their difficulties and challenges as well as their successes—but particularly in their people. She had formal affiliations with a great many formations and organisations, all of which valued the association highly. I think that over the next few days and weeks many stories will be told and memories exchanged, with that strange and piercing mixture of sadness and joy that I suspect we all experience today.

    I want to focus on just one incident from several years ago. One of the Queen’s military affiliations was as the honorary air commodore at RAF Marham, a station very close to Sandringham. I commanded RAF Marham over the first Gulf War. When we started to lose aircraft over Iraq, the Queen was immediately in touch, wanting to know how she could help, and in particular how she could support the families. She came and had private meetings with the next of kin of those who were missing in action. She spoke with the families more widely. She listened to them, empathised with them and made them understand how much she cared. That is just one small incident in a very long reign, but for me it epitomises it all.

    The nation has lost a Queen. The people have lost one of the best servants they have ever known in this or any other age.

  • Nigel Dodds (Baron Dodds of Duncairn) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Nigel Dodds (Baron Dodds of Duncairn) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Nigel Dodds, Baron Dodds of Duncairn, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    My Lords, it is difficult to follow so many eloquent speeches that have already been given in the House by your Lordships this afternoon, but I rise to add few words on my own behalf and that of my noble friends in the Democratic Unionist Party, and on behalf of so many in Northern Ireland who feel the loss of Her Majesty so acutely today.

    So many words have been spoken, yet, no matter how many or how eloquently expressed, they cannot do justice to the feelings that we experienced when we heard the dreadful news yesterday afternoon on the passing of Her Majesty. That shock was palpable; as the noble Lord, Lord Purvis, said, there is a sense not just of loss but that people are lost, in a bit of a limbo and worried about what might happen going forward.

    As the noble and learned Lord, Lord Judge, said, we knew this day would come but we wished that it would not. The sense of loss is acute. Her Majesty was a constant presence in our lives and in the life of our communities, and in each of the countries of our United Kingdom she is, or was, the embodiment—a mother and grandmother of our United Kingdom. It is hard to process.

    We think today of her family and, in particular, the new King Charles III. We pray that he will know God’s blessing and guidance in the days ahead. He has to grieve and yet immediately assume the great duties, burdens and responsibilities of the monarchy. It reminds us, of course, that, at the tender age of 26, Her Majesty herself ascended to the throne while she desperately grieved his late Majesty King George VI; but she embraced her duties without hesitation, taking upon herself the mantle or duty and service.

    Those beautiful words that she spoke on her 21st birthday,

    “I declare before you all that my whole life, whether it be long or short, shall be devoted to your service”,

    have been fulfilled in the most exemplary way and with such grace. The qualities of integrity and great wisdom shone through brightly her entire life, with her great strength and stay his late Royal Highness the Duke of Edinburgh constantly at her side. What was striking to many of us was her deep Christian faith, so evident in her wonderful Christmas broadcasts. How we will miss sitting down on Christmas Day to hear the gentle words of Her Majesty speak to the entire nation. Today, as we look over decades of her service, we have been reminded in your Lordships’ House that, while many paid homage to her, she first placed her hands and her life in the hands of Christ the Lord himself. As we look back over 70 years, we are reminded of what the Bible says about life:

    “For what is your life? It is even a vapour that appears for a little time and then vanishes away.”

    But Her Majesty has left behind such a legacy and example for us all.

    People in Northern Ireland warmly welcomed every one of Her Majesty’s visits to our Province. People loved her. Even those who wish a different future for the Province held her in the highest esteem and with the greatest respect. I had the wonderful privilege, like many in this House, of meeting her on a number of occasions in different capacities. As Lord Mayor of Belfast in the late 1980s, I remember on one of Her Majesty’s visits, which were not very frequent then because of the security situation, she visited my former constituency in north Belfast. Two police officers had been badly injured the previous day in a terrorist attack, and her first words as we lined up to greet her and welcome her were to express concern and inquire after their health, which showed her compassion and deep concern for people in Northern Ireland, which was evident on many other visits that she made to the Province.

    When she returned in 2012 for the Diamond Jubilee celebrations, I remember the many tens of thousands who were able to turn out to the Stormont estate and welcome her. Her visits became more widely open to the public because of the improved security and political situation, which she warmly welcomed and of course played such an important part, in her quiet diplomatic way, in bringing about. Her visit to the Irish Republic will go down as one of the great significant milestones of Her Majesty’s reign and will be remembered as an important and significant milestone in the peace and political process.

    In Northern Ireland, like other parts of this great United Kingdom, we will never forget Her Majesty’s steadfast support for and encouragement of our people through dark days and, gladly and wonderfully, brighter days in recent times. Thank you, Ma’am. God save the King.

