Category: Foreign Affairs

  • Gordon Brown – 2008 Speech in Doha

    Gordon Brown – 2008 Speech in Doha

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, on 2 November 2008.

    Can I say first of all what a privilege it is to be in Qatar, to be able to congratulate the Emir and the Prime Minister on their leadership, their leadership in Lebanon where they have brought about peace, their leadership in Sudan and Darfur where they are leading the way, their leadership in the development round where the Doha Conference will take place in a few days, and that is as a result of the Emir and the Prime Minister. And I want to thank them on behalf of all the citizens of the United Kingdom.

    I am delighted to be visiting Qatar because I believe that this great country is leading the world in so many different ways. The diversification out of oil into other products is something that is being sponsored by innovation that is taking place here, and I had the privilege of visiting the Qatar Foundation and being able to see its work and I do congratulate the Foundation on its cultural and intellectual projects round the world.

    I think cooperation between our two countries is growing.  I am very pleased that we are able to announce the new Investment Fund that is being created today, that is the Clean Technology Investment Fund which is worth  £250 million, a joint fund between Qatar and the United Kingdom, £140 million from Qatar, the rest from the Carbon Trust and the private sector, and this will be funding for investment in companies developing a wide range of low carbon technologies, and it is right that we cooperate on how we can make the energy resources of our countries do better for us in the future.

    This relationship between Qatar and Britain is also being extended by university cooperation. Oxford University, Cambridge University, the University College London, Imperial College, are all parts of projects that are now developing here, and many businesses are here with us today with an interest in developing strong relations for the future.

    We talked also, as the Prime Minister has said, about how we can work together to deal with the world’s financial difficulties.  I believe it is only by cooperation internationally that we can best solve the problems that exist at the moment. And whatever the causes of the problems, the most important thing is that we cooperate to find the solutions to the benefit of our people, people who are worried about their savings, worried about mortgages, worried about their small businesses, people who are worried about the cost of their bills, I think it is important that world leaders come together.  And I believe we share an understanding of what needs to be done and that will go forward into the international arena where we are determined to work together for a solution to the problems that exist.

    Once again let me praise the Prime Minister of Qatar who has been so instrumental in bringing about peace in Lebanon and is also working to bring about peace in Darfur and Sudan, as well as running one of the more successful economies in the world.

  • Gordon Brown – 2008 Comments Following Barack Obama’s Election Victory

    Gordon Brown – 2008 Comments Following Barack Obama’s Election Victory

    The comments made by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, on 5 November 2008.

    I would like to offer my sincere congratulations to Barack Obama on winning the Presidency of the United States. I would also like to pay tribute to Senator McCain who fought a good campaign and has shown the characteristic dignity that has marked a lifetime of service to his country.

    The relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom is vital to our prosperity and security. Barack Obama ran an inspirational campaign, energising politics with his progressive values and his vision for the future. I know Barack Obama and we share many values. We both have determination to show that government can act to help people fairly through these difficult times facing the global economy. And I look forward to working extremely closely with him in the coming months and years.

  • Gordon Brown – 2008 Speech at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    Gordon Brown – 2008 Speech at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, at the Guildhall in London on 10 November 2008.

    My Lord Mayor, my late Lord Mayor, your Grace, my Lord Chancellor, your Excellencies, my Lords, Aldermen, Sheriffs, Chief Commoner, ladies and gentlemen.

    These last weeks and months will be studied by generations to come.

    Historians will look back and say this was no ordinary time but a defining moment: an unprecedented period of global change, a time when one chapter ended and another began – for nations; for continents; for the whole world.

    To us falls the challenge of leading Britain through the first financial crisis of this new global age and, as reflected in the huge volatility in the price of commodities, its first resources crisis too.

    But these crises reflect underlying and unprecedented transformations in our world:

    · the rise of Asia and the shift of global manufacturing power;
    · growing resource pressures – from oil to food
    · the undeniable reality of climate change;
    · and new political instabilities and conflicts

    All accompanied by the growing gap between rich and poor countries; and of course by the impact of new technology and the rise of the internet giving millions of people for the first time the ability to communicate, do business and organise across frontiers.

    The range, complexity and impact of these forces underline just how much we are taking the first tentative steps towards what i will call a global society. And that what is at stake now is not just the success and legitimacy of our global economy but ultimately the prosperity and security of nations and communities in every corner of the world.

    The decisions we make now will re-shape our societies ——in all probability for decades and more.

    And we have a choice: to retreat or advance; to turn inwards or to look outwards; to be cowed by our fears or led by our hopes.

    The world today can seem a daunting place – and when people feel buffeted or bewildered by the scale of the changes it can seem easy to retreat into the outworn and failed responses of yesterday — to a time of pessimism, protectionism and retrenchment.

    But we could make a far better choice.

    I want this to become the moment when together we rise to the new challenges by purposeful visionary and international leadership, leaving behind the orthodoxies of yesterday and embracing new ideas to create a better tomorrow: not as victims of history but as shapers of an open, free trade, flexible globalisation that is also inclusive and sustainable.

    For while today so much looks grey or dark in the global economy we should not forget that we are in the midst of an economic transition to a new global age: whatever happens now, it is likely that in the next two decades the world economy will double in size. And that means twice as many opportunities for good businesses and twice as many opportunities for men and women with new ideas to market.  And as many as one thousand million new jobs for skilled workers will be created.  So this is the other side of globalisation – not just the insecurities we know about but the opportunities, the promise it holds for tomorrow.

    And it is, indeed, possible to see the threats and challenges we face today as the difficult birth-pangs of a new global order – and our task now nothing less than making the transition through a new internationalism to a more collegial, collaborative and opportunity-rich global society, not muddling through as pessimists but, as optimists, making the necessary adjustment to a better future

    Since the financial crisis began it has dominated the agenda. I have travelled perhaps more than i had planned to. But all in the protection of the British economy, British jobs and firms, British living standards —-knowing the livelihoods of British families and businesses are shaped in an ever more interdependent world.

    And so we can see this year as definitive in another way: the year where we not only came to recognise our deep and irreversible interdependence, each nation with other nations, but acted upon it:  nations agreeing not just on high aspirations but on practical actions; governments ready to act collectively and quickly to take radical – indeed previously unthinkable – measures to avert global meltdown; discovering a common purpose amid the necessity of dealing with the financial crisis; a common approach forged first to deal with the financial crisis but one that will, I believe, enable us to respond  positively also to climate change, conflict and poverty.  And in doing so to build the confidence in the future that is key to bringing back confidence today.

    So, while I see a world that is facing financial crisis and still diminished by conflict and injustice, I also see the chance to forge a new multilateralism that is both hard-headed and progressive. And I believe that in our international co-operation on finance, climate change, terrorism and ending conflict, there is evidence of this new multilateralism at work in the world: fairer, more stable, and more prosperous because it is rooted in cooperation and justice.

    And if we learn from our experience of turning unity of purpose into unity of action, together we can seize this moment of profound change to create, for the first time, the age of the truly global society —-one where progressive multilateralism, not narrow unilateralism, is the norm; one where people find that what unites them is far greater that what ever divided them; and where it is co-operation, not confrontation, that flourishes in answer to age-old challenges:

    · the challenge to reassert our faith in the advance of democracy as the most effective weapon in our arsenal against terrorism and tyranny.

