The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 30 June 2026.
I have boosted defence spending to the highest level since the Cold War – and today’s Defence Investment Plan goes further still, committing almost £300 billion over this Parliament to transform our Armed Forces. That’s more money, spent more effectively, to keep the country safe and back British industry, jobs and growth.
The comments made by Dan Jarvis, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 30 June 2026.
I know first-hand the importance of our Armed Forces having the kit and technology they need to do the difficult job we ask of them.
I have secured more money and made different choices for defence. We will invest £298 billion over the next four years. That includes an additional £15 billion, of which most is extra day-to-day spending for training and improving availability of ships and aircraft to increase our war-fighting readiness.
By choosing to embrace new technology, I am equipping our forces with the autonomous systems which will give them the edge.
This extra money and these choices send a clear signal to our allies and our adversaries alike: Britain is stepping up on security.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 30 June 2026.
This record investment puts the security of the British public first, transforming our Armed Forces and giving them the funding and equipment they need to fight and defend our nation.
The world is a more dangerous and volatile place, so it is only right we are boosting the number of troops on the ground, rebuilding ammunition stockpiles and investing in cutting edge technology to ensure we outpace our adversaries for generations to come.
Every pound in this plan will work twice, delivering economic growth and opportunity for the British people, and supporting more than half a million jobs by the end of the decade, as well as reinforcing our national security.
The comments made by David Lammy, the Deputy Prime Minister, on 29 June 2026.
For centuries, the law failed to protect women from violence at the hands of their partner – whether from marital rape or from abuse behind closed doors. Whilst we’ve made significant progress, we need to continue righting these wrongs.
This change closes a long overdue gap and will ensure those who murder their partner face sentences that better reflect the devastating harm they cause.
I pay tribute to Carole Gould, Julie Devey and Elaine Newborough whose courageous campaign will help future mothers, daughters and wives get the justice they deserve.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in Downing Street on 29 June 2026.
Today we’re talking about young people and opportunity.
Very often as politicians, most of us say that we want every child or young person to go as far as their talents and ability will take them, and I’m comforted by things like that.
The trouble is, it’s not really true if they’ve grown up in poverty, if they’re wanting to take the non-university route into work, or if they’re one of the 13% or more who are not in employment, training or education.
Today I want to focus on how we provide opportunity to them.
So, the three steps that we’ve put in place – which are more of a broad strategic view – are building blocks.
Firstly, on poverty, how do we stop children growing up in poverty? There are a number of really important measures, which, when you put them together, begin to make this realistic.
First is breakfast clubs – children get to school really early and to have something to eat before school, and for some children they would otherwise not get breakfast, so that’s hugely important, and that also helps them learn. It’s useful for parents and carers as well, because they can get to work and actually that is really good for the children, because the socialisation of being with other children before school really matters.
Second is pre-school childcare, from nine months to four years. I can’t overstate how proud I am of this, because it saves parents a lot of money.
As anyone who uses childcare already knows, including my family when ours were younger, it means that children get the chance between nine months and four years to have that good childcare, and that means when they arrive at school they’re more likely to have an equal start in life.
Almost every primary school I go to talk to, those who are receiving the children at age four, they will say there’s a massive difference between those that are reasonably advanced, ready to learn, and those who are way behind. And already at age four, there’s a gap that schools are trying to make up, so that really makes a good difference. And then the two-child benefit limit will be lifted, so that’s building block number one.
Building block number two is what I call the technical tilt – but this is the tilt towards technical skills, and not always thinking that university is the only route. So, we’ve set up new technical excellence colleges across the country with an intense focus on things like advanced manufacturing, digital, defence, energy – the things that are going to be needed most in the future – with a real sense of excellence there.
I have taken down the target of the number that go to university and replaced it with a different target, which is that two thirds of our young people should either go to university or go on high-level skills routes.
Now, for anyone going to university – many times I’d wax lyrical about what a difference it made to my life, being the first in my family to go to university. I have not denigrated those who go to university, but I think we’ve overdone it now. I don’t think we’re giving the guidance to those that don’t go to university, who actually are using their brains and their skills in a different way, and there are several young people that felt pushed into university, then after a year or so realised it wasn’t right for them, and ended up doing something else.
And then there is prioritising youth apprenticeships, so rather than just all apprenticeships across the board, there is a focus on young people.
Then the third pillar, if you like, is the additional support we need to give to those who are not in employment or training or education. Two things I want to highlight here: first is the youth guarantee.