  • Jeremy Purvis (Lord Purvis of Tweed) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Jeremy Purvis (Lord Purvis of Tweed) – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Jeremy Purvis, Lord Purvis of Tweed, in the House of Lords on 9 September 2022.

    I am privileged to follow the profound eloquence of the noble Baroness in her tribute and I echo many of her regards. It is to the personal, the local and the international personified by her late Majesty that we pay tribute today. As the sorrowful but necessary processes in my home country north of the border pass, she will continue in the wee dark hours over the border, on her last journey home, through my home town of Berwick. Like many noble Lords, I have memories of meeting her in my home area; they no doubt felt when they met her as I did—that she knew our area more than we knew it ourselves. It was just one of the many attributes she held that are receiving tribute today.

    Queen Elizabeth II lived for nearly a third of all the time of our union and was sovereign of it for nearly a quarter. This will never be repeated in the future story of these isles: a semi-mystical link between old and new, a shelter of calm in storms of turbulent political waters and, in the wider world, an embodiment of reliability as the tectonic shifts in how the world sees itself have moved, along with the place of our country in this transformation, from empire to Commonwealth, from military prowess to cultural influence.

    I reviewed the Motions of condolence for the late King George VI in 1952. From these Benches, Viscount Samuel quoted Prime Minister Nehru of India as saying that

    “when the relationship between England and India took a new turn and was based on friendship and free association … I was impressed by his thoughtfulness and understanding of us and our position, and we welcomed him most willingly as Head of the Commonwealth”.—[Official Report, 11/2/1952; cols. 1080-81.]

    Her late Majesty built upon this foundation and became the reason beyond all others as to why peaceful transition with complex moral dimensions on an immense scale, touching every part of the world, has been a success.

    Today, I was due to be arriving in Khartoum. Friends from there messaged me last evening, as others have from other parts of the world. I was greatly moved by the news that the pictures of her Majesty’s visit there in 1965 have been circulating widely. That country is vastly different from before and after independence—as is the world. Another Sudanese friend messaged me saying, “Her legacy in the decolonisation era will especially be remembered in our region of the world”.

    No other leader of a country in world history has ever travelled so much or met more leaders and people from more countries. As one American publication put it this morning, “Among Queen Elizabeth II’s many talents was an ability to turn the most powerful man on the planet into an overexcited fanboy—tea with the Queen outranking a nuclear arsenal”.

    At home in the Borders, where her visits were frequent and her knowledge of our equestrian common ridings was thorough—as was that of other members of the Royal Family; in fact, the Queen Consort was due to be in Galashiels yesterday—we will feel a gap as she passes through for the final time.

    Her late Majesty made me feel it that it was a remarkable stroke of good fortune to be born British, and I know the pride felt by many people who have come and made Britain their home. That pride for our history is in my heart, but there is a sense of anxiety in the pit of my stomach for the future. Many people of my parents’ generation and, indeed, my own, and I myself, feel loss, but some will feel lost. Who will be the constancy in times of churn to come? So, for our union at home and our place in the world abroad, I thank her late Majesty, and I wish the new King every success.

  • Steve House – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    Steve House – 2022 Tribute to HM Queen Elizabeth II

    The tribute made by Steve House, the Acting Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, on 8 September 2022.

    Tonight every member of the Metropolitan Police Service joins the nation in mourning the death of Her Majesty The Queen.

    On their behalf, I send my deepest condolences to the entire Royal Family, as well as all those who have been affected personally by Her Majesty’s death.

    I, like every officer in the Metropolitan Police Service, swore an oath to Her Majesty and for us all that is the greatest honour.

    I know Her Majesty’s lifetime of public service will continue to inspire generations to come.

  • Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to the SSAT National Conference

    Nick Gibb – 2010 Speech to the SSAT National Conference

    The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, in Birmingham on 25 November 2010.

    Thank you, Nick, and thank you for allowing me to speak today rather than yesterday, when we were launching our White Paper. The least I could do in return for causing you the inconvenience of re-jigging your conference agenda was to get up at the crack of dawn, catch the early train up from London and be here by 9.15am!

    But I am delighted to be here again and to have this opportunity straight away to discuss the contents of the White Paper and the detail of the policy direction behind it.

    The White Paper itself is entitled ‘The Importance of Teaching’, reflecting the earnestness of our desire to raise the status of the teaching profession and to return teaching to the centre of what happens in our schools.

    It’s also called ‘The Importance of Teaching’ because many of its policies have been influenced by leading teachers and headteachers, as well as organisations such as the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust.

    In my speech at this conference last year, I talked about how we were listening to what schools had told us about the need to cut bureaucracy, to increase autonomy and to improve behaviour.