    · and — as we mark armistice day tomorrow and remember the sacrifices made in darker times – the challenge to build for peace

    · the challenge to build consensus for a new global financial system

    · the need to confront the realities of global climate change by building a sustainable low carbon economy

    · and to make a reality of the vision of a global society by creating global partnerships across public, private and voluntary sectors to address poverty and move toward economic justice.

    I believe that we in the west should approach these great challenges of our time with some humility. The west certainly does not have all the answers to them. We need more than the G8 – for the time when just a few powers could sit around the table and set the global agenda is over.

    Quite rightly, the emerging powers of the 21st century will want to – and must – play their part. And so the G8, the IMF and the World Bank must change to meet the new realities.

    But my central argument this evening is that the alliance between Britain and America – and more broadly between Europe and America – can and must provide leadership in this, not in order to make and impose the rules ourselves, but to lead and broaden the global effort to build a stronger, secure and more equitable international order.

    Rightly people talk of a special relationship: but that special relationship is also a partnership for a purpose. The transatlantic relationship has been the engine of effective multilateralism for the past 50 years. Together

    · we faced down aggression and dictatorship;
    · in a few short years we built the great international post-war institutions – the World Bank, the international monetary fund, the United Nations.
    · and we led the drive for trade, enterprise and dynamic markets.

    Now unprecedented events have brought a turn of history that few would once have foreseen or expected.

    Just days ago, across the Atlantic, our closest ally gave new meaning to its founding creed that all “are created equal.” Gave new strength to the notion that the american dream is for all Americans.

    More than 140 years after the abolition of slavery; and more than forty years on from the civil rights and voting rights acts; America has chosen Barack Obama to be President.

    And – as we have seen from reaction in America, Europe and around the globe – whatever one’s politics, it can surely only be a source of hope and inspiration that a nation which once would have looked at Barack Obama and defined him only by his colour today sees in him the man they want to be their President and Commander-in-chief.

    And when Barack Obama four months ago followed in President Kennedy’s footsteps and went to Berlin he called on the world to stand together as one.

    Winston Churchill described the joint inheritance of Britain and America – as not just a shared history but a shared belief in the great principles of freedom and the rights of man – of what Barack Obama described in his election night speech as the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope.

    And as America stands at its own dawn of hope – so let that hope be fulfilled through a pact with the wider world to lead and shape the twenty-first century as the first century of a truly global society.

    And i believe that with the farsighted leadership we have in Europe, the whole of Europe can and will work closely with America and with the rest of the world to meet the great challenges which will illuminate our convictions and test our resolution.

    First – we must reassert our faith in democracy and be confident in our belief that open, plural, diverse societies are those most likely to stay rich, strong and free.

    So we must step up and win the battle of ideas against terrorism and extremism not by sacrificing the liberties that they scorn but by securing new international means of achieving stability, reconstruction and democracy in failed and fragile states.

    And we must promote greater tolerance and understanding within and between communities. Later this week I will join King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia alongside president bush and other World Leaders for his interfaith dialogue at the United Nations – deepening understanding between religions and countering extremist ideologies.

    Second let us move quickly to complement the role of peacekeepers and aid workers through civilian as well as military assistance, to rebuild conflict-ridden and fragile states.

    Just as we will continue to offer immediate help and advance the cause of peace in Darfur, Burma and Zimbabwe, and stand up for the democracies of Georgia and Ukraine, we will stand by the people of the Democratic Republic of Congo as they face new conflict and turmoil. We will get aid to those who need it. We will protect those who are threatened ——by ensuring that UN peacekeepers, already the largest force of its kind in the world, are properly led, trained and enabled. And we will work relentlessly to build the political settlement that is the only guarantee of long term peace.

    Ultimately our shared security should be based not on the increased use of weapons but on their reduction. At this same occasion last year, I described the leading role I saw for our country in reducing the proliferation of weapons.

    I am pleased that one hundred countries have joined us in banning cluster bombs; and that the idea of a multinational fuel bank to help non-nuclear states acquire nuclear energy is gaining support.

    And working with our allies we are ready to do more: having extended export prohibitions on trafficking in small arms, we are ready to promote a new arms trade treaty. And I say to Iran which has signed the non proliferation treaty: in these new circumstances rejoin global society and benefit from help in acquiring civil nuclear power – or face new sanctions –and growing isolation.

    Conflict in the Middle East and the failure to restore a Palestinian state is a festering wound that has for generations poisoned relations between the west and the Arab and Islamic world. But I believe, and I have heard for myself, that the elements that can constitute a settlement are now well understood by those on all sides who want to come together to end the divisions of the past. It has often been said that an historic hard-won and lasting peace is now within our grasp. But what I do know is that building on the work of President Bush, that durable and just settlement is an urgent priority for the new us administration – and the UK will stand firm in support.

    A Middle East settlement has the potential to transform the future of the Middle East. In Iraq we continue to defend a new democracy and last summer we set out the remaining tasks to be achieved there to make possible a fundamental change of mission and the transition to a long term bilateral partnership with Iraq, similar to the normal relationships which our military forces have with other countries in the region. And we are making good progress with each of our objectives.

    And I welcome the reaffirmed commitment from both president bush and President-elect Obama to defend a stable and democratic future for Afghanistan and to review the best ways of achieving this through better burden-sharing: America at its best – leading a broad international effort underpinned by shared values, working more effectively with the grain of Afghan society including the tribes; working with our allies to double the size of the Afghan army, working with President Karzai to tackle corruption and supporting the democratic Afghan government in its slow but steady attempts to build peace. And we will support the Afghan and Pakistan governments in working together to tackle the security issues across the border which the last decade has shown are crucial to our own security at home.

    Afghanistan is a test the international community cannot afford to fail. And we will not fail.

    Third – seventy-five years ago at a time of recession nations met in London in a World economic conference- and because the talks broke up in failure the world entered a long decade of protectionism and retrenchment.

    In Washington this weekend, the British government will work with its G20 partners to establish consensus and begin to build a new bretton woods with a reformed, modern, IMF that offers, by its surveillance of every economy, an early warning system and a crisis prevention mechanism for the whole world.

    This will require:

    · The recapitalisation of banks and their resumption of lending to families and businesses

    · Immediate action to stop the spread of the financial crisis to middle income countries, building agreement for a new facility and new resources for the IMF

    · urgent agreement on a trade deal and rejection of beggar-thy-neighbour protectionism that has been a feature in turning past crises into deep recessions

    · a restoration of confidence by addressing the root causes of the instability through reform of the global financial system based on the principles of transparency, integrity, responsibility, sound banking practice and global governance with co-ordination across borders and every nation playing its part

    · better International coordination of fiscal and monetary policy – recognising the immediate importance of this coordination for stimulating economic activity.

    At the heart of this is a growing agreement that at a time of change and massive uncertainty, people look to governments for action. This is no time for conventional old thinking or tired old orthodoxies.

    In Britain, we have already cut taxes to help families this year. And as the chancellor has said, we will maintain our essential public investments while continuing to increase the value for money of every pound spent. This is no time for the old approach of short-term spending cuts in a downturn that would hurt families and businesses today and damage the long-term productivity of the economy.

