Category: Northern Ireland

  • Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Funding for the Tim Parry and Johnathan Ball Peace Foundation

    Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Funding for the Tim Parry and Johnathan Ball Peace Foundation

    The comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 7 August 2020.

    The Prime Minister has failed to keep the promise he made to victims of terror and to the peace foundation, and this failure risks removing vital support for victims.

    It is frankly insulting to victims, that at the same time the service they rely on is placed into doubt, a life peerage carrying with it a £313 per day allowance is awarded to Claire Fox who steadfastly refuses to apologise for defending the Warrington Bombings.

    The Prime Minister can, and must, block her peerage and he can and must secure the future of the foundation.

  • John Major – 2020 Comments on Death of John Hume

    John Major – 2020 Comments on Death of John Hume

    The comments made by John Major, the Prime Minister between 1990 and 1997, on 3 August 2020.

    John Hume was an advocate for peace in Northern Ireland for the greater part of his life.

    Few others invested such time and energy to this search, and few sought to change entrenched attitudes with such fierce determination.

    Those whose communities have been transformed into peaceful neighbourhoods may wish to pay tribute to one of the most fervent warriors for peace.

    He has earned himself an honoured place in Irish history.

  • Keir Starmer – 2020 Comments on Death of John Hume

    Keir Starmer – 2020 Comments on Death of John Hume

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, on 3 August 2020.

    It is deeply saddening to hear of the death of John Hume.

    Life across the island of Ireland is peaceful and more prosperous today because of his courage, vision and determination. He guided away from violence and towards justice, tolerance and democracy. He takes his rightful place in the pantheon of leaders whose legacy is of creating a better world for the next generation.

    My thoughts, and those of the Labour movement, are with Pat, John, Mo and the Hume Family.

  • Steve Barclay – 2020 Comments on the Block Grant Transparency Report

    Steve Barclay – 2020 Comments on the Block Grant Transparency Report

    The comments made by Steve Barclay, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, on 30 July 2020.

    Last week I announced an unprecedented funding guarantee to give the devolved administrations certainty to plan ahead and deliver their own support schemes to tackle coronavirus.

    Today’s publication shows that this guarantee builds on the financial support that we have already provided, showcasing the strength and value of the Union.

  • Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Northern Ireland Affairs Committee

    Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Northern Ireland Affairs Committee

    The text of the comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 14 July 2020.

    The lack of detail and engagement from senior Ministers on the most significant change to border management in decades is staggering and irresponsible.

    The Government’s careless approach risks a ‘perfect storm’ for Northern Ireland with businesses unprepared for major new requirements with their largest trading partner, at a time when they are fighting to stay afloat during the Covid-19 crisis.

    The Prime Minister owes it to Northern Ireland businesses so badly let down by his broken promises, to urgently lay out the precise details of the new checks and arrangements that must be implemented in twenty six weeks’ time. This must include help with mitigation to avoid businesses going under as a result of the new costs, and outline if they will make use of measures like a bespoke Trusted Trader Scheme between GB and NI to avoid costly tariffs and checks on business.

  • Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Providing Guidance for Businesses in Northern Ireland

    Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Providing Guidance for Businesses in Northern Ireland

    Below is the text of the comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 2 July 2020.

    Ministers wasted eight months insisting these checks would never be needed. Businesses are still in the dark and the new system to manage these checks doesn’t yet exist.

    The Government needs to say clearly what businesses need to do, what proportion of goods will face physical checks and how they are going to help Northern Irish businesses weather these new costs.

    This level of incompetence would be irresponsible at any time but, right now, it is completely reckless. Jobs have already been lost and their cavalier approach risks costing many more.

  • Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Northern Ireland Roadmap

    Louise Haigh – 2020 Comments on Northern Ireland Roadmap

    Below is the text of the comments made by Louise Haigh, the Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, on 18 June 2020.

    The lack of detail and engagement from senior Ministers on the most significant change to border management in decades is staggering and irresponsible.

    There are 28 weeks until the new arrangements come into force in Northern Ireland and businesses simply cannot afford to be left in the dark any longer. It is absurd at this stage that so much remains unknown.

    Labour is calling for the Government to publish a clear roadmap for implementation of the Protocol, operational-level detail on the precise checks and requirements that will need to be implemented, and intensive engagement and support for businesses across Northern Ireland. With so little time left, businesses deserve clarity.

  • Robin Walker – 2020 Statement on Payments to the Victims of the Troubles

    Robin Walker – 2020 Statement on Payments to the Victims of the Troubles

    Below is the text of the statement made by Robin Walker, the Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office, at the House of Commons on 4 June 2020.

    The Secretary of State has asked me to pass on his apologies for not being able to answer this urgent question in person, as he is currently in Northern Ireland engaging in discussion on these and other matters and was unable to return to the House in time for it. I hope that the House will not mind, therefore, if I answer on his behalf. He has written to the hon. Lady, my hon. Friend the Member for North Dorset (Simon Hoare), the Chair of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, and the Victims’ Commissioner on this matter today.