    And most importantly that if we were elected, our approach to education policy would be based not on ideology but on the things that the evidence tells us works and the things that headteachers tell us work.

    The case for change

    As the introduction to the White Paper says: ‘All the evidence from different education systems around the world shows that the most important factor in determining how well children do is the quality of teachers and teaching.’

    The latest McKinsey report, just published, entitled Capturing the Leadership Premium, about how the world’s top school systems are building leadership capacity, cites a number of studies from North America, one of which found that:

    … nearly 60% of a school’s impact on student achievement is attributable to principal and teacher effectiveness. These are the most important in-school factors driving school success, with principals accounting for 25% and teachers 33% of a school’s total impact on achievement. (p7)

    Also in the McKinsey report, an analysis of Ofsted inspection reports concludes that:

    For every 100 schools that have good leadership and management, 93 will have good standards of student achievement. For every 100 schools that do not have good leadership and management, only one will have good standards of achievement.

    This is why, when you read the White Paper, you see that its constant theme is the central importance, above all else, of the profession, and what we can do to ensure every child has access to the best possible teaching.

    You will already have seen – and I hope been part of – our drive to increase the autonomy of schools through expanding the Academies programme and giving teachers and headteachers more control over their own destiny. Alongside teacher quality, research from the OECD cites autonomy, combined with rigorous and objective external accountability, alongside teacher quality, as the other essential characteristics of the highest-performing education jurisdictions.

    This is just one of the series of reforms that we’ve begun to take forward over the past six months to bear down on unnecessary burdens, to grant schools greater freedoms and to extend teachers’ powers to enforce discipline.

    And we’ve done so because our education system, as a whole, is still some way short of achieving its potential.

    Still a long way to go

    We have some of the best schools in the world, but the truth is that we also have too many that are still struggling.

    We have some of the best headteachers and teachers working in our schools, but too often they say they’re constrained by needless bureaucracy, central targets and guidance, and an overly prescriptive curriculum that dictates, for example, that lessons should be in three parts, with a beginning, middle and end.

    More young people now stay on in education – but some learn skills and earn qualifications that aren’t as highly valued by employers and universities as we would wish.

    And we simply aren’t doing enough to ensure there really is, as the title of this conference suggests, excellence for all, by supporting the education of the most disadvantaged and helping them to overcome life’s lottery.

    This is really brought home by the OECD international table of performance, in which we’ve fallen in recent years from fourth to 14th in science, seventh to 17th in literacy, eighth to 24th in maths.

    Studies undertaken by Unicef and the OECD tell us that we have one of the most unequal education systems in the world, coming 55th out of 57 countries for educational equity and with one of the biggest gulfs between independent and state schools of any developed nation.

    Michael Gove used to cite the unacceptable fact that of 80,000 GCSE students qualifying for free school meals, just 45 went on to Oxford and Cambridge a few years later. He’s had to stop using that figure because the latest year’s figure is that just 40 go on to Oxbridge – a drop of 12.5 per cent.

    That’s why the challenge facing us is to reform the whole schools system.

    That is the challenge that our White Paper will allow us to meet.

    And we want to do so by making the catalysts that have driven improvement in the country’s best state schools available to all schools.

    Greater freedom

    Over the past decade, the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust has played an important role in raising standards, promoting greater innovation and improving the life chances of hundreds of thousands of pupils.

    The near universal network of specialist schools attests to what can be achieved when schools are allowed to innovate and have the freedom to develop their own distinct character and ethos.

    And it has also demonstrated that if you trust headteachers and the profession, the benefits accrue faster.

    It is because specialism is now so firmly rooted in our schools that we’ve decided that it’s the right time to give schools greater freedom to make use of the opportunities offered by specialism and the associated funding.

    And just so that we’re all clear, we’ve not removed the funding – all of that money will continue to go to schools – but we have removed all the strings attached to it so that schools have the freedom to spend it on, and buy in, the services they want and need without central prescription.

    And while this will naturally also remove the need for schools to re-designate, I hope that the SSAT, and in particular the National Head Teacher Steering Group, will continue to provide a loud and influential voice on behalf of all of its membership.

    Alongside greater control over budgets, we’ve scrapped the burdensome self-evaluation forms for school inspections and the overly bureaucratic Financial Management Standard in Schools.

    We are also committed to reducing central bureaucracy still further, cutting down on unnecessary data collection burdens and reforming Ofsted so that inspection is more proportionate with fewer inspection criteria: instead of the 17 we have now, just four – leadership, teaching, attainment and behaviour.

    And we will slim down the National Curriculum. At present the National Curriculum contains too much that is not essential, too much that is unclear and too much prescription about how to teach.

