Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Rishi Sunak – 2022 Speech on Foreign Policy to the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    Rishi Sunak – 2022 Speech on Foreign Policy to the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, at the Guildhall in London on 28 November 2022.

    My Lord Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen,

    Whether by virtue of history or accident of geography, our country has always looked out to the world.

    I was born in Southampton…

    … a port city the Victorians called the gateway to the world…

    … where the Mayflower set sail…

    … where Spitfires were built and allied troops embarked on D-Day.

    And just as we look out to the world, so the world often looks to Britain.

    Like many others, my grandparents came to the UK, via East Africa and the Indian subcontinent… and made their lives here.

    In recent years, we’ve welcomed thousands of people…

    …from Hong Kong, Afghanistan, and Ukraine.

    We’re a country that stands up for our values…

    … that defends democracy by actions not just words…

    A country that commits not just our resources but our ingenuity to better the lives of others, and ourselves.

    Ukrainian flags have flown over almost every town and city on these islands for the past nine months.

    No one told people to put them there.

    They felt moved to show solidarity with people they’ve never met, in a country most have never even visited…

    …to show their faith in fairness, freedom and the rule of law.

    These values are constant.

    They are set in stone.

    But as the world evolves, so does our application of those values.

    As Edmund Burke argued, circumstances and context are everything.

    And today the pace of geopolitical change is intensifying.

    Our adversaries and competitors plan for the long term.

    After years of pushing at the boundaries, Russia is challenging the fundamental principles of the UN Charter.

    China is conspicuously competing for global influence using all the levers of state power.

    In the face of these challenges, short-termism or wishful thinking will not suffice.

    We can’t depend on Cold War arguments or approaches, or mere sentimentality about our past.

    So we will make an evolutionary leap in our approach.

    This means being stronger in defending our values and the openness on which our prosperity depends.

    It means delivering a stronger economy at home, as the foundation of our strength abroad.

    And it means standing up to our competitors, not with grand rhetoric but with robust pragmatism.

    We will do all this…

    …not only through our diplomatic expertise, science and tech leadership, and investment in defence and security…

    …but by dramatically increasing the quality and depth of our partnerships with like-minded allies around the world.

    We will set out more detail in the updated Integrated Review in the new year…

    …including how we’ll work with friends in the Commonwealth, the US, the Gulf states, Israel and others.

    But tonight I’d like to describe how we’re already making this evolutionary leap in three other places.

    First, as we stand by Ukraine, we’re also reinvigorating our European relationships to tackle challenges like security and illegal migration.

    Second, we’re taking a longer-term view on China, strengthening our resilience and protecting our economic security.

    And third, we’re seizing the huge opportunities on offer in the Indo-Pacific by building deep and long-lasting partnerships.

    First, Ukraine.

    In Kyiv, I just saw how Russia’s focus is shifting from bruising encounters on the battlefield to brutalising the civilian population.

    It was written in the scarred buildings and the piles of rubble lining the streets…

    …in the stories of the first responders I met from liberated Kherson…

    …from the torture chambers to the booby traps left in children’s toys.

    As the world comes together to watch the World Cup…

    …I saw how an explosive device had been hidden inside a child’s football – seeking to make it a weapon of war.

    It defies belief.

    So be in no doubt, we will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    Next year we will maintain or even  increase our military aid.

    And we will provide new support for air defence, to protect the Ukrainian people and the critical infrastructure they rely on.

    By protecting Ukraine, we protect ourselves.

    With the fall of Kabul, the pandemic, the economic strife, some said the West was weak.

    In fact, our response in Ukraine has shown the depth of our collective resolve.

    Sweden and Finland are joining NATO.

    Germany is increasing its defence spending.

    Partners as far afield as Australia, Japan and South Korea are standing with us.

    We’ve developed an entirely new sanctions model.

    And through NATO and the Joint Expeditionary Force we’re guarding against further Russian aggression…

    …whether in the east or the High North.

    We’re also evolving our wider post-Brexit relations with Europe…

    …including bilaterally and engaging with the new European Political Community.

    But this is not about greater alignment.

    Under my leadership we’ll never align with EU law.

    Instead, we’ll foster respectful, mature relationships with our European neighbours on shared issues like energy and illegal migration…

    …to strengthen our collective resilience against strategic vulnerabilities.

    And that brings me to my second point.

    We also need to evolve our approach to China.

    Let’s be clear, the so-called “golden era” is over…

    …along with the naïve idea that trade would automatically lead to social and political reform.

    But nor should we rely on simplistic Cold War rhetoric.