    Since this is a global downturn it requires a global solution. As was the case with the bank stabilisation plan, the benefits of any individual country’s fiscal actions will be all the greater if this is part of a concerted and fairly distributed international response to maintain global demand.

    There is now a growing international consensus that, especially for those countries with low debt like the UK, maintaining essential public investment is the right and sensible approach, while allowing a temporary and affordable increase in borrowing to support economic growth.

    Yesterday China announced that it was injecting almost $600 billion to support its economy. The European Union has said that flexibility in the stability pact to recognise exceptional and temporary conditions will be used. Last week, Germany announced their plans for a fiscal stimulus. President-elect Obama has already signalled his intention to do likewise. With Britain continuing to lead the debate, economic recovery will work better if we all work together.

    The fourth imperative is tackling climate change.

    For it is clear now that if left unchecked, climate change will have catastrophic worldwide effects on our future prosperity

    The G8 has already agreed we must at least halve global emissions by 2050.  But this also means emissions must peak by 2020.

    So we cannot afford to put climate change into the international ‘pending’ tray because of the present economic difficulties, as some might urge.

    On the contrary, we must use the imperative to act for our future prosperity through the transition to a low carbon economy and reduced oil dependency as a route to creating jobs and economic opportunity for our peoples today.

    This is why as we prepare for an ambitious post 2012 climate change agreement in Copenhagen, for which I pledge our governments unbending commitment,  the European Union must, and I believe will, agree in December its ‘2020’ programme for energy and climate change and show European Leadership at its best. And I want the World Bank to become a bank for the environment as well as for development, helping developing countries move towards sustainable energy paths of their own.

    And a truly global society cannot of course exist without the vital humanitarian and development assistance and support for self sustaining growth that keeps millions of people alive and meets basic needs for education, food and health. For we cannot claim to be a truly global society, or one world, when 30,000 children die every day from diseases we know how to cure.

    This is not the time to abandon helping the poorest countries. For now more than ever it is both our duty and in our interest to help meet the millennium development goals. For we cannot solve climate change without Africa; nor can we solve the food crisis without Africa.  We need a fully financed ‘energy for the poor’ initiative; where commercial sources of capital dry up support from the international institutions; and we need to support agricultural development. In Africa in the past, “feed the world” meant that we helped to feed Africa.  In future, if we do things right, we will do best by enabling Africa to feed the world.

    And I am proud that, even as the world came to terms with the financial crisis, Britain has continued to drive forward the vital effort to meet the Millennium Development goals.

    Tonight I have argued that uniquely in this global age, it is now in our power to come together, confer, and decide and that we must be guided by one clear truth: that we need solutions that can no longer be defined in terms of us and them, but can be achieved only together: as us with them.  I believe that people do not only co-operate out of need. There is a human need to cooperate. But I believe also that all our efforts reflect what people find when they can communicate across continents with each other; that there is a shared moral sense that we are responsible each to the other  – country to country as much as person to person. And because of this no injustice can last for ever, and even in the most desperate of circumstances people can journey with hope.

    So my message is that we must be:

    · internationalist not protectionist

    · interventionist not isolationist

    · progressive not paralysed by events

    · and forward-thinking not trapped in the solutions of the past

    And if we do so 2008 will be remembered not just for a financial crash that engulfed the world but for the decisiveness and optimism with which the world faced the storm, endured it and prevailed. And remembered too for how in doing so we discovered and refashioned the global power of nations working together.

    President Roosevelt famously said “the only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”

    When fear overwhelms our perceptions of reality the effect is paralysing; it leaves people frozen into inaction – helpless at a time of great risk — and even at a time of great opportunity too.

    But confidence in the future –that most precious asset of all – is the key to bringing back confidence today. It is dynamic, it heralds action.

    And – for reasons I have laid before you this evening – I am confident.

    Confident that we can seize the moment, grasp it together, and use it to lay the foundations – optimistic, multilateralist and inclusive – on which we can build the first truly global society.

  • Gordon Brown – 2009 Webchat on Afghanistan

    Gordon Brown – 2009 Webchat on Afghanistan

    The text of the webchat with Gordon Brown on Afghanistan on 14 December 2009.

    The Prime Minister took part in a live webchat this morning – his first on the Number 10 website – on the issue of building a stable Afghanistan.

    The PM’s webchat follows his weekend visit to Afghanistan where he met British forces and held talks with President Karzai.

    Read the transcript:

    Moderator says: Good morning. Welcome to the webchat. The Prime Minister will be joining us very shortly.

    Sue Pritchard: The history of the region tells us that external interventions do not create, let alone sustain, stability, peace or prosperity. What’s different this time?

    Gordon replies: Hello, Gordon Brown here.  I returned in the early hours of this morning from visiting British troops in Afghanistan.  As we approach Christmas I wanted to thank them for their courageous service and to tell them that the people back home were in awe of their acheivements.

    To answer your question Sue, we know that the Taleban do not have the support of the Afghan people.  And above all we know that a stable Afghanistan means a safer Britain.  So the question is whether we can help the Afghan people build a stable, democratic and prosperous future – so it is right to train their forces, police and security services so they can take control of the security of their country for themselves.

    stacey hemming: I know there is a lot of negative press and views regarding Afghan, with pressure to be pulled out. My husband is currently serving over there and I just want to say that I’m proud and don’t want them to be pulled out until the job is finished. Like many, we don’t want the losses we have suffered to be for nothing. I support you, I support our forces. It would be nice if you would stand tall and tell everyone that your not backing down and we will finish the job and do our fallen soldiers proud.

    Gordon replies: Stacey, I don’t know if I have met your husband but he is clearly a brave and dedicated man who is making an important contribution to this important mission.  We have a job to do to destroy the attempt by Al Qaeda to attack the streets of Britain and to prevent the Taleban from offering them safehaven in Afghanistan.  We have just stepped up the number of forces dedicated to this job and are now training the Afghan forces so they can take on the role of maintaining the security.  We will never forget the sacrifice of those who have given their lives.

    hanif rehman: Plz say a thank you to the troops. Secondly, has the PM thought of spending more on infrastructure i.e.schools and roads rather than sending more troops. Or does he feel constrained by level of corruption in Afg?

    Gordon replies: Hanif

    We’re doing both.  Our military and our civilian stabilisation advisors are working very closely together.  There are double the amount of health services in Helmand than 3 years ago and more than a hundred schools open in Helmand, over half in the last year.

    On corruption, President Karzai has given me and the international community assurances that he will work to tackle corruption and at the London Conference on Jan 28th next year we will be asking him for updates on progress.  Of course it is about delivery not just words and we will be vigilant in seeking action.

    khasail: How did you come to the decision of sending more troops into afghanistan in the middle of a recesion?

    Gordon replies: Some of you have asked similar questions so to answer, the terrorist threat to the UK is real.  We cannot allow the Taleban to again give space to Al Qaeda to operate in Afghanistan.  This is not a conflict of choice, it is about necessity.  And all 43 nations of the coalition agree.  Our additional 500 troops will be complemented by more than 35000 from the US and other countries.  It is vital that our troops have the resources to do the job at hand.