    Last summer, the House agreed that in the continuing absence of an Executive, the Government should make regulations establishing a troubles victims payment scheme. There was cross-party support for establishing the scheme, which was intended to provide much needed acknowledgement and a measure of additional financial support to those most seriously injured during the troubles. We made regulations establishing a victims payment scheme in January and did so, yes, to fulfil our legal obligation under the Northern Ireland (Executive Formation etc) Act 2019, but also because we are committed to doing what we can to progress a scheme that has been too long delayed by political disagreements. Having spoken personally to a number of victims’ groups and the Victims’ Commissioner in recent weeks, I am very aware of how long many people have waited for an acknowledgement of the physical distress and emotional trauma caused by injuries to themselves or loved ones during the troubles.

    Much has been made in the media of the suggestion that funding is holding up the establishment of this scheme, but that is not the case. Funding is not preventing the Executive from being able to take the vital steps to unlock implementation; rather, the key step to unblocking the process is the designation of a Northern Ireland Executive Department to provide administrative support to the Victims’ Payments Board. I am afraid to say that despite this decision being the subject of discussion by Executive Ministers for some time and one on which the Secretary of State is currently engaging them in Northern Ireland, they have not yet designated a Department to lead on the implementation of this scheme. The Justice Minister is prepared to lead on the scheme, but Sinn Féin has been clear that it wants to reopen the criteria by which eligibility for the scheme will be determined. That is already set in legislation and provides a fair basis for helping those who suffered most throughout the troubles. It is therefore imperative that Sinn Féin, along with all the parties, enables the scheme to move forward, as the time for delay is gone.

    The Government take this matter very seriously, and we are extremely disappointed by the current delay. It is because of the high priority we place on this issue that the Secretary of State has written to and had meetings with the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. ​We have been offering and providing all appropriate support to help progress the implementation of this scheme. I assure all right hon. and hon. Members that the UK Government are committed to seeing this matter progress; victims have waited too long for these payments. The Northern Ireland Executive committed to finding a way forward on this issue in 2014. The UK Government have provided that way forward, through the regulations made in January, following public consultation. The Executive must now set aside their political differences and deliver for victims.

  • Mark Durkan – 2010 Speech on the Saville Inquiry and Bloody Sunday

    Mark Durkan – 2010 Speech on the Saville Inquiry and Bloody Sunday

    Below is the text of the speech made by Mark Durkan, the then SDLP MP for Foyle, in the House of Commons on 15 June 2010.

    May I thank the Prime Minister for his clear statement? From talking to representatives of the families a short while ago, I know that they would want to be associated with those thanks.

    This is a day of huge moment and deep emotion in Derry. The people of my city did not just live through Bloody Sunday; they have lived with it since. Does the Prime Minister agree that this is a day to receive and reflect on the clear verdicts of Saville, and not to pass party verdicts on Saville?

    The key verdicts are:

    “despite the contrary evidence given by soldiers, we have concluded that none of them fired in response to attacks or threatened attacks by nail or petrol bombers. No one threw or threatened to throw a nail or petrol bomb at the soldiers on Bloody Sunday”.

    A further verdict is:

    “none of the casualties…was posing any threat of causing death or serious injury.”

    Of course, there is also the verdict that

    “the British Army fired the first shots, these were not justified and none of the subsequent shots that killed or wounded”

    anyone on Bloody Sunday “was justified.” In rejecting so much of the soldiers’ submissions and false accounts, the report highlights where victims were shot in the back or while crawling on the ground, or shot again when already wounded on the ground.

    Will the Prime Minister confirm that each and every one of the victims—Bernard McGuigan, 41; Gerald Donaghey, 17; Hugh Gilmour, 17; John Duddy, 17; Gerard McKinney, 34; James Wray, 22; John Young, 17; Kevin McElhinney, 17; Michael Kelly, 17; Michael McDaid, 20; Patrick Doherty, 31; William McKinney, 27; William Nash, 19; and John Johnston, 59—are all absolutely and totally exonerated by today’s report, as are all the wounded? These men were cut down when they marched for justice on their own streets. On that civil rights march, they were protesting against internment without trial, but not only were their lives taken, but their innocent memory was then interned without truth by the travesty of the Widgery tribunal. Will the Prime Minister confirm clearly that the Widgery findings are now repudiated and binned, and that they should not be relied on by anyone as giving any verdict on that day?

    Sadly, only one parent of the victims has survived to see this day and hear the Prime Minister’s open and full apology on the back of this important report. Lawrence McElhinney epitomises the dignity and determination of all the families who have struggled and strived to exonerate their loved ones and have the truth proclaimed.