    We need a new approach to the National Curriculum so that, to quote from the White Paper, it:

    …specifies a tighter, more rigorous model of the knowledge which every child should be expected to master in core subjects at every key stage. (p 10)

    It is our view that in a school system that moves towards a greater degree of autonomy, the National Curriculum will increasingly become a benchmark against which schools can be judged rather than ‘a prescriptive straitjacket’ into which education is squeezed.

    What underlies an effective education is the ability to read. Despite the hard work of teachers there are still too many children who fail to master this basic skill to a level that gives them the key to secondary education.

    Fifteen per cent of seven-year-olds don’t reach the expected level in reading at Key Stage 1. One in five 11-year-olds leave primary school still struggling with English. And I’ve been to too many secondary schools where the head tells me that a significant minority of their intake has a reading age below nine or eight or sometimes six or seven.

    This is unacceptable, which is why we are introducing a new light-touch, phonics-based reading test for six-year-olds, to ensure all children are on track with literacy at an early age.

    We need to identify early on those children who are struggling so they don’t slip through the net and so that schools can give those children the support and help they need. We want all children to acquire that basic decoding skill early on in primary school so they can spend the remaining five or six years reading to learn, developing their vocabulary and comprehension and a love of books. It can’t be right for children to spend seven years of primary education continually struggling with this basic educational tool.

    And because we understand why schools might have felt that the system – and Government – hasn’t been on their side in the past, there are also new measures in the White Paper to improve the exclusions process, further strengthening schools’ powers to ensure heads have the confidence they need to use them – including by ensuring the anonymity of teachers facing allegations from pupils or their parents.

    We believe these measures will help all schools to innovate and allow headteachers and teachers to focus on teaching – but the schools that will reap the greatest benefits from our attack on bureaucracy will be the academies.

    Greater autonomy

    Of course, academies are already free from central control and aren’t constrained by choice of specialism or the need to re-designate.

    They are the schools in which headteachers have been given the greatest autonomy to shape their own curriculum, to insist on tougher discipline, to set their own staff pay and conditions, and to extend school terms and school hours.

    And they’re also the schools that have improved the fastest. Last year the rate of improvement in academies was twice that of other schools, and some individual academies, such as Burlington Danes Academy in central London, have delivered incredible improvements of between 15 and 25 percentage points in just one year.

    In this year’s Ofsted annual report, published earlier this week, 26 per cent of academies were rated outstanding compared to 13 per cent of secondary schools nationally.

    Back in 2005, the former Prime Minister promised that all schools would be able to enjoy academy freedoms – but many of these freedoms were curtailed. An artificial ceiling of 400 academies was placed on the programme and primaries were refused entry.

    The Academies Act removed both of these barriers to the rapid expansion of the programme by giving all schools the chance to take on academy status – starting with those rated outstanding by Ofsted.

    Since the start of this school year, 144 academies have opened and a further 70 are due to open in the coming months. There are now 347 open academies, with more opening every week.

    Just under half of these replaced failing schools and we will continue to challenge schools that are underperforming with converting to academy status under a strong sponsor as one of the options available to deliver improvement.

    Last week we began the next phase of the expansion of the Academies programme, which will mean that schools that need to improve can join academy trusts where they will be supported by some of our best leaders in education.

    We expect all of the outstanding schools that have converted so far to use their new-found powers and freedom to support weaker schools, and we’ve now extended the invitation to convert to academy status to schools judged by Ofsted as ‘good with outstanding features’.

    So the result of the Academies Act will be greater autonomy within a culture of collaboration, where the bonds between schools are strengthened and there is a further step-change in system-led leadership.

    A culture of collaboration

    In the late 1980s and 1990s, grant-maintained schools were allowed to opt out of local government control. Many enjoyed great success in doing so – but the mistake made then was that people felt that their autonomy created a ‘them and us’ culture.

    But in my experience, the very best school leaders are characterised by their refusal to put a cap on aspiration for children and, consequently, tend to be those who are working in more than one school.

    This might mean that they’re an executive head in a federation where they lead two or more schools.

    It might now mean they’re an academy principal in an outstanding school working with another school to help them improve.

    Or it might mean they’re an NLE or LLE. I’m a huge admirer of all those heads who are NLEs or LLEs. They’re demonstrating that their aspirations have no bounds and that they want to go the extra mile to improve standards – not just for the children in their own schools, but in other schools too.

    That’s why we want to double the number of NLEs and will designate 1000 over the next four years.

    We all have a duty to ensure there are minimum standards of performance through the school system. It isn’t acceptable to any of us that we have so many schools in which two-thirds of children fail to secure five good GCSEs.

    Minimum standards have certainly risen in recent years, in line with the increased aspirations of parents and communities and thanks to the hard work of school leaders.