Now this helps young people apply for work, helps them with the support they need, but the most important thing is, if after 18 months they’ve still not managed to get a job, there’s a guarantee of a job placement for six months. From previous schemes we know is probably the single most effective way to help people. Just working differently for six months than the cycle they’re in can transform outcomes.
And then from tomorrow we’re announcing a £3,000 incentive to businesses to take young people who’ve been out of work for six months and give them a job, on this strong belief that I’ve got, which is if we are able to get people into work, then most of them will actually hold down the job. Some will need more support, but getting that first step into work is critical.
So, they’re the three areas I wanted to talk to you about. What I want to make sure is that having put these blocks in place over the last two years, the next stage of this administration, this government, takes that on and builds from there. But what I really want now is to hear from you, and I assume you’re involved in some of the schemes, so where we’ve already got something going, it’d be good to get some first-hand feedback on how it’s working and how we could improve it, because it is crucial that when we say every young person should go as far as their talent and ability will take them, we mean it.
And I have a vested interest, I should declare, not just as Prime Minister – I’ve got two teenage children. My son is 18 tomorrow, and therefore these are live discussions in our household. And actually, it’s really interesting to see first-hand the sort of pressures and opportunities that young people actually go through when they’re in their teenage years.
The speech made by Jess Brown-Fuller, the Liberal Democrat MP for Chichester, in the House of Commons on 25 June 2026.
I thank the hon. Member for Dulwich and West Norwood (Helen Hayes) for bringing forward this important debate, as I know she does every year on behalf of her constituents. I also thank her for setting the scene so beautifully as we celebrate Windrush Day.
It is a pleasure to speak today to celebrate the incredible contribution of the Windrush generation to our society, while also recognising the immense failings of the state in its treatment of them. The Caribbean and broader black communities have enriched the social fabric of the United Kingdom, adding vitality to our streets, shops and culture throughout the country. That generation and their children and grandchildren have inspired us, as the hon. Member for Beaconsfield (Joy Morrissey) has said, and served our national interest through their contributions to our public institutions.
We would be a poorer, less exciting, less dynamic and less colourful country had individuals not boarded ships such as the HMT Empire Windrush destined for the United Kingdom to help us rebuild after the second world war. The hon. Member for Brent East (Dawn Butler) spoke about Winston being embarrassed or ashamed by being a victim of what was a scandal, when he should just have felt pride in his contribution to our society after serving the council for decades.
The hon. Member also asked some really important questions about the efficacy of the compensation scheme. We often hear similar issues raised, when we are talking about the infected blood compensation scheme or the LGBT veterans who were kicked out of the armed forces, about how these schemes run and the case workers on them. It is so important that we get this right, so that people are not retraumatised or expected to provide information that they quite often do not have and cannot provide.
In my constituency of Chichester there were four passengers on the Empire Windrush—that we know of—Roger, who was a student; Violet, a domestic worker; Samuel, a member of the Royal Navy; and we, too, had a Winston, an accountant. Their stories and experiences will no doubt have varied, but Chichester was undoubtedly enriched by their presence, no matter how long they stayed with us. Winston’s daughter was the late Andrea Levy, who represented so many of that generation in her writing about the lived experiences of Jamaicans who moved to the UK.
In my constituency we have seen extraordinary performances at Chichester festival theatre, often featuring and written by black actors. I refer members to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests: I am a trustee of Chichester festival theatre. Our city is not very multicultural—I think we are 96.8% white—so we have been on a real journey, as a theatre, to make sure that when people come to provide incredible shows, they feel welcome while staying in our city. I know that the theatre has done a lot of work to make sure that those experiences are the best they can be.
Our local students in Chichester have benefited from the work of Hakim Adi, the first African-British historian to become a professor of history in the UK, who taught at the University of Chichester. Meanwhile, locals and tourists can learn much about the involvement in Britain of those who came here during the Roman empire when they visit our remarkable Fishbourne Roman palace.
In Chichester, and throughout the country, we owe our black communities so much, yet at times we have let them down badly. The scandal that led to people being wrongly detained and deported due to a lack of documentation was a shameful chapter in our history. They were invited here as British citizens, yet their dignity and rights were disregarded because of failings in the state apparatus.
The previous Conservative Government failed to deliver the justice that those Windrush victims deeply deserve. There was dither and delay in the implementation of the recommendations of the Windrush lessons learned review, and the independent Windrush commissioner has recently emphasised that the Windrush compensation scheme is not fit for purpose, as the hon. Member for Brent East mentioned. Claimants often find the process of applying for compensation exhausting and painful. Many receive no payment at the end of a lengthy and difficult process. Currently, six in 10 applications result in no compensation being awarded. The Liberal Democrats would urgently implement all the recommendations of the lessons learned review in full and make the compensation scheme independent of the Home Office.