    We recognise China poses a systemic challenge to our values and interests…

    …a challenge that grows more acute as it moves towards even greater authoritarianism.

    Instead of listening to their people’s protests, the Chinese Government has chosen to crack down further…

    …including by assaulting a BBC journalist.

    The media – and our parliamentarians – must be able to highlight these issues without sanction…

    …including calling out abuses in Xinjiang – and the curtailment of freedom in Hong Kong.

    Of course, we cannot simply ignore China’s significance in world affairs…

    …to global economic stability or issues like climate change.

    The US, Canada, Australia, Japan and many others understand this too.

    So together we’ll manage this sharpening competition, including with diplomacy and engagement.

    Much of this is about dramatically improving our resilience, particularly our economic security.

    That’s why we created new powers under the National Security and Investment Act…

    …it’s why we used them this month to block the sale of Newport Wafer Fab.

    It’s why we took action on 5G.

    And it’s why we’re ending global dependence on authoritarian regimes – starting with Russian gas.

    Now we’re also acting to deepen our ties in the Indo-Pacific – the third example of where we’re evolving our approach.

    Before I came into politics, like many of you, I invested in businesses around the world… and the opportunity in the Indo-Pacific is compelling.

    Take Indonesia, which I visited just this month.

    It’s a young, vibrant country…

    …the world’s third largest democracy…

    …poised to become a top 5 global economy.

    By 2050, the Indo-Pacific will deliver over half of global growth …

    …compared with just a quarter from Europe and North America combined.

    That’s why we’re joining the Trans-Pacific trade deal, the CPTPP…

    …delivering a new FTA with India…

    …and pursuing one with Indonesia.

    But in the Indo-Pacific economics and security are indivisible.

    60% of global trade passes through regional shipping routes…

    …including choke points like the straits of Malacca.

    It’s in our interests to keep these trade lines open.

    That’s why we joined the Five Power Defence Arrangements with Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand and Singapore half a century ago.

    And it’s why we’re evolving new long-term defence, industrial and technological partnerships…

    …like AUKUS with Australia and the US…

    …and the Future Combat Air System with Italy and Japan.

    By deepening these ties we’ll help protect the arteries and ventricles of the global economy…

    …supporting security and prosperity – both at home in our European neighbourhood and in the Indo-Pacific.

    My Lord Mayor,

    As we meet here tonight, the people of Ukraine are hunkered down in freezing temperatures, on the front line of the fight for freedom.

    In Iran, women are displaying the most humbling and breath-taking courage…

    …refusing to bow to thuggish, theocratic control.

    And tomorrow Iran’s football team will again stand with them in solidarity – facing unknown consequences as a result.

    Freedom and openness have always been the most powerful forces for progress.

    But they have never been achieved by standing still.

    As Henry Kissinger wrote:

    …during periods of crisis… whether war, technological change or economic dislocation… management of the status quo may be the riskiest choice of all.

    Under my leadership we won’t choose the status quo.

    We will do things differently.

    We will evolve…

    … anchored always by our enduring belief in freedom, openness and the rule of law…

    … and confident that in this moment of challenge and competition…

    … our interests will be protected… and our values will prevail.

    Thank you.

  • Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to National Press Club of Australia

    Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to National Press Club of Australia

    The speech made by Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the Minister of State at the Foreign Office, in Australia on 28 November 2022.

    Thank-you Andrew. Good afternoon everyone.

    I want to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land, the Ngunnawal people, and pay respect to elders past and present.

    Thank-you also to the National Press Club for giving me the privilege to speak with you today.

    I understand every Australian Prime Minister and Opposition leader for the last 40 years has addressed the National Press Club – so –

    I am delighted to be in such great company.

    In this job, you learn to never pick a fight with people who buy ink by the barrel and I’m looking at all of you.

    However, I hope the journalists in the room today will indulge me in highlighting a recent piece in The Australian.

    The article asked if the UK would have the “strategic bandwidth” to focus on the Indo-Pacific, in the light of our immense support for Ukraine.

    It is a fair challenge. And one that I want to address head-on.

    As the UK’s newly appointed Minister for the Indo-Pacific, my answer is that we cannot afford to do anything other than focus on this region.

    It is home to half the world’s people, and half of projected global growth.

    It will have a huge hand to play in the global economy for decades and centuries to come. Particularly through rules-setting alliances such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP).

    It is a glittering hub of innovation, full of natural partners for British scientists, researchers and tech developers.

    With the right policies and support, the high growth economies of the Indo Pacific can help lead the world to net zero.

    And with 60% of global shipping passing through the region – security and stability here, has a direct impact in British homes and on British businesses.