    Ben Blankley: Can there ever be a military solution that will stop the 1 in 4 Afghan children dying before their fifth birthday?

    Gordon replies: Already the child mortality rate has been cut.  The estimate is that now 100,000 children under 5 who would have otherwise died are now kept alive by better healthcare.  This is because of British and other international countries paying for programmes to immunise children, to pay nurses, midwives and doctors and to make healthcare sustainable.

    Glen Oglaza Sky News: Since Afghanistan is and always has been “tribal”, training Afghan army and police recruits who are mostly Tajik will not hold sway with the majority Pushtuns so How can the NATO effort stop the country simply sliding back into the old ways of rival warlords and the re-emergence of the Taliban? And was President Obama wrong to give an exit date – and a date for the Taliban to take back control?

    Gordon replies: I met Afghan troops being trained by British troops in Helmand yesterday.  They came from every region of Afghanistan and showed it is possible to build a national army that is both professional and united.  They are ready to take on the Taleban and the Afghan army will rise in number to 135,000 over the next year.  And I discussed this very issue with the President of Afghanistan and the defence minister who are committed to this strategy.

    The issue is the Afghan army, security forces and police gradually taking control and it is at that point that our forces can start to come home.

    Sarah Taylor: In reply to Hanif Rehman, I am the wife of a Royal Engineer and I can assure you that he is kept very busy in Afghanistan by helping the infrastructure. Recently completing an access road which will allow local people to travel more freely to and from school.

    Gordon replies: Thank you for that Sarah.  This is vital work and I’m very proud that your husband has made such a big contribution to the future of Aghanistan.

    Jim Aldus: Until quite recently, your government has been saying that the troops have had all the equipment they need or have asked for to do the job in Afghanistan. If that’s the case, why is more specialised equipment being sent to deal with roadside IEDs that have been used by the Taliban since before the invasion?

    Gordon replies: Jim

    We are always adjusting to the threat that is posed to our forces by getting the best equipment to deal with it.  Over the last year the Taleban have increasingly used explosive devices rather than fight the British army face to face where they know they would lose, and the types of devices are always changing.  So to deal with that threat we have increased our specialist forces, our electronic surveillance, our intelligence and our hand held detectors and we have dismantled around 1500 IEDs in the recent months.  It is right we respond to the threat with the best equipment.

    pedro: If the russians couldnt succeed in many years in afganistan, what makes you think that uk efforts will?

    Gordon replies: The Russians didn’t have the popular support of the people for what they were trying to do  – they were working against, not with or for the Afghan people.  Our strategy is to partner the Afghan forces and we are clear that this is not an army of occupation.

    Tom W: We can’t pull out until the job is finished, but this could result in us being in Afghanistan for decades to come, because the goal is not very clear-cut. How will you asses when the job is done?

    Gordon replies: When Afghanistan is able to run its own affairs free of the Taleban and Al Qaeda.

    Nigel F: Will you continue sending personal letters to relatives of the fallen, despite the (unfair) criticism you received?

    Gordon replies: Nigel.

    Yes I will.  And I understand the feelings who have lost loved ones and it is their concerns that are uppermost in my thoughts.

    Thomas Oliver Bromfield: As a ex serviceman,can you reassure me that all the help possible will be provided to the wounded serviceman?

    Gordon replies: Thomas, thank you for your question.  Yes, I saw the medical facilities at Camp Bastion yesterday.  The staff and the equipment are the best in the world.  I am also determined that all the care we can provide at Selly Oak and in other hospitals is the best.  I recognise the enormous sacrifice people make on behalf of our country and thank them all.

    Asli Aral: What will be the main aim/purpose of the London Afghanistan conference on Jan. 28th?

    Gordon replies: Asli

    To get more support for our Afghanistan strategy to train, mentor and partner the Afghan secuirty forces and to help the economy and people of Afghanistan to get a bigger stake in their own future.  President Karzai will bring forward his plan for the future of Afghanistan for discussion at the conference.

    tony: If all 43 nations of the coalition agree about the necessity of this war is it not time that British service personal were replaced by the service personel of another country in Helmand Province and let them have a spell of death and destruction?

    Gordon replies: Our NATO and coalition allies are offering more troops, including the US who are offering 30,000 more and around 5000 from the non-US allies.

    English: Why don’t “we” start buying the Opium? There are several reasons why they should. It would establish peaceful trade with farmers (who can grow little else), it starves the Taliban of recruits and funds, it keeps heroin off our streets, it solves the world shortage in opium. The current “strategy” of burning farmers crops only strengthens the Taliban by supplying angry ex farmers.

    Gordon replies: The UN and most people looking at this oppose this policy as they believe farmers would simply multiply the amount of opium they produce.

    Harry: When the troops leave Afghanistan, what legacy would you ideally like to leave on the Afghani people and how reachable do you think this is? Also, in terms of percentage, what population of the Afghani people do you believe are truly behind what our troops are doing in Afghanistan?

    Gordon replies: A stable Afghanistan in which the army and police can deal with security and terrorism and where the people have a stake in their future.

    Sam Ornbo: How close are we to finding Osama Bin Laden?

    Gordon replies: Sam

    In the last year 8 of the leading figures in Al Qaeda have been killed.  Al Qaeda is being seriously disrupted by the actions in Afghanistan and in Pakistan.  At present we have no specific knowledge about Osama Bin Laden but we continue to hunt him down.

    James Kirkup – Daily Telegraph: Do you have any concerns about public support for the deployment? There’s clearly very strong sympathy for Armed Forces personnel, but does it worry you that a significant proportion of the electorate appear to want a quick or even immediate withdrawal? And could signs of public unease over the mission actually embolden the Taliban and persuade them that they can break Britain’s resolve to stay?

    Gordon replies: Morale in Afghanistan amongst our troops I found to be very high indeed.  They know they are doing an important job to defeat the Taleban to help security in the UK.  I believe that when people at home see why we are there – to defeat terrorism and see our strategy to train and partner Afghan forces so we can hand over security control, they understand that we have no intention of being an army of occupation, that the mission is vital and that our forces will stay until the job is done.  The soldiers I met are very proud to be playing their part.

    Mike Naylor: When will a Government Minister meet the bodies of brave service persomnnel when they are re-patriated?

    Gordon replies: Everything Ministers do is on the advice of our service chiefs and in accordance with the wishes of the families who have lost loved ones. I try to write to every family that has suffered these tragic losses. We do indeed owe everyone who has given their life for our country and their families our thanks and gratitude. Our forces are the best in the world.

    Thank you to everyone for taking the time to send in your questions.  I am sorry I’m unable to answer more but I hope you have found it useful.

    Gordon.

  • Gordon Brown – 2010 Letter to Medical Aid for Palestinians

    Gordon Brown – 2010 Letter to Medical Aid for Palestinians

    The letter sent by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, to Medical Aid for Palestinians on 1 January 2010.

    Dear Friends

    Your open letter to me of 27 December in The Observer was right to draw attention to the grave humanitarian situation in Gaza, one year after a conflict that cost over a thousand Palestinian lives and those of over ten Israelis.

    As I have made clear repeatedly to the Israeli government, it is unacceptable that Israel continues to prevent aid from reaching those who so badly need it in Gaza. EU Foreign Ministers reinforced our call for full humanitarian access earlier this month.