Beyond the scandal, far too many people’s lives are still blighted by prejudice, discrimination and inequality. We all have a responsibility to recognise that reality, and the role that we can play in challenging those injustices. That is even more important in this Chamber because of the unequal experiences of people from ethnic minority backgrounds across our public services. Whether it is in the criminal justice system, the NHS or education, outcomes and opportunities are not equal, and it should be the ambition of us all to change that. It is particularly important in parts of the country that are not as diverse as others. As I said, my constituency of Chichester is proportionately less diverse than others. Having said that, growing numbers of individuals from different ethnicities are moving into my city. It is important that we commit to ensuring that this is not used as a political football to stoke division or hate.
I am proud that the Liberal Democrats are committed to fighting for racial equality, which means unequivocally condemning racism in all its forms and tackling injustice wherever we see it. In our election manifesto, we committed to implementing a comprehensive race equality strategy aimed at reducing the disproportionately high maternal mortality rates experienced by black women and eliminating racial disparities in maternal health through a cross-departmental target and strategy. We also want to end the disproportionate use of stop and search and require all police forces to adopt ambitious targets for improving the diversity of their workforce throughout the country. We have also called for the reversal of the Conservatives’ voter ID scheme, which disproportionately excludes minorities from democracy, and for all parties to publish candidate diversity data.
As has been outlined today in the outstanding contributions, the Windrush generation, and our Caribbean and black communities more broadly, have given so much to this country. I would particularly like to put on record a tribute to my noble Friend Baroness Floella Benjamin. Her story, her upbringing, her work and her continued advocacy on behalf of the Windrush generation—those invited here to help rebuild Britain—are truly inspiring. She continues to hold the Government to account in the other place to ensure that people just like her, who came here from the Caribbean in the 20th century, receive the justice they deserve. I believe that she first proposed the idea of a national Windrush Day, so I pay tribute to her. I put on record our thanks to the Windrush generation for their incredible contribution to our society over the past 80 years.
The comments made by James Wild, the Conservative MP for North West Norfolk, on 28 June 2026.
4 hours and 20 mins and 3 changes with rail replacement services for a journey that should take 1 hr 45 on a train.
Another weekend of poor service from the now state controlled Great Northern which causes huge inconvenience to passgeners and damages the economy.
Passengers should be offered discounted tickets when there are rail replacement and much longer journey times.
The government now controls the track and the trains and so I urged the Tranapoet Secretary to provide discounts. She declined.
I will be taking this up with Great Northern when I meet them again shortly, as well as the continued unreliable service and cancelled trains
The comments made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, on 28 June 2026.
Sir John Major makes the essential point. Parents who send children to private school save the state money.
Labour’s tax on them has failed. Now the state has 2,000 fewer teachers than when Conservatives left office.
So we will reverse this futile, vindictive policy.
The speech made by Joy Morrissey, the Conservative MP for Beaconsfield, in the House of Commons on 25 June 2026.
Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I was so inspired by the speech of the hon. Member for Brent East (Dawn Butler) that I thought I would say a few words.
I just want to thank the Backbench Business Committee for bringing forward this debate and to say a personal thank you to the Windrush generation and their grandchildren for making me feel British when I first came here. We talk about what we have in common and what divides us, and what is great about the Windrush generation is that they came here, they contributed, they were proud to be British and they have brought so much enrichment to being British. When I came here as an immigrant, it was my West Indian friends who taught me how to be British, and who showed pride in being British and pride in the flag.
My first coronation party was a Jamaican-inspired coronation party, and that is the best kind of party to have. As the hon. Member mentioned, there were none of those transparent bags; it was classy and wonderful, and I had the best time. I think my being proud of being British came from the kindness shown to me when I first came here as an immigrant.
I just want to thank the Backbench Business Committee for having this debate and the Windrush generation and their grandchildren for their incredible contribution to this country.
The speech made by Dawn Butler, the Labour MP for Brent East, in the House of Commons on 25 June 2026.
It is an absolute and wonderful pleasure to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Dulwich and West Norwood (Helen Hayes) and her beautiful tribute to the Windrush generation and her constituents. I know how much they appreciate the fact that she calls for this debate in Parliament every single year, and I concur with her on the beautiful exhibition in Portcullis House. However, I slightly disagree on raising the Windrush’s anchor. I have had this conversation with Sir Patrick Vernon, and I would prefer the money to be spent on a learning centre and an educational trust. I feel that would be a more worthwhile spend of money.