    In short, this region is critical to the UK – to our economy, our security and to the international rules based system, that both our countries cherish.

    Which is why last year, when the UK Government set out our strategic direction for the next decade in our Integrated Review, we committed to pursuing deeper engagement and building stronger relationships and partnerships through an “Indo-Pacific Tilt”. This approach is one which our new Prime Minister is absolutely committed to.

    Australia is of course one of our closest and most like-minded partners in the region.

    In fact I think there are few countries in the world that enjoy such strong historical, political and cultural bonds as we do together

    From the dark days of the Second World War to our joint fight against ISIS, we have stood side-by-side, in defence of our shared values and interests. AUKUS is perhaps a continuation of that tradition.

    So when it comes to our Indo-Pacific Tilt, Australia is very much a magnetic force for us.

    A reliable partner, whose counsel and judgement we respect.

    Over the last couple of years we have been working to cement our Indo Pacific ‘Tilt’ through new agreements, stronger relationships and new institutional bonds.

    This demonstrates that we do have the “strategic bandwidth” to focus on the Indo-Pacific, and to continue our support to Ukraine.

    I will say more about those ties in a minute, but first I want to reflect on Ukraine.

    Russia’s assault on Ukraine is illegal and unjustifiable. And it simply cannot be allowed to succeed.

    If we allow Russia to violate another country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, every single international border becomes less secure.

    President Putin underestimated the resolve of Ukrainians.

    The UK alongside Australia and our international partners, stand united against the Russian government’s egregious violation of international law and the UN Charter.

    In January up to 70 Australian Defence Force personnel will deploy to the UK to help provide training to Ukrainian soldiers.

    The UK’s total package of military, humanitarian and economic support for Ukraine amounts to nearly £4 billion since the start of the invasion.

    We have issued nearly 200,000 visas to enable Ukrainians to find safety in the UK.

    That’s a commitment of over 7 billion Australian dollars, and the equivalent of relocating the population of Townsville to our shores.

    To echo Foreign Secretary James Cleverly, Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific economies and security are indivisible.

    Staunch cooperation and prosperous futures are built on so much more than geography.

    We are in an era of borderless challenges and competition for knowledge, ideas and global resources.

    So influence over energy, critical minerals, alongside innovation and technology, are just as likely to define how states interact and prosper.

    Of course we cannot talk about the Indo-Pacific region, without considering the role of China.

    The UK will always stand side-by-side with our international partners and allies, and this includes in how we respond to China.

    It is important to have dialogue and maintain engagement and bilateral trade with China, a global actor and driver of growth. But China poses a systemic challenge to our shared values and interests when it departs from global rules and norms, and when it aligns itself with aggressive countries like Russia.

    Alongside our partners, the UK believes in a free and open Indo-Pacific.

    So, I want to reassure you that the UK Government will always stand up for our sovereignty and economic security – and that of our partners.

    Let me give you a brief glimpse into the partnerships we’ve been building right across the Indo Pacific in three broad areas: security and defence; resilience and tackling climate change; and trade and investment.

    First, our historic AUKUS agreement reflects the unique trust between the UK, US and Australia. It reflects our shared values, and our joint commitment to Indo-Pacific security.

    We have made good progress on the deal, entering the final stretch of an eighteen-month feasibility study to deliver nuclear-powered submarine capability for Australia.

    The UK and Australia share a long and proud history of naval cooperation. But AUKUS will be more than just this important generation of submarines for the Australian Navy.

    Our collaboration on cutting edge defence technology will give our countries a competitive edge, ensuring our people are kept safe from harm and enhancing our ability to achieve shared goals, including promoting security and stability in the Indo-Pacific.

    Second, the UK has increased our defence presence in the whole region.

    Last year our Carrier Strike Group toured the region engaging with over 40 countries.

    Our offshore patrol vessels HMS Spey and HMS Tamar are now stationed in the Indo-Pacific to be able to work with key allies and partners consistently and to build closer relationships and understanding.

    HMS Tamar is one of the Royal Navy’s newest and greenest ships, and she recently visited Darwin.

    HMS Astute, first of her class and one of the most advanced nuclear submarines in the world, docked in Perth last year.

    Our maritime partnerships are about promoting the international rules based system, and the fundamental right under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, for maritime vessels to move freely in international waters.

    Third, we are working with partners to build their capacity to tackle threats to regional stability.

    From illegal and unregulated fishing, to defending maritime law, to tackling serious and organised crime.

    We can overcome these challenges by working with allies and partners, listening and responding to regional concerns is at the very heart of our approach.