    Alongside diplomatic pressure, I pledge that the UK will remain in the forefront of the humanitarian effort. Following the offensive a year ago, we spent £20 million on humanitarian aid for the people of Gaza.

    And on 28 December, Douglas Alexander announced a total package of £53.5 million for Palestine, with a particular focus on Gaza – including £5 million of new funding for the United Nations’ work with Gazan refugees.

    While Hamas’ actions can be no justification for preventing aid reaching the people of Gaza, Hamas must remove the menace of rocket attacks against the people of southern Israel, and release Gilad Shalit.

    Ultimately, we can only give the people of Gaza real hope when genuine negotiations bring a lasting and just peace settlement. The parameters of such a potential agreement are clear. In the coming year, we must pursue still more vigorously a comprehensive peace based on secure and viable states of Israel and Palestine. For all of our futures, those who oppose justice and peace for the peoples of the region must not be allowed to prevail.

    Yours sincerely

    Gordon Brown

  • Gordon Brown – 2010 Comments on the 20th Anniversary of the Release of Nelson Mandela

    Gordon Brown – 2010 Comments on the 20th Anniversary of the Release of Nelson Mandela

    The comments made by Gordon Brown, the then Prime Minister, on 11 February 2010.

    Meeting Nelson Mandela for the first time was one of the proudest moments of my life. It felt a long way from my first engagement in his cause when I was Editor of my student newspaper and breaking a story about the University’s investments in apartheid South Africa. I didn’t know then that there would be a wave of campus occupations, and our University like so many others would be forced to disinvest, or that for the next 20 years as a student, a trade unionist, an MP and then a shadow minister I would remain involved in the campaign against this despicable racist regime.

    I don’t think any of us will ever forget where we were on the day Nelson Mandela was freed. The first President of a rainbow South Africa, Madiba spent his life after prison not to recrimination and revenge, but to healing a divided nation in the service of his people.

    His story reminds us that that there is no corner of the earth so far away, no injustice so entrenched, no enemy so powerful that people of good conscience cannot campaign for change and win. Five years ago, Nelson Mandela addressed a crowd in Trafalgar Square and thanked the people of Britain for their solidarity during his imprisonment. On your behalves, I would like to thank him in turn. Because today – on the twentieth anniversary of his release – it is his example that gives us the hope to struggle anew for the justice and freedom for all people to which he has dedicated his life.

  • Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Angola and the Responsibilities of Wealth

    Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Angola and the Responsibilities of Wealth

    The speech made by Peter Hain, the then Minister of State at the Foreign Office, on 6 July 2000.

    I was born in Africa, and grew up in Pretoria where my parents were first jailed, then banned, then forced into exile in London where I continued their struggle as a leader of the British Anti-Apartheid movement.

    And now my job as British Minister for Africa gives me again the chance to make a difference. I am determined to do so. Our goal is a proud, safe, democratic, prosperous Africa. A self-confident Africa in which the views and aspirations of all Africans can be clearly heard, and fully taken into account.

    I have been to Angola before, in 1995. As now, it was strangled by war. Images of Huambo stay in my mind: Limbless, starving people. Every shop, office, and house gutted. Hopelessness and despair on peoples’ faces. The misery of the displaced. Thirty-five years of fighting fuelled first by the Cold War ideological clash between communism and capitalism, then by the pure greed of oil versus diamonds.

    During that visit I met the Government in Luanda. Then I flew deep into the bush to Bailundo, to meet Jonas Savimbi. He promised he would honour the United Nations peace agreement he had signed in Lusaka. But at the same time as he lied to me, he was re-arming, and the war started all over again. And still there is no end: the Angolan people deserve so much better.

    I am particularly pleased that so many members of Angola’s civil society are here. We usually hear talk only of the Government, of UNITA, of the United Nations. But civil society as a whole – press, NGOs, the churches, trade unions – all have a vital, perhaps a central, role to play in Angola’s future.

    Angola has suffered from slavery, from colonisation, from the geo political rivalries of the Cold War. But the past cannot continue to be used as an excuse. Angolans cannot allow themselves to be trapped by their history. Angolans must take responsibility for their future.

    In the past, foreign interests in the USA, South Africa and Europe supported UNITA and Savimbi to prolong the war for their own interests. Today I can assure you that this is not true for Britain. I hope it is no longer true for any other country. Some foreign individuals do profit from war in Angola by buying blood diamonds from Savimbi and selling arms and fuel. But there is no reason why Angolans should allow these evil people to control your destiny. If Angolans can find a just peace, no outsider should come between them and a secure and prosperous future. Your economy could develop. Your roads and hospitals could be rebuilt. Your children could be educated. You could travel freely throughout your beautiful country.

    The rest of us would benefit too. Britain would spend less on humanitarian aid and save money on the UN. British businesses would have new opportunities for investment and trade. Angola would become a dynamic force for stability and progress in Southern Africa, instead of a dark threat to the peace and prosperity of its neighbours.

    SANCTIONS

    But for this vision to become a reality, the war has to end. What can you do? What can we do to bring peace closer? The British Government’s view is that there are two major issues to be addressed. I will describe them here:

    First, Savimbi’s power to wage war has to be blocked by sanctions, vigorously enforced. We want to stop him selling his diamonds and block his supplies of fuel and munitions, until he is forced to lay down his arms as he promised in the Lusaka Protocol in 1994.

    I have been in the forefront of the international efforts to make sanctions effective. For as long as the fighting continues the British Government will seek to tighten the sanctions against UNITA, to cut off the outward flow of diamonds and inward flow of arms and fuel that sustains the misery of the Angolan people. And we will continue to expose those involved, however high or low: from African Presidents, to European arms and diamond dealers, to African based air companies – whatever their nationality. Their dirty trade deserves international condemnation. It is also illegal, so each of these individuals should be tracked down, publicly exposed and prosecuted. The diamond dealer in Belgium receiving UNITA’s blood diamonds helps to landmine children. The arms company in Bulgaria or Ukraine helps Savimbi to kill and maim. The European or South African pilot is just as culpable. Without these guilty people, the war would be over.

    Savimbi has repeatedly broken the United Nations peace agreements he has signed. So how can we trust his word again? Could he change? Could he contribute to the search for peace? I very much doubt it. Attacking convoys taking food and shelter to the displaced, planting mines to maim those who try to raise a crop, mutilating and killing unarmed villagers – these are not the actions of a leader with a cause who wants a better Angola for his people. They are the actions of a bloodthirsty tyrant who wants personal power at all costs.

    But UNITA needs to be part of a political debate about the future of Angola. It needs to have a new policy for peace. It must lay down its arms and play an active part in a dialogue about Angola’s future. Britain is willing to help achieve this. Too much is at stake. UNITA represents an important constituency in the country, politically, rurally and ethnically. Its voice deserves to be heard – but through ballot box not through the barrel of a gun.

    The world will not tolerate any more of Savimbi’s lies and obstructions. UNITA must be part of a political process and it must naturally honour any commitments it makes. To end such a long and bitter war everyone has to compromise. It will take courage on all sides. Agreements must be honoured in full. And I promise this: Britain along with other European Union countries will back such an agreement. We will support the Angolan people in their right to peace, to live a decent life, to begin farming properly again, to begin rebuilding their shattered country.