My mum and dad came here on British passports. They would be considered part of the Windrush generation, and they are extremely proud of coming on their British passports. The way they were taught English in school was way better than how we were taught English in school, and we often got into trouble for how we spoke, because we were not speaking the Queen’s English. I remember being in the garden with my father one day and asking him to sing the national anthem. He started singing “God Save the Queen”, but I wanted him to sing the Jamaican national anthem, because I wanted to learn it. There is a deep history there. As my hon. Friend said in her moving speech, some politicians are trying to divide us, but there is so much that unites us.
The Windrush scandal has been such a painful time. The first time I heard of it was when Winston, as I will call him, came to see me in my surgery. He had been working for the council for 40 years and was looking forward to his retirement, but when it was time for retirement, he was told that because he was not legally here, he would not have access to his pension. I was absolutely stunned by that. Sometimes constituents do not tell us the full story, and I thought that maybe there was more to it, but on further investigation I found that it was just a complete injustice.
Winston was embarrassed and ashamed. I would say to him that it was not his embarrassment or shame to carry, because this was something done to him by the British Government. However, there is a lack of understanding of the pride that this generation brings with them, as seen in how they carry themselves, how they speak and how they dress. People carrying things in a plastic bag is a no-no in the Jamaican community. If it is see-through, it is called a scandal bag, and is embarrassing because nobody should see what someone has in their bag. There is a lot of pride, which is why this has caused such embarrassment and shame.
I asked Jacqui McKenzie, who is the head of immigration, asylum and Windrush cases at Leigh Day, about the cases she is currently dealing with. The first issue, she said, is the excessive delay, with some people waiting four years. Many of them are very elderly, and the stress of the wait has caused illnesses such as dementia. We should hold our heads in shame. There are problems with claims for loss of earnings and the impact on people of a life lived in limbo, waiting for a decision, or in shame, waiting for the Government to acknowledge they belong in the country. That has a profound effect, and the fact that it is not considered is unacceptable. People were sacked from their jobs and they did not get their promotions. Some people could not find places to live or to rent, and as I have mentioned, they did not get their pensions. All of this is unacceptable.
Caseworkers are currently not sufficiently trained. Constituents have told me that caseworkers have said to them, “Whereabouts is that?” or, “Are you sure?” when they present information. Teachers have contacted me saying that they can vouch for the West Indian children they taught in their schools if we need evidence, and that is how the community is coming together to try to right these wrongs.
Jacqui also mentioned the misinterpretation of demonstrating lawful status, which has led to cases being refused incorrectly. For example, two brothers, now in their 30s, applied for indefinite leave to remain in 2008 as children of settled Windrush parents. The Home Office wrongly refused their application, but years later the Home Office admitted it had made a mistake. However, it has not corrected the knock-on effects that the error caused, and those brothers are still waiting for justice five years later.
I have constituents who went to Jamaica to visit family or bury a relative, and when they went to the airport, they were told they could not come back and they were stuck in Jamaica. We have cases of people stuck in Jamaica for 10 years—10 years! One resident who is stuck in Jamaica has plenty of evidence, but he has been refused compensation based on having no lawful status, which is wrong. He was offered £10,000, but then was told that giving him that amount of money was a mistake, which has retraumatised him, and he is now showing signs of dementia.
There are problems with requests for updates, and there is a lack of transparency and a lack of care. All of this is unacceptable. As my hon. Friend mentioned, there is also a discrepancy between claimants in decision making. In exactly the same cases, sometimes in the same family, when people have presented their information, they have been given different awards. Some get no award, some get £10,000 and some get £40,000. All this shows that the system is not fit for purpose.
The scheme should be moved from the Home Office, which should never have been the administrator of a scheme when it was responsible for the injustice it has inflicted on others. We also need a truly independent appeal mechanism, as well as more experienced staff. At the moment, constituents have to go to the ombudsman, which means they have to go to their MP, who has to sign the application, so we need a straightforward appeal system. The current system is built to retraumatise people who have been wronged.
Lastly, we need a Windrush inquiry. We really need to know and understand the cause of the scandal, but also why it is still ongoing. We should be providing redress instead of causing trauma. Next year is the 10th anniversary of this scandal, and the consequences and injustices are still ongoing. It is our job to do this, and when the Minister gets to her feet, I hope she will commit to our putting these injustices right.