    Listening to the region, and working in partnership, is also central to our approach to building resilience, particularly to climate change.

    I have just come from the 12th Conference of the Pacific Community in Vanuatu.

    I met with Vanuatu’s Prime Minister Ishmael Kalsakau, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Jotham Napat, and learnt about their priorities of their recently-elected government.

    They were very clear that Vanuatu is on the front line of the climate emergency.

    So we will be working even more closely with them and with other partners to accelerate global action on climate change. Good intentions aren’t enough, action and better finance flow to these most vulnerable communities is now imperative.

    The UK is also supporting the delivery of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent, which sets out Pacific countries’ vision for a cleaner, safer and more resilient future.

    Following the UK’s Presidency of COP 26, 90% of the global economy is now committed to net zero, covering 88% of global emissions.

    And 90% of the world’s forests are now protected under the Glasgow Leaders Declaration for Forests and Land Use.

    But keeping the world to a 1.5 degree pathway is the challenge of our time. As Alok Shama said at Sharm El Sheik, just a couple of weeks ago it is really hanging by a thread right now. We can see this in the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Synthesis Report and in Australia’s State of the Climate Report released last week.

    I am pleased Australia has legislated for a new emissions target of 43% by 2030, and net zero by 2050.

    And we welcome Australia’s ambition to host COP 31 alongside Pacific partners.

    The changes we need to make to our infrastructure and economies are a challenge. But the opportunities on the horizon in the green and clean economy are immense.

    In the UK we now have 43% of electricity from renewable sources. We are a global leader in off-shore wind, and we will continue to work with Australia and countries in the region on their own transitions.

    I am also delighted to announce a new development a little closer to here in Canberra.

    The British High Commission building will soon be home to our new Pacific Development Unit, which will help us deliver even more support for those nations suffering the harmful impacts of climate change.

    The third sector of cooperation I will touch upon is trade and investment.

    As the former Trade Secretary, I was committed to building the exchange of ideas and technology that we share with Australia.

    Last year, we launched the Space Bridge, a new partnership to increase trade, investment, research and collaboration between our space sectors.

    The UK is building similar win-win partnerships with economies and sectors across the region.

    We gained ASEAN Dialogue Partner status last year, and agreed a Plan of Action over the summer, recognising the importance of ASEAN centrality to maintaining peace and prosperity across the region.

    We were the first European country to secure a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership with India.

    And we intend to be the first European country to accede to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership.

    For the UK, the benefits of membership speak for themselves: access to a high standards, free trade area worth over 16 trillion Australian Dollars a year.

    And a potential market of half a billion customers in some of the fastest growing economies on the planet.

    But this isn’t just about benefits for the UK.

    In the CPTPP we will be staunch friends to Australia.

    We will be an unequivocal advocate for high standards and greater collaboration on priorities like developing our green and digital economies, and making our supply chains more resilient.

    As many of you may know we are finalising the enabling legislation in the UK Parliament for our bilateral free-trade deal with Australia.

    As an MP for a rural constituency, I know from sheep farmers in the North East of England that there are strong views on both sides.

    But as I tell them, we have achieved a modern, world class, comprehensive deal that is good for the UK and good for Australia.

    It won’t just end tariffs on goods, and slash red tape for businesses, it will open up opportunities for our citizens to live and work in each other’s countries.

    There’s a golden rule in story-telling, show don’t tell.

    But I hear you say – that’s rich coming from me as I’ve just spent the last 15 minutes telling you about the UK’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific!

    So I’ll close by showing you what we are doing

    I am here, in the region. Our ships are here. Our people are here. Our High Commissions and Consuls across Australia and the Indo-Pacific are here – including six missions across the Pacific Islands, three of which we have opened in the last three years – in Vanuatu, Samoa and Tonga.

    We are building science, trade and defence partnerships with Australia and our partners across the Indo-Pacific.

    We are global Britain, and you are modern Australia.

    We celebrate what our countries have already achieved together, and we look ahead to facing the challenges that come together.

    Thank you.

  • Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the 12th Conference of the Pacific Community in Vanuatu

    Anne-Marie Trevelyan – 2022 Speech to the 12th Conference of the Pacific Community in Vanuatu

    The speech made by Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the Minister of State at the Foreign Office, in Vanuatu on 25 November 2022.

    Minister for the Indo-Pacific, Anne-Marie Trevelyan, delivered the UK remarks at the 12th Conference of the Pacific Community in Port Vila, Vanuatu.

    Chair, Director General, Excellences, Ladies and Gentlemen.

    I am delighted to be able to join you a year into the UK’s resumed membership of The Pacific Community.