    But given the quickening pace of school improvement across the globe, it’s essential that we demonstrate that we are raising the bar for all schools. And that is why our White Paper sets new floor standards that will apply from January next year once we’ve verified final examination data from last summer. For secondary schools, this will be at least 35 per cent of pupils with five or more GCSEs at grades A* to C including English and Maths – and for primary schools, 60 per cent of the cohort achieving level 4 in English and Maths combined and where progress is below the expected level. Crucially, both of these new floor standards will involve a progression measure as well as the raw attainment figure.

    In doing that, we also want to avoid the errors of the past when some schools felt unfairly labelled as failing by Government.

    That is why on top of the pupil premium, which will tackle disadvantage at root by providing additional money to schools to extend opportunity to the poorest pupils, we’ve created a new education endowment fund worth £110 million to drive improvement in the most underperforming schools.

    But the biggest shift in our White Paper is in how we support teachers.

    It is widely recognised around the world that nothing matters more than teaching and that the most important thing we can do is recruit the best, train them well and help them and the teachers we already have to develop throughout their professional careers.

    That’s why we’re expanding Teach First and introducing other new high-quality routes into teaching.

    Teachers also want the capacity to be able to learn from other teachers if they are to grow as professionals, which is why we are removing the rules preventing classroom observation and why we intend to designate the best schools led by the best heads as teaching schools.

    In the NHS, teaching hospitals have become centres of excellence in their local areas by training current and future generations of doctors and nurses while also providing excellent medical care.

    We want teachers to have the same opportunities so teaching schools will work with other schools and with universities to deliver excellent initial teacher training, ongoing professional development and leadership development, while also providing an excellent education to pupils.

    And as well as ensuring that high-quality training is available, teaching schools will become engines of school improvement themselves because a vital part of their role will be to identify the best leaders and deploy them in a way that will allow them to support those schools that need to improve.

    But most importantly, teaching schools recognise that the biggest asset in schools is its people.

    They have to be our focus if we’re to achieve excellence for all.

    Excellence for all is a fitting title for this conference because it is, I know, what all professionals strive to achieve every single day.

    It is what we are striving for too.

    And with our White Paper, the reforms that I’ve spoken about today and the continued leadership of the SSAT and its members, it is finally a realistic ambition.

    Thank you very much.

  • Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech at the Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture

    Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech at the Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture

    The speech made by Tim Loughton, the then Education Minister, on 9 February 2011.

    Can I start by saying how delighted and privileged I am to be asked to give the 20th Edith Kahn Memorial Lecture? My association with the excellent organisation that is CSV goes back to 2001 when I became a trustee, and whilst I regretfully and reluctantly had to give up that position after the election this year, that does not mean that my respect and association with the charity should be any less enthusiastic. And can I thank, on behalf of CSV, all the supporters – many of them represented here today – for all that you do to make the work of the CSV possible?

    This year we are in the House of Lords – a slightly ominous development given the not-entirely apocryphal anecdote about graffiti in one of our noble colleagues’ loos here which poses the question – ‘What do you call 2 MPs at the bottom of the ocean?’ – to which has been added the answer: – ‘a good start!’ It is gratifying, however, that politicians are still invited to address such august audiences after everything that has passed.

    It is a truth universally acknowledged that a voluntary organisation in possession of a good idea and in want of a meeting with a minister will use the buzz phrase ‘Big Society’ before breakfast, lunch and dinner – to open with a cacophonous car-crash of mixed misquotes. But it does seem that every time I receive a letter or email requesting a meeting, let alone the subsequent meeting itself, there is something of a target quota system operating to see how many times ‘Big Society’ can be inserted into the dialogue.

    The trouble is that most people don’t know what the Big Society really means, least of all the unfortunate ministers who have to articulate it. What actually is the Big Society, let alone is it good or not? Exactly how big is it now or is it going to be? Is it, in fact, Ann Widdecombe? Is it a very British thing? Or is it another American import?

    In America, the Big Society can, of course, mean something completely different, as a recent survey showed that one in three Americans weighs more than the other two put together – a statistic that gave rise to a recent Sun headline to an article on an environmental report that ‘Fatties cause global warning’.

    More appropriately, however, we perhaps heard early rumblings of what it meant when President Lyndon B. Johnson spoke in 1964 of America’s ‘opportunity to move not only towards the rich society and the powerful society, but upward to the great society’. His predecessor John Adams, however, the second president of the US, warned more ominously that ‘the happiness of society is the end of government’.

    On the other side of the Channel, Rousseau put it more desperately: ‘Nature makes man happy and good but society corrupts him and makes him miserable’.