    GOOD GOVERNANCE, DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS

    The second issue is good governance, democracy and human rights. These have to be made a reality for all Angolans so that they can peacefully share in Angola’s prosperity.

    There must be space for the exchange of ideas, which is fundamental to democracy. Having different ideas about the best way forward does not mean disloyalty to the state. But the debate is not just between the MPLA and UNITA. There are other political parties. As important, there is civil society.

    A strong, independent civil society is very important to sustain a healthy democracy. In every society there are groups of people who come together because of their profession, their beliefs, their interests, their ideals.

    These formal and informal groups – churches, trades unions, humanitarian societies, human rights groups and many more – are each entitled to have their voices heard when they argue for what their members believe in. The more they are seen to live up to their own ideals, the more likely they are to gain the support of their fellow citizens. Although political parties are vital in a healthy democracy, civil society groups help connect government to the people. Open debate is good for our democracies.

    Of course, those of us in Government do not enjoy being criticised. As a Minister I know only too well what it feels like to see my name in the press or hear it on the television followed by critical or ill-informed comment. But that criticism is one of the guarantors of our democracy. I urge the Government to be bold in recognising the same in Angola. In any democracy there will be protest marches. (I used to organise marches myself years ago against apartheid!). And it is a rare journalist who thinks that the Government has got it absolutely right. Open discussion in an open society: that is the way forward to success.

    I have condemned the broken promises and murderous activities of Jonas Savimbi. But I have also felt able to speak honestly to President dos Santos and his Ministers and advisers about the evils of corruption. Angola is rich country made poor by corruption and dishonesty. Her wealth must benefit all her people not just a few. The money from oil and diamonds must go to new hospitals, schools, universities and technical institutes. It must build new roads, bridges and railways. It must be used to lift ordinary Angolans out of poverty, fear and dependency. And used to ensure that they can develop both themselves and their country to their full potential.

    In five years time oil export revenues could be as much as eight billion US dollars (depending on oil prices) per annum. This compares with government expenditure in 1999 equivalent to around three billion US dollars.

    Ending corruption and making government accountable will boost international business confidence and create greater prosperity and jobs.

    Angola’s huge resources – its natural wealth and its people – must not be squandered on War. The Government’s recent offensive against UNITA has been more successful than many expected. But I do not believe that there is a purely military solution to this war. Angola has become a war economy. Huge riches from oil and diamonds are just being wasted away as lives are lost or brutalised and the country devastated almost beyond belief. We have to make a fresh start. And Britain is ready to help.

    Ending the war is not enough. We must rule out the chance of future wars. Angolans deserve open and transparent administration. No bribes. No favours. Just good, clean government. Angolans deserve to see their economy being transformed into an open market functioning within the rule of law and delivering benefits to all.

    I welcomed the news that the Government has agreed to an IMF Staff Monitored Programme. A vital first step. You need the IMF, we need the IMF. We all live in an interconnected world. I urge the Government to publish the programme soon so that civil society can play an active part in achieving its targets. The Government has demonstrated its commitment to working for economic reform. They can be justly proud of that. Let’s make it happen through open discussion and open policy making. That is the way to win popular support from the people. That is the way to increasing investor confidence and economic advancement for all.

    In the anti-apartheid struggle I remember campaigning alongside MPLA comrades during the 1960s and 1970s. In Government the MPLA made sacrifices to support the struggle of the African National Congress for freedom in South Africa. The MPLA has an honourable history as a liberation movement. It faced almost impossible odds when it took over a country ruined first by colonialists, and later by UNITA’s foreign-backed subversion, invasion and brutal war. Despite this the MPLA government managed to implement new and bold health and education policies from which so many Angolans benefited. But somewhere along the way, something went badly wrong.

    We must build a new future. And look at what the result could be. Not a country bled dry by war and poverty and corruption. But one of the great African states. You have the oil, the diamonds. You have the agricultural potential. Luanda could be as big in the international trading market as Pretoria, Lagos or Nairobi. It is long past time that you took your place with them.

    CONCLUSION

    I speak today as a friend of Angola. And it is the duty of a true friend to speak honestly. I am determined to make a difference. I care about Angola because when I see the future of peace, I see a country, which could be the breadbasket of Southern Africa, feeding not just its own people but many millions of others. I see a country of great beauty with a people of great ability and potential. I see a country of enormous wealth that could be a powerhouse in Africa. An African Lion that could help make Africa roar with success. Instead of an Angola of war and poverty and corruption, I have a vision of an Angola in which human rights, social justice, democracy and prosperity for all flourish.

    Let us pledge ourselves to realise that vision.

    Let us all join together – you, I, your African brothers and sisters, the international community – in a rising chorus demanding peace and a new beginning.

  • Keith Vaz – 2000 Speech on the Europeanisation of South East Europe

    Keith Vaz – 2000 Speech on the Europeanisation of South East Europe

    The speech made by Keith Vaz, the then Minister for Europe, on 7 July 2000.

    Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, good morning.

    This conference comes at a key moment for South East Europe. One year after the Kosovo crisis democracy is spreading throughout the region. People have exercised their right to vote in free and fair elections in Croatia, many parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Montenegro. There will be elections this autumn in Kosovo, Albania and Bosnia and we hope that Serbian local elections and FRY state-level elections later this year will allow democracy to flourish there too.

    We want to see a new EU Balkan agenda to encourage this trend, one which will show the practical benefits of living up to European standards and ideals which will strengthen support amongst ordinary people in the region for what Chris Patten has described as the road to Europe. As President Clinton said during his visit to Europe in June, our goal must be to de-Balkanise the Balkans. Relations with the European Union are already growing stronger.

    EU ENLARGEMENT

    Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Slovenia are negotiating to join the European Union. Macedonia and Croatia are well on the way to EU Stabilisation and Association Agreements. The European Union has set a clear path for Albania and Bosnia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is also eligible once they meet the European Union’s conditions.

    The prospect of closer EU relations and eventually EU membership is an important incentive for change. We welcome the growing evidence of commitments to European ideals and standards and to genuine intra-regional co-operation and I look forward to the summit hosted by the French Presidency in Croatia this autumn, which will be an opportunity to reinforce that message. The Stability Pact is reinforcing this process of Europeanisation, encouraging the countries of South East Europe to work together for shared goals. It has provided 2.4 billion euros for a variety of projects starting in the next twelve months. Britain has particularly supported the pact’s investment compact of which several of you must have attended yesterday’s meeting.

    OVERCOMING LEGACIES OF THE PAST

    Nevertheless there are significant challenges ahead for the region, including for Serbia. The West can and should help, but the real work has to be done by the people of South East Europe themselves. Overcoming the legacy of nationalism, extremism and war is a huge task, but South Africa, Northern Ireland and the Middle East show how old enemies can set aside their quarrels and work together for everyone’s benefit. France and Germany were at war for much of the first half of the last century, yet a common European destiny has made them and the rest of Western Europe firm allies and friends.