    Three months ago my predecessor formally opened the British High Commission in Port Vila.

    It is one of 3 new High Commissions we have opened in Pacific Island countries over the last 3 years.

    It is concrete evidence of our commitment to enhancing our engagement with the region, and a demonstration of the importance we attach to the whole of the Indo-Pacific.

    Our Foreign Secretary recently used his first major overseas speech to reaffirm our ‘Tilt’ towards the Indo Pacific.

    We are expanding our trade and investment relationships, our growing defence partnerships, and our work together to transition to net zero, and continuing our commitment to uphold the international rules-based order.

    International solidarity and development are a central pillar of the post-World War II world order.

    Which is why the UK supported the WHO COVID-19 Pacific response.

    It is why we stand ready to support the Pacific Island Forum’s ‘2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent’.

    And why we are working with you as part of the new ‘Partners in the Blue Pacific’ alliance, to ensure greater coordination behind your priorities.

    There is no greater priority for many Pacific Islands than climate change.

    You were key allies in delivering the Glasgow Climate Pact at COP26.

    And we want to continue working with you to ensure that the world’s big economies deliver on their climate pledges.

    The UK is taking a lead with our emission reductions and our International Climate Finance commitment.

    We are driving global action to tackle barriers that vulnerable small island developing states face in accessing essential finance. The international community must work better together to support your resilience building. For example, we are launching the new jointly developed Principles for Improved Aid Impact in SIDS next month at the Effective Development Cooperation Summit in Geneva.

    It is important that the UK and the Pacific also continue to support shared values of human rights, democracy, rule of law and territorial integrity.

    Vladimir Putin’s attack on Ukraine has pushed up energy and food costs around the globe, and is a direct challenge to the international rules based order that protects us all.

    We welcome the condemnation of Putin by countries across the Pacific.

    It is right that we all do all that we can to stand against Putin’s illegal war and stand with the people of Ukraine.

    The Pacific Community does important work for human rights, development, maritime governance, and the environment.

    The UK will continue to support that work where we can, and help deliver the Vision for a Blue Pacific Continent.

    Together we can help the people and nations of the Pacific respond to the challenges they face.

    And secure a resilient, sustainable and prosperous future for all. Thank you.

  • Tony Lloyd – 2022 Parliamentary Question on the Situation in Afghanistan

    Tony Lloyd – 2022 Parliamentary Question on the Situation in Afghanistan

    The parliamentary question asked by Tony Lloyd, the Labour MP for Rochdale, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Tony Lloyd (Rochdale) (Lab)

    It is not so many months ago that any international conference such as the G20 would have been seized with the situation in Afghanistan. Afghanistan has now gone off the agenda, but the humanitarian crisis there is moving into absolute tragedy as people are facing starvation. Can the Prime Minister tell us what conversations took place about Afghanistan? In any case, will he now reconvene the kind of donor conference that could make a material difference to starvation in that country?

    The Prime Minister

    The hon. Member is right to highlight that Afghanistan continues to experience one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. That is why earlier this year we co-hosted a UN pledging summit, together with Germany and Qatar, that helped to raise over $2 billion for Afghanistan, but he is right to put it on the agenda. I will make sure that we continue to do what we can to support the people there.

  • Michael Fabricant – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Excluding Russia from the G20

    Michael Fabricant – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Excluding Russia from the G20

    The parliamentary question asked by Michael Fabricant, the Conservative MP for Lichfield, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Michael Fabricant (Lichfield) (Con)

    The Leader of the Opposition correctly said that Russia is losing this war. Like a wounded animal, it is now lashing out with weapons from, we believe, Iran and North Korea. Was any consideration given to additional sanctions on those two countries and possibly excluding Russia from membership of the G20?

    The Prime Minister

    The G20 is not like the G7. It is a broader grouping of countries that works by consensus, so it is not possible to expel Russia in the same way, but my hon. Friend will take comfort from our using the opportunity to unequivocally condemn Russia’s actions. With regard to sanctions on Iran and others, he will be aware that we have recently imposed new sanctions on Iran that relate specifically to the treatment of protesters in the recent demonstrations. That is the right thing to do as the behaviour of the Iranian regime is not acceptable and we should hold it to account.

  • Chris Bryant – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Sanctioning of Carrie Lam

    Chris Bryant – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Sanctioning of Carrie Lam

    The parliamentary question asked by Chris Bryant, the Labour MP for the Rhondda, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Chris Bryant (Rhondda) (Lab)

    Putin’s aggression was allowed to prosper for too long—ever since 2008, one could argue—so I completely support what the Prime Minister has said and done in support of Ukraine against the barbarism of the Russian Federation. On China, I understand the realpolitik of the past week, but the concentration camps in the Xinjiang province continue, as does the genocide, and the suppression of human rights in Hong Kong continues. May I ask the Prime Minister to do one thing, which the United States of America has already done: sanction Carrie Lam?