    So is there anything more British about the Big Society? Well, of course Britishness is something of a movable feast these days. Being British these days is about driving in a German car to an Irish pub for a Belgian beer, then travelling home via an Indian restaurant or grabbing a Turkish kebab on the way, to enjoy a TV supper sitting on Swedish furniture, watching American shows on a Japanese television.

    Only in Britain can a pizza get to your house faster than an ambulance.
    Only in Britain do supermarkets make sick people walk all the way to the back of the shop to get their prescriptions while healthy people can buy cigarettes at the front.
    Only in Britain do people order double cheeseburgers, large fries and a diet coke.
    And only in Britain do banks leave both doors open and then chain the pens to the counters.
    Clearly then, to be born British is to be born into a world of contrast and contradiction, where eccentricity and manners, faith and cynicism, tradition and modernity, have all conflated to create this collective sense of identity that is framed far more by its ambiguities than its consistencies.

    And yet, through some quirk of anthropology, those same great ambiguities also combined to create one of most enduring, and famed, of all national characteristics -the British sense of fair play – with the nation both admired and mocked, in almost equal measure, for its strict codes of social conduct and propriety, which Sir Malcolm Bradbury once jokingly described as ‘the most rigid system of immorality in the world’.

    Now, in part, you could argue that that reputation was never much more than a fig leaf, conceived of on the playing fields of Eton. But in reality, the British sense of social justice and generosity goes far deeper than that, with an extraordinarily rich catalogue of great names and moments that have helped shape, and distinguish, our communities over the years. Whether that was the first time William Wilberforce stood up in the House of Commons to make the case for the abolition of slavery. Whether it was Mary Seacole setting sail from Jamaica to volunteer as a nurse during the Crimean War, or whether it was the RAC volunteers who gave up their cars to take men and women to hospital during the blitz, and the continued, unabated acts of charity by organisations like the British Red Cross, Barnardos and – of course – CSV. Each, in their own right, helping to define what it now means to be British.

    Increasingly however, volunteering and acts of charity have become a less and less visible feature of our national conscience, largely forgotten and bypassed by successive governments who have tended to ignore the good and focus on the bad when they design and institute policy. Which explains, perhaps, why we’ve seen so many governments attempt to muscle in on family and community life over the last 30 or so years – in a well intentioned but ultimately unsuccessful attempt to make up for the fact that families have become increasingly nuclear, and communities increasingly fragmented.

    Sadly, as we all know, this approach has largely failed – and many of the gravest problems we today associate with those social changes are, in fact, greater than ever, with the UK suffering from some of the highest levels of drug and alcohol abuse amongst young people anywhere in the world, having the highest teenage pregnancy rates in Europe, stubbornly high levels of child poverty, and more than a million young people suffering from some kind of mental health condition.

    So today I wanted to argue the case for a return to social policies that reinforce and support communities rather than supplant them. And a return to the kind of governance that promotes the work of organisations like the CSV, and its workers and volunteers, and helps families and local communities to tap into the spirit of generosity that’s such an important hallmark of British life. That is the starting point for the Big Society.

    Because the simple reality, as I see it, is that although our society has changed in many ways, our nature hasn’t. For as long as humans have stalked the Earth, we have been distinguished by our altruism and sense of community. When hunter gatherers emerged from the tree line some 12,000 years ago, dragging their knuckles behind them, they didn’t survive by bashing each other over the heads with their clubs; they survived because they offered each other support. Altruism was, to put it bluntly, crucial to their social cohesion – precisely because a cohesive group was more likely to survive in interactions with other groups.

    Even now, scientists argue over why that is – with many of the most eminent claiming it must be an evolutionary mistake and others, like Richard Dawkins, famously saying, ‘we have to teach generosity because we are born selfish’. But for the rest of us, it is, perhaps, simply enough to know that altruism does indeed exist. And that its benefits to our communities are vast, as, in fact, are its psychological and practical benefits to individuals. We know, for instance, that volunteering stimulates the reward centres in our brains. It helps people access social networks, provides opportunities for learning and developing skills, and gives us the satisfaction of making a contribution. In the case of CSV research, we notoriously know, of course, that 17 per cent of 18- to 24-year-old volunteers also claim that volunteering improves their sex lives.

    In short, not only is being nice good for others – it is also personally rewarding and likely to be reciprocated. Conversely, of course, being selfish or unpleasant is likely to reap its own rewards.

    A lesson was vividly highlighted to me on the train the other day by my private secretary, who told me a story about the late Alan Clark – who, although a wonderful politician and writer, had something of a reputation for his fiery personality. Apparently, whilst he was in government, one of his speechwriters decided to get his own back after a series of particularly bruising encounters – just before Clark was due to deliver an address at a major conference on employment law.