    Seamus Heaney reflected the numbing shock of Bloody Sunday and its spur to the quest for justice for not only families but a city when he wrote:

    “My heart besieged by anger, my mind a gap of danger,

    I walked among their old haunts, the home ground where they bled;

    And in the dirt lay justice, like an acorn in the winter

    Till its oak would sprout in Derry where the thirteen men lay dead.”

    The Bloody Sunday monument on Rossville street proclaims:

    “Their epitaph is in the continuing struggle for democracy”.

    If today, as I sincerely hope it does, offers a healing of history in Derry and Ireland, may we pray that it also ​speaks hope to those in other parts of the world who are burdened by injustice, conflict and the transgressions of unaccountable power?

    The Prime Minister’s welcome statement and the statement that will be made by the families on the steps of the Guildhall will be the most significant records of this day on the back of the report that has been published. However, perhaps the most important and poignant words from today will not be heard here or on the airwaves. Relatives will stand at the graves of victims and their parents to tell of a travesty finally arrested, of innocence vindicated and of promises kept, and as they do so, they can invoke the civil rights anthem when they say, “We have overcome. We have overcome this day.”

  • Harriet Harman – 2010 Speech on the Saville Inquiry and Bloody Sunday

    Harriet Harman – 2010 Speech on the Saville Inquiry and Bloody Sunday

    Below is the text of the speech made by Harriet Harman, the Labour MP for Camberwell and Peckham, in the House of Commons on 15 June 2010.

    May I thank the Prime Minister for his statement? As he said, it is more than 12 years since the then Prime Minister Tony Blair set up the Saville inquiry to establish the truth of what happened on what became known as Bloody Sunday. For the 14 families whose loved ones were killed, for the 13 who were injured, for the soldiers and their families, for all those whose lives would never be the same again, the report has been long-awaited. We all recognise how painful this has been, and the Prime Minister has been clear today. He said that there is no ambiguity, that it was wrong; he has apologised and we join him in his apology.

    I also join the Prime Minister in thanking Lord Saville and all those whose work contributed to the report. The report speaks for itself and it speaks powerfully.

    I remind the House of what Tony Blair said on the day that the House agreed to establish the Saville inquiry. He said that Bloody Sunday was a day we have all wished “had never happened” and that it was “a tragic day” for everyone. I reiterate his tribute to the dignity of the bereaved families, whose campaign was about searching for the truth. He rightly reminded the House of the thousands of lives that have been lost in Northern Ireland. May I restate our sincere admiration for our security forces’ response to terrorism in Northern Ireland? Many lost their lives. Nothing in today’s report can or should diminish their record of service. They have been outstanding.

    The Prime Minister has acknowledged that the Saville inquiry was necessary to establish the truth and to redress the inadequacy of Lord Widgery’s inquiry, which served only to deepen the sense of grievance, added to the pain of the families of those who died and were injured, outraged the community and prolonged the uncertainty hanging over the soldiers. I am grateful to the Prime Minister for reminding the House that the setting up of the Saville inquiry played a necessary part in the peace process. Does the Prime Minister agree ​that, notwithstanding the considerable cost of this inquiry, its value cannot be overestimated in both seeking the truth and facilitating the peace process? Does he believe that Saville has now established the truth?

    How the Government handle the report is of great importance, so I thank the Prime Minister for committing to seek a full day’s parliamentary debate on it. Will he consider allowing for a period of time between the debate in each House, so that what is said in this House may be considered before the debate in the Lords? When will he be in a position to say what, if any, action will be taken in Government as a result of the findings of the Saville report? What will be the decision-making process, and will the process be as transparent as possible?

    The Prime Minister must recognise that some will no doubt raise the possibility of prosecutions. The prosecution process is independent, but has he been asked to consider the question of immunity from prosecution if we are instead to take things forward by a wider process of reconciliation? Is the time now right to move towards a process for reconciliation, building on the work of the Consultative Group on the Past, chaired by Lord Eames and Denis Bradley? Can there now be a comprehensive process of reconciliation to address the legacy issue of the troubles, such as that proposed by my right hon. Friend the Member for St Helens South and Whiston (Mr Woodward) when he was Secretary of State for Northern Ireland? Does the Prime Minister agree that that is what is now necessary?

    The peace process is a great achievement by the people of Northern Ireland as well as by politicians. It is a process built on the value of fairness, equality, truth and justice. This House has played its part, not least in agreeing to the Saville inquiry. The Belfast agreement, the St Andrews agreement and, of course, this year’s Hillsborough castle agreement are all great milestones on the path to a lasting peace. Does the Prime Minister agree that the completion of devolution just a few weeks ago is relatively new and fragile and still requires great care? Our response to Saville must be as measured as it is proportionate. We have sought the truth; now we must have understanding and reconciliation.

    May I conclude by expressing the hope that while people will never forget what happened on that day, this report will help them find a way of living with the past and looking to the future?