    The Prime Minister

    I am pleased that the United Kingdom has led efforts to hold China to account, including by imposing sanctions on senior Chinese officials and mobilising international support to hold China to account at the United Nations. As hon. Members have heard, we will use dialogue as an opportunity to raise the concerns that we have on Xinjiang and other human rights abuses as we see them.

  • Tobias Ellwood – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Grain Ships Safely Leaving Ukraine

    Tobias Ellwood – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Grain Ships Safely Leaving Ukraine

    The parliamentary question asked by Tobias Ellwood, the Conservative MP for Bournemouth East, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Mr Tobias Ellwood (Bournemouth East) (Con)

    I strongly welcome the Prime Minister’s words at the G20 in condemnation of Russia’s aggression in Ukraine. I have just returned with the Defence Committee from Odesa, where there is huge appreciation for British efforts in support of Ukraine at this time, but just one fifth as many grain ships have been able to get out since the war.

    With Russia’s maritime force severely diminished, Odesa is calling out for a new, more efficient grain deal. Will the Prime Minister meet me to look at securing a UN General Assembly resolution, bypassing the Security Council, to grant Odesa humanitarian safe haven status, along with the formation of a UN-led maritime force so that vital grain ships can be escorted safely out of Odesa?

    The Prime Minister

    My right hon. Friend is right to highlight the importance of the grain shipments through Odesa. I am very pleased that, after concerted efforts on our part and from other allies with the United Nations Secretary-General, the grain deal, which just days ago was in some doubt, has indeed been extended. That demonstrates the pressure put on Russia by the international community. My right hon. Friend knows the importance of the free flow of food and fertilisers to the developing world through those ships. I would be delighted to meet him to see what more we can do, but I think for now we should be very pleased that the grain deal is being extended. It is already leading to a decline in wheat prices, which will bring some alleviation to the food inflation that we are seeing, particularly in the African continent.

  • Ian Blackford – 2022 Speech on the G20 Summit in Indonesia

    Ian Blackford – 2022 Speech on the G20 Summit in Indonesia

    The speech made by Ian Blackford, the SNP Leader at Westminster, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for advance sight of his statement.

    With the Russian military continuing to fire deadly missiles at civilians right across Ukraine, I sincerely hope that Putin’s Foreign Minister was made to feel the justified anger and disgust by those attending the G20. With that in mind, may I ask the Prime Minister what progress has been made at the summits to further isolate Putin’s regime on the international stage? The whole world must stand together on Russian sanctions, and we must make sure that those responsible for crimes against humanity face justice. What progress has been made to ensure that there is no weakening in the international resolve to stand with Ukraine until it secures victory for its people?

    Let me turn to the G20 discussions on the economy. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor keep referring to the global factors to blame for the financial crisis facing families across these islands—it is the excuse they are using to impose austerity 2.0 in today’s financial statement—but if this is really all to do with global factors, will the Prime Minister explain why the UK is the only G7 economy that is smaller today than it was before the pandemic? Why is the UK the only G7 country enacting austerity 2.0? The reality is that this is a political choice.

    Finally, on the proposed Indo-Pacific trade deal—the latest Brexit fire sale that threatens to sell out our farmers and crofters—the evidence continues to mount that the Brexit effect is reducing our economy by 4%, a factor that is driving Tory austerity. This week, we heard from the former Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, the right hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth (George Eustice), who retrospectively ripped apart the trade deal with Australia and the damaging impact that it will have on our agrifood sector. I remind Government Members that that deal was endorsed by every single Conservative MP. Can the Prime Minister explain to Scotland’s food and farming industries why he is so committed to pursuing yet another Brexit deal that will deliver a hammer blow to their businesses?

    The Prime Minister

    I welcome the right hon. Gentleman’s comments about Russia and Ukraine, and I thank him for them. He should be reassured that in Putin’s absence the Russian Foreign Minister felt the full assault, from allies including the United Kingdom, of the absolute outrage that the international community feels about what is happening. That will continue when Russia attends these fora.

    The Government are an absolute champion of British farming and farmers. That will remain the case. We will continue to find opportunities to put great British produce on the tables of many more families around the world.