    The speechwriter presented Clark with the draft just before he went on stage. The first page said something like, ‘Good morning. I’m delighted to be here. Today I will run you through seventeen complex issues in employment law, which are in desperate need of reform’. On the second page, the speechwriter had simply scrawled the words, ‘You’re on your own now, you bastard…’

    I restocked the jelly babies I keep on my desk for officials almost immediately after hearing that story.

    The fact is, we are healthier, happier, safer, and more socially cohesive when we are at our most altruistic – a point that has long been recognised by many of our greatest leaders, both past and present – with Churchill once famously saying that, ‘we make a living by what we do but we make a life by what we give’, and Barack Obama making the point, when he launched his new age of responsibility in the States, that people who join together ‘do amazing things’.

    Nevertheless, I’ve heard the somewhat disingenuous arguments that the Big Society is either a way of providing public services through the back door or that it’s profoundly over-optimistic about the scale of change it can deliver.

    The first is, perhaps, the most important to counter, because it makes the tacit – and frankly rather discredited assumption – that public services are like a glorious medicine chest of potions, lotions and tablets that have the capacity to cure all social problems. The simple reality is that too much government frequently adds to problems rather than solve them – by stripping away individual accountability and responsibility. That is what Rousseau was talking about. And by supplanting the family and community support structures that give each and everyone one of us our mental resilience, adaptability and strength.

    As to the second charge against the Big Society, around the scale of its ambition, the answer is, I think, all around us. It’s in the work of great, great organisations like the CSV and its members. It’s in the continued commitment of the 22 million plus volunteers who support their communities. And it’s in the growing interest of business in corporate social responsibility – as we heard so strikingly from a previous Edith Kahn memorial lecturer, the Chief Executive of Timberland, who has been in the vanguard of corporate employee volunteering schemes. In short, no matter where you look, kindness, generosity and community activism are on display.

    The London Olympics, for example, has already attracted well over 100,000 volunteers who want to help out for those two weeks in 2012 – huge numbers of people who have put their names forward despite the fact that most of them know they’re not going to be handing Usain Bolt his tracksuit top or marshalling the Opening Ceremony, but are instead doing it because they know that volunteering is something special.

    In business there is a growing realisation amongst chief execs that the promotion of volunteering and social responsibility amongst staff has potentially huge benefits for both morale and balance sheets. I was at an event hosted by News International recently to mark its decision to allow each member of its staff to take up to four days off work for volunteering each year, which is then posted on their pay slip. Their scheme has been modelled on that of Timberland and I am delighted that it was CSV who helped broker that sharing of best practice.

    Perhaps this is really a new manifestation of older schemes and even older notions – philanthropy, particularly local philanthropy. When I think back to my own constituency and the town of Worthing, many of the municipal good works that marked a period of frenetic development in the early nineteenth century when we officially became a town were instigated not from central government but from local businessmen and community-minded residents. The theatre, assembly rooms, baths and circulating library all have their origins in this period, and later the town’s drainage system, as Worthing promoted itself in contrast to nearby Brighton as ‘a nice place for nice people’.

    Last week I joined a group of business leaders in Blackburn working with the founders of the Bolton Lads and Girls Club – the best youth club in the UK – to establish a network of similar youth facilities across the North West. Complimented by some seed corn public funds, they are looking to build state-of-the-art facilities for young people; help run and maintain them with volunteer time from their employees; develop them as hubs for other voluntary organisations, educational and other activities; and use them to train and bring on young people as potential recruits. This surely is a microcosm of what the Big Society is all about, with Government as enabler and supporter, and surely that contributes to a good society.

    Elsewhere in our communities there are countless thousands of smaller projects, organisations and volunteering opportunities in action – whether that is acting as a ‘toad warden’ and helping toads across the road, or whether it’s taking the simplest of civic responsibilities in your community. Just a few weeks ago, for example, I was at an event at Google headquarters in London, where the ‘Fix my Street’ website was mentioned, which if you haven’t seen it online already, basically gives people the opportunity to report anything and everything from broken street lights, to pot holes on their road. I’m told it is now so successful that there’s even an iPhone app for it, and an Australian spin-off called – in good old Aussie fashion – ‘It’s Buggered Mate’.

    The point is surely this: we’re all volunteers, even if we don’t realise it. It might not be the grandest gesture, or even a life-changing experience, but we all have that deeply ingrained understanding of the benefits of altruism and reciprocity.

    And, as one of my old opponents, the former Home Secretary and longstanding CSV supporter, David Blunkett, once pointed out, this spirit of generosity should be a cornerstone of any good government. Or, in his own words: ‘People coming together on a voluntary basis to achieve common aims is a key feature of a dynamic democracy … Volunteering empowers people … it strengthens the bonds between individuals which are the bedrock of strong civil society’.