    Constructive leadership is crucial. Look at the example of Croatia. The Croatian Government and people have witnessed a dramatic turnaround in their relationship with Europe since the beginning of the year. The same path, the same opportunities, are open to the people of Serbia, but not while they are held back from their rightful place in the European family by a selfish corrupt regime whose leaders refuse to be held responsible for their past actions. Milosevic has presided over the ruin of his country. The cost of Milosevic may have been as much as a hundred billion dollars, the difference between actual national income since 1991 and what that income might have been if Serbia too had embraced economic and democratic reform. Only when Milosevic has gone to The Hague can Serbia’s reconstruction begin in earnest and there should be no doubt of our willingness to help when that happens.

    TRADE AND INVESTMENT

    I hope the conference today will build links between us and the region in the areas where the European Union can really make a difference. Trade and investment, it is time for the EU to be bold, imaginative and generous. We should open its markets to South East Europe’s products and South Eastern Europe in return needs to attract investors by creating a favourable climate for investment. That is why I am so delighted to see here today so many leading members of the private sector. The private sector’s involvement of the reconstruction of the Balkans is absolutely crucial. We shall hear more from Sir David Wright on this point later. Secondly, civil society, people to people links between NGO’s, universities, towns, cities and other civic groups will help spread awareness of Europe.

    The Lisbon Economic Council highlighted the importance of the information society for the EU. We want South East Europe too to exploit the opportunities of e-commerce and the Internet in increasing economic growth, breaking down ethnic barriers and facilitating freedom of information.

    CONCLUSION

    Finally, the European Union has committed over fifteen billion euros to South East Europe over the last decade, but Europeanisation is not just about a transfer of resources, but a transfer of vision, including the people of this corner of our continent and in our common European destiny. The European Union has just such a vision for the people of Central Europe and over the last decade tremendous change has already happened there. I hope for the same for South East Europe. Following this seminar we shall be establishing a UK-Balkans Task Force to build on what we have achieved here and to monitor progress. I shall be calling on some of you to take part in that Task Force.

  • Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Corruption in South Africa

    Peter Hain – 2000 Speech on Corruption in South Africa

    The speech made by Peter Hain, the then Minister of State at the Foreign Office, at the Royal Institute of International Affairs on 10 July 2000.

    Can I begin by congratulating Transparency International on its role as a scourge of corruption and bad governance, and for organising this important conference.

    Corruption is of course not unique to Southern Africa: it happens the world over and always has done. But the African continent has a particularly bad dose of it. And whereas in the past this was accepted as a fact of life – one of the legacies of colonialism and economic exploitation from which Africa has suffered so badly – today it can no longer be tolerated.

    This is not simply a moral imperative. The new factor is globalisation. Modern communications mean it is less easy to cover up. And whereas foreign investors have happily colluded with corrupt governments or public officials through the ages, today’s global investors have less interest to do so. Modern capital is so mobile it prefers to invest where corruption does not take a slice of profits. It is also much more at risk of exposure in today’s transparent and highly competitive environment.

    In Southern Africa today destabilising civil conflicts such as in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo have hit the region as a whole. HIV/AIDS threatens to wipe out large swathes of Southern Africa’s productive population. Drought – and more recently flooding in Mozambique and neighbouring countries – has devastated the agricultural output of the region and diverted scarce resources away from productive activities to rebuilding infrastructure and rural communities.

    These serious problems have been hugely debilitating and contributed equally hugely to Africa’s main problem: poverty. But, resolving conflicts, and eradicating poverty is badly hampered by corruption. Sustained poverty in Southern Africa is partly due to failure of governments and corruption is a central feature of this failure.

    REDUCING POVERTY THROUGH INVESTMENT

    The British government is committed to halving the proportion of people living in extreme poverty by 2015. But ultimately poverty reduction requires sustained economic growth and a key element in this is attracting foreign investment. Foreign investment delivers clear benefits: the transfer of capital and resources (including skills and know-how), new jobs, and a boost to the rest of the economy. Some African countries, such as South Africa, Botswana and Mauritius have been relatively successful in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).

    Yet Sub-Saharan Africa receives only 0.4 per cent of global FDI. And that figure is falling. Greater investment flows will only be possible if the investment climate improves, raising business confidence.

    The reasons given by businesses for not investing in Africa vary, but corruption is almost always on the list. It is difficult to quantify, although in Eastern Europe this is an extra 10 per cent tax on business according to the World Bank and EBRD. Just as important as the financial cost is that doing business is much more complex and confusing in a corrupt country. Many foreign investors will simply walk away if the environment is too difficult. Globalisation gives them plenty of alternatives.

    THE IMPACT OF CORRUPTION

    Corruption is the abuse of a position for private gain. We can draw a distinction between petty corruption and what George Moody Stuart calls ‘grand corruption’. Clearly it is right to start tackling the problem at the top with the big fish. But ultimately the aim must be to change cultures where petty corruption is viewed as normal. The causes of corruption are complex. Certain economic policies can inadvertently promote corruption. Foreign exchange or import controls often encourage corruption. There are obvious risks attached to uncontrolled deregulation as well. Too much economic power in the hands of political elites is undesirable. Africa’s leaders must shoulder some of the responsibility; Western Governments must hold their hands up and accept their share of the blame too.

    The consequences are widespread. When the law is for sale, why obey it? If your political leaders are only interested in enriching themselves, why respect them? If an official demands a bribe to perform the simplest service, why bother? The insidious result is a society whose members do not trust its institutions or even each other. Individuals and groups therefore act regardless of the consequences for others. The rule of law and with it any sense of a coherent society breaks down.

    If government decisions can be influenced by illegal or improper means, they are unlikely to be good ones. Hospitals or roads may be built in the wrong place; incompetent contractors may be given contracts which they never complete; friends and family members end up running businesses into the ground. In brief, corrupt governments do not do their job as well as honest ones.

    In the last few years – pushed and prodded by organisations such as Transparency International – we have all come to realise that corruption (and good governance in general) is not an optional extra. Without tackling corruption, the task of encouraging sustainable economic growth in Southern Africa is impossible. So what can be done?

    COMBATING CORRUPTION

    All Southern African countries should develop their own national strategies to promote good governance and eradicate corruption. Only if there is an internal drive led from the top is an anti-corruption initiative likely to be successful. Without it, no amount of help from outside experts will secure the demonstrable change necessary. There is no one model. But any strategy should include all the key players in society, public and private sectors, NGOs, civil society, political parties, foreign investors, religious leaders and financial institutions.

    Some African countries have taken the first step towards such a strategy by agreeing the Global Coalition for Africa’s Anti-Corruption Principles. I hope that other African countries sign up to these and that they can form the basis for a coherent set of national strategies. Excellent work is being done by the World Bank Institute in seven African countries to develop national anti-corruption strategies. The Institute’s approach of trying to work with a wide range of interests in each country is commendable and I understand that our Department for International Development is looking at ways to build on this work.

    Signing up to the international instruments is, while a welcome first step, is not enough. A corruption free environment must be supported by the enforcement of national laws against corruption. Those laws need to have real teeth. There will be genuine public support if serious and high level corruption is tackled vigorously.

    It is by no means an easy task, but real progress is possible, as a number of African countries have shown, for example Kenya.