    I will just briefly address the right hon. Gentleman’s comments about the economy. He had a few different stats, but it is worth bearing in mind that we have just come from a G20 summit at which two thirds of the G20 members sitting around the table are experiencing inflation rates north of 7%. The International Monetary Fund predicts that a third of the world’s economy is already or will shortly be in recession.

    If the right hon. Gentleman takes the time to read the G20 communiqué, he will see that actually the global picture is very clear: countries around the world are grappling with high energy prices, high food prices and rising interest rates. Indeed, many countries around the world, like us, have committed, as does the international community, to ensuring fiscal sustainability as a path to improving those matters. That is absolutely the challenge that we confront, and it is absolutely the challenge that the Chancellor will meet head on. We will make those decisions with fairness and with compassion.

  • Alicia Kearns – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Prime Minister Meeting Xi Jinping

    Alicia Kearns – 2022 Parliamentary Question on Prime Minister Meeting Xi Jinping

    The parliamentary question asked by Alicia Kearns, the Conservative MP for Rutland and Melton, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    Alicia Kearns (Rutland and Melton) (Con)

    Dialogue is never weakness, so will my right hon. Friend tell us when he intends to reschedule his meeting with Xi Jinping? It is not an endorsement of the Chinese Communist party, but an opportunity to set out our red lines, particularly on the hostile actions we have seen on UK soil in the last month. We need shortly to see a strategy from the Prime Minister on China.

    Will the Prime Minister also inform the House what progress on isolating Russia was made at the G20 with India and other nations that are not as aligned with us on Ukraine, because they are key to global stability and ending bloodshed?

    The Prime Minister

    I thank the Chair of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs for her excellent question. She is absolutely right about the importance of dialogue, and she will have heard what I said to the Leader of the Opposition about dialogue. We are in the process of refreshing our integrated review, and no doubt our approach to China will be a part of that. In the meantime, she is right that dialogue also offers the opportunity for us to raise issues of concern, and to defend our values and interests—particularly with regard to areas such as Hong Kong—which we will continue to do as the opportunity arises.

    My hon. Friend is right to point out the position of those non-aligned countries. We should all take enormous comfort from the fact that the G20 communiqué was agreed; it was substantive, comprehensive and contained strong language of condemnation about Russia’s aggression. That was by no means assured just a week or so ago, and it speaks to the feeling in the international community —something I saw across the G20 table as many, if not almost all, countries took the opportunity to say something about Russia’s actions, and joined us in condemning it. There is always work to do and we will continue to have that dialogue with those partners.

  • Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the G20 Summit in Indonesia

    Keir Starmer – 2022 Speech on the G20 Summit in Indonesia

    The speech made by Sir Keir Starmer, the Leader of the Opposition, in the House of Commons on 17 November 2022.

    I thank the Prime Minister for an advance copy of his statement.

    What should have been a summit focused on global economic recovery and delivering clear commitments on climate change was sadly overshadowed by the unjustifiable actions of Russia and its illegal war in Ukraine. Civilian infrastructure was targeted across Ukraine and a war of aggression rumbled on as world leaders tried to reach agreement.

    Whatever the outcome of the investigation into the missile incident in Poland, it is a stark reminder of the danger that Russia’s unjustifiable war has brought to the border of our NATO allies. We must remain vigilant and united in our opposition to this pointless and brutal conflict. As I have said many times from this Dispatch Box and to the Prime Minister personally, whatever other differences we may have across the House—and there are many—when it comes to the defence of Ukraine, we stand as one.

    On behalf of Members across the House, I send our condolences to those killed in Poland. Poland’s measured reaction to the incident and the calm heads that have prevailed over the past two days are welcome. I listened carefully to what the Prime Minister said about that and I agree with him that no country can be blamed for defending itself. We need to get to the bottom of this. Obviously, the investigation is ongoing, but when does the Prime Minister expect those investigations to be finalised?

    Russia is losing this war, so I welcome the G20’s communiqué, which set out:

    “Most members strongly condemned the war in Ukraine”.

    Has further support for Ukraine been discussed among western allies? What efforts are taking place to open a diplomatic road map to rid Ukraine of Russian troops and bring an end to the conflict?

    It is crucial that we work to find international unity to further isolate Putin. That will include working with China. We do not underestimate the challenges that China poses to global security and we must defend the human rights of the Uyghur and democracy in Hong Kong, but our approach must be measured, and it is in our interest to work with China on the climate crisis, trade and, most importantly, isolating Putin. I was glad to see constructive dialogue on those issues between President Biden and President Xi. Does the Prime Minister believe that the summit marks a change in west and China relations, and are his Government now taking a different approach from his predecessor to British-China relations?