    How right he was. And the Big Society is about harnessing this understanding and using the enormous pool of goodwill, sense of fair play and desire for social justice that we know exists in this country, to help create, as Matthew Parris has called it, a ‘big-hearted society’.

    Does that mean Government wriggles out of its responsibilities? Does it mean Whitehall has no role to play in family and community life? The simple answer is no, absolutely not. A Big Society remains a supported society, where government has a hugely important role to play.

    But I see our job as one of making it easier for the voluntary and community sector to step in – to provide that help – part of which is making sure organisations like CSV have the advice and support they need to develop and grow. Part of which is providing greater financial support and the policies to unlock volunteering and community action.
    The Big Society bank, for instance, which formed one of the main compacts in the Coalition Agreement, will unlock hundreds of millions of pounds worth of new finance, using unclaimed assets to finance and sustain the voluntary sector.

    We are also giving neighbourhoods the ability to take greater ownership of local projects. Whether that’s helping parents to open new schools so that they have greater control over their children’s education, or whether it’s giving communities the opportunity to take over local amenities such as parks and libraries that are under threat.

    However, I do also think there is a trade-off in the sense that the voluntary sector itself needs to become more savvy about the way it works – particularly where it is being supported by government money. And we in turn, need to think smarter about how we use the voluntary sector in local services.

    This is one of the reasons why we want to offer every young person in the country the opportunity to take part in an experience – through the National Citizen Service – that will help their personal development, strengthen their sense of identity, and give them the opportunity for community service. But provide it through civil society organisation rather than through an almost inevitably less effective, and less inventive, government programme.

    In addition, we are encouraging local councils in particular to consider how they might use outstanding voluntary and community organisations to provide services for young people in particular.

    We are providing neighbourhood grants for the UK’s poorest areas, with that money going to charities and social enterprises to work with new and existing groups in the most deprived and broken communities.

    And we are establishing national centres for community organising that will train thousands of independent community organisers who can then, in turn, help communities to tackle the individual social challenges they face – a project that has, I must add, already been hugely successful in US cities like Chicago.

    There is, though, another aspect to the Big Society because it is not just a one-way street where government withdraws and frees up local energy and talent and generosity to get on with it. Government – national and local – needs to do its bit too. Back in 1992 when I first stood for Parliament against David Blunkett in Sheffield and narrowly lost by 22,681 votes on the day, one innovation was the Citizen’s Charter and in particular, the Tenant’s Charter. Council tenants who did their bit and looked after their properties only to bang their head against a brick wall when it came to help from the Council with essential repairs, were empowered to have the work done privately and then send the bill to the Council. Yet even when tenants did join together and look after their own properties and even their neighbourhoods, there was no recognition of this and no two-way street when help was required.

    This was self-defeating and the Big Society must mean that good citizens who do their bit must be recognised, and the local authority must do its bit in return. When you play to the strengths of people we know that many of them will step forward and go beyond their responsibilities. It’s cheaper, quicker and just better. Many innovative housing associations, such as the Irwell Valley in Salford, have been practising this for years. Tenants who look after their properties, keep the environment tidy and discourage anti-social behaviour in their localities are rewarded with a gold card discount scheme, faster repairs and preferential tenancies for their children. The Big Society has much to learn from Irwell Valley and its counterparts.

    The point is, this is a new kind of governance that can adapt to the changes in society we have seen over the years, but takes as its starting point one of the most fundamental building blocks of our cultural development – altruism. Everyone can be part of it, although a bit of motivation and energy is preferable. Even those who might claim that they are not so much lazy but rather ‘blessed with a lack of ambition!’

    Our society was not made great by big government; it was made great by big communities and individuals – with people willing to share, trade, help, cooperate and support each other – whether that is a man like Wilberforce, a woman like Seacole, or an organisation like the CSV. History remembers those who have given back to their communities rather than those who have taken from them.

    So whilst it is true that the recession has made the case for radical reform greater and more urgent, the Big Society has never been an idea born of economic expediency. It is an idea based on optimism and on the example of great, great organisations like the CSV, its members and its volunteers. It is an idea based, at its most beautifully simple, on human nature.

    So maybe everything I have spent the last half an hour articulating was academic and unnecessary, occasionally boring and occasionally irreverent. Because surely one of the starkest manifestations of the Big Society is right in front of me – CSV. Led by what we can call a one-woman Big Society in the form of Dame Elisabeth Hoodless, who in the 45 years she has run this wonderful organisation has been ahead of the game in promoting, in practical terms, what the Big Society is all about – and surely that has been, and is, an undeniably good thing.

    Thank you.