    After a decade of low growth in this country, it is crucial that we open new trade opportunities. The Prime Minister said that he had met Prime Minister Modi, when a future UK-India trade deal was discussed. That deal has previously been put in doubt by his Home Secretary, who indicated that she would not support it. Labour does support a trade deal with India, which we believe can bring new opportunities to promote and create new jobs here in Britain. Will the Prime Minister tell us when he now expects the deal to be completed, and whether measures on visas will be included in the overall deal? If so, can he guarantee that his whole Cabinet will actually support it? Will he also tell us whether in his meeting with President Biden, the UK-US trade deal was discussed—or can we assume that this deal now has no prospect of being delivered any time soon?

    Lastly, may I ask the Prime Minister whether the Northern Ireland protocol was raised by either US or EU colleagues? Failure to make progress is hurting British research, development and trade, all at a time when we need to remove barriers for British business. Fixing this issue could lead to a better relationship with our biggest trading partners, an opportunity for our scientists and exporters, and an end to the past two years of unnecessary fights and division; so when is the Prime Minister going to deliver?

    Our international alliances have never been so crucial, for global stability and our own stability. We on the Opposition side of the House know that standing up to Russia’s aggression will require further sacrifices, but we must make those sacrifices because taking no action is not an option. The message from all of us must be clear: Ukraine will win and Putin will lose. Democracy and liberty will defeat imperialism again.

    The Prime Minister

    Let me start by thanking the right hon. and learned Gentleman for his words about the situation in Ukraine and Russia, and for his condemnation of the Russian aggression and steadfast support for the position of the Government and, indeed, the whole House on Ukraine.

    The right hon. and learned Gentleman was right to ask about the further support that we will be providing. He will know that we have provided £1.5 billion in economic and humanitarian support for Ukraine, alongside, obviously, the military assistance. We are hosting a reconstruction conference in the UK next year, and there is an ongoing dialogue about what further support the Ukrainian Government need from us and others. In the short term, we are in the process of providing 25,000 pieces of winter equipment for the brave Ukrainian soldiers, but also funds to help restore some of the damage done to Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, which I know have been warmly welcomed by President Zelensky.

    Let me briefly turn to some of the right hon. and learned Gentleman’s other questions. On China, I very much supported President Biden in his meeting with President Xi. President Biden and I discussed that meeting at length. I believe that our approach is entirely aligned with that of the United States, and indeed our other allies such as Canada and Australia. Of course China poses significant challenges to our values, our interests and indeed our economic security. It is right that we take the necessary steps to defend ourselves against those challenges, but it is also right to engage in dialogue when that can make a difference in solving some of the pressing global challenges that we all collectively face.

    The right hon. and learned Gentleman asked about Northern Ireland. I have discussed this issue with my European counterparts and, indeed, with the President at various meetings, not just at the G20. I remain committed to finding a solution to the challenges posed by the protocol. It is clearly having an impact on families and businesses on the ground in Northern Ireland. The people of Northern Ireland deserve to have a functioning Executive, particularly at a time like this, and that is something that I will devote my energies to bringing about. So far I have had very constructive relationships and discussions about this issue with both the President and our European counterparts, including the Taoiseach last week.

    On trade, the broad, overarching comment I would make to the right hon. and learned Gentleman is that when it comes to trade deals, whoever they may be with, what I will not do is sacrifice quality for speed. I think it is important that we take the time to get trade deals right. Of course this Government believe wholeheartedly in the power and the benefits of free trade, which is something that we will champion around the world.

    I discussed the free trade agreement with India, and both the Prime Minister of India and I committed our teams to working as quickly as possible to see if we can bring a successful conclusion to the negotiations.

    The priorities of the US are in a lot of different areas, but with regard to trade—the President and I discussed this—we are deepening our economic relationship. The United States is already our single largest trading partner. We are doing more with individual states to broaden our trade relationships, and we have seen recent action on tariffs with regard to steel, aluminium and agricultural exports. All of that is good for the UK economy.

    Of course, we are in the process of some exciting conversations about joining the comprehensive and progressive agreement for trans-Pacific partnership. That is real evidence of our country’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific region, and is supported by the Prime Ministers of Canada, Australia and Japan. I hope that we can bring those negotiations to a conclusion in the near future.

    Lastly, my reflections on the summit and on attending COP are that the United Kingdom is at its best when we are an engaged and active member of the global community —when we are standing up for our values, defending our interests, spreading prosperity, and alleviating poverty and suffering. I am pleased to have had conversations with so many leaders over the past couple of days that confirmed to me that they very much welcome the UK’s support in achieving all those objectives, and that is what this Government will set about doing.