    In July 1999, after years of criticism from both inside and outside the country, and a steadily declining economy, President Moi announced an Economic Recovery Strategy designed to root out corruption and inefficiency in the civil service. The Strategy included the establishment of a Change Team headed by Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Civil Service, Richard Leakey. The Team has implemented wide-ranging economic management and governance reforms. These have included:

    • the establishment of an autonomous Kenya anti-corruption authority (KACA). It is now fully operational, with 50 staff and has received 800 complaints to date;
    • dismissals and prosecution of corrupt officials, including one serving and one past Permanent Secretary;
    • key public agencies have been reorganised and management changed in response to complaints and investigation about corruption e.g. a Nairobi City Council oversight Board has been established. Top officials in the Ministry of Land have been replaced and past decisions on land disposal are being reviewed. Top managers of the ports, Kenya Coffee Board, Kenya Tea development Authority and Central Tender Board have been replaced;
    • there has been high profile naming of alleged corrupt officials in the Parliamentary Select Committee report on Anti-Corruption;
    • Cabinet approval has been given to a new public service code of conduct and declaration of assets bill;
    • There is a commitment to introduce a new Anti-Corruption and Economic Crimes Bill which substantially enhances the prosecution and investigation powers of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Authority, strengthens its preventive and advisory functions and establishes a corruption court and a Parliamentary Ethics and Integrity Committee. The statute of limitations (currently 3 years) will be abolished for serious fraud, embezzlement and corruption;
    • civil service reform (rightsizing, pay reform, improved management and performance appraisal);
    • procurement reform: restructuring of the tendering and procurement system and revamping of the Central Tender Board including the establishment of an appeals board and quarterly reporting of activities including bids received and acted upon. Development of new legislation to amend current procurement regulations and the establishment of a new independent Public Procurement Agency.

    These tough measures have already brought benefits to Kenya. As a direct result, the IMF/World Bank have resumed negotiations with the Government of Kenya for a Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) – the previous ESAF having lapsed in 1997 because of governance concerns.

    Although there is a long way to go, and there is obstruction by vested interests, including some Kenyan Ministers, the country has made a start and President Moi and his team deserve to be both congratulated and supported for this.

    BRITIAN’S ROLE IN FIGHTING INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION

    Meanwhile we are looking at ourselves. Britain is in the process of reviewing the UK’s laws on corruption, and last month, the Home Office issued a discussion paper. Partly this is to ensure we meet the highest international standards, but primarily it is to ensure that we are effective in deterring British citizens from involvement in corrupt practices wherever they take place.

    We are playing a leading role internationally to promote greater efforts by all countries to stamp out corrupt practices. We strongly support the OECD’s Convention on Combating Bribery and urge all countries to sign up to it. We are also exploring with our G8 partners what else we might do to drive this work forward. Corruption will be one of the subjects discussed at the G8 Summit in Okinawa next week.

    Our Secretary of State for International Development, Clare Short, has made quite clear that tackling corruption is a very high priority for UK development assistance. Practical help for tackling corruption is now a major part of her Department’s (DFID’s) strategy in Africa and elsewhere, as indicated by their support for this event.

    Britain is a leading player within the G8 and the EU in tackling corruption and illegal diamond trade that is fuelling Angolan War. I have just returned from Angola where I pressed the Government of Angola to encourage more transparency and accountability within its budgetary process. We are also working with them to ensure that the proceeds of the legal diamond trade and oil exports are not diverted elsewhere and are channelled directly to benefit the Angolan people, not just individuals within the country. And of course, we are working with the Government of Sierra Leone to try to stop the proceeds of diamond sales financing the rebel military campaign.

    I should say that African diamonds are not synonymous with conflict. Just look at what Botswana, the world’s leading diamond producer, has achieved in using its diamond wealth to promote development. With growth of 9 per cent, it is one of the fastest growing economies in the world. What is the secret of Botswana’s success? Good governance, transparency and an uncompromising approach to corruption.

    A GLOBAL ISSUE

    Corruption is a global issue. Corruption in Southern Africa often involves participation by foreign entities, including major corporations and individuals seeking contracts and business opportunities. The UK accepts its responsibility for trying to ensure that UK nationals are discouraged from corrupt practices and we will change our legislation to be more effective in doing so. Most of our European and OECD partners do the same. All should.

    The UK is working with its partners in the IMF, World Bank and other multilateral and bilateral aid agencies to encourage them to use their influence to promote anti-corruption systems in the countries where they are working, particularly in Southern Africa. It is important that clear guidelines for promoting good governance, such as those developed by the IMF in 1998, are replicated by all organisations, including NGOs, procurement agents and other service delivery participants. Country assistance programmes and strategies should take into account and promote anti-corruption strategies at the national level. Particular attention should be paid to the level of transparency and accountability in government decision-making. There are a number of international initiatives to tackle corruption. Apart from the OECD’s Bribery Convention, there are also the Council of Europe’s Criminal and Civil Law Conventions on Corruption covering active and passive bribery of domestic and foreign public and private sector officials, including judges and members of public assemblies. I hope that Southern African countries will consider introducing similar provisions in their own legislation which explicitly criminalise corruption. Britain is willing to help.

    The Commonwealth Framework sets out some clear principles to address governance and corruption in member countries. Commonwealth Heads of Government signed up to the Framework at the Durban Summit last year. A proposed ‘code of conduct’, which could apply equally to government ministers and civil servants as well as parastatal companies and their employees, is particularly worthy of implementation. The code of conduct needs to be legally enforceable, with appropriate and robust sanctions for breaches of the code.

    The profits from corruption can be huge. But if they are to be safe, they need to be laundered and then hidden away out of reach of the domestic authorities. A key element in fighting corruption is therefore to be able to trace and seize the proceeds both to reimburse the country and to reduce the financial incentive.

    Britain has played a leading role in international efforts to tackle large-scale money laundering, whether linked to corruption or other crimes. We are supporting the Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG), established last year to strengthen legislation and regional cooperation to tackle money laundering.

    CONCLUSION

    The key role of corruption has been ignored for too long. For those of us who love Africa, it is painful to imagine what might have been achieved over the last thirty years without corruption. Honest governments working for the benefit of their people could have brought great prosperity to that continent. Instead, corrupt, selfish regimes have blocked their people from finding their way out of poverty and misery.

    But Africa can still turn itself around. If it can tackle the central problems of governance, then globalisation offers unlimited scope for attracting investment and beginning the process of catching up with the Asian Tiger economies and establishing its own successful Lion economies. The global growth in information and communication technologies will force governments to become more transparent, helping cut out corruption. As we have seen in the last two months in Zimbabwe, growing use of the internet by the Opposition MDC has helped lead to a more open, inclusive society, with stronger institutions, and a greater voice for civil society. IT can improve information flows to foreign investors. New technology (for example mobile telephones and solar panels) may provide ways round traditional obstacles to growth. African governments must look to these new ways of doing business if their development plans are to succeed.

    For, while the rest of the world has been getting richer, Africa has got poorer. We must build a new partnership between African Governments, bilateral partners and international financial institutions to find solutions for Africa’s economic problems and give the people of Africa the chance for success.

  • Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the Commission for Africa Meeting

    Gordon Brown – 2004 Speech at the Commission for Africa Meeting

    The speech made by Gordon Brown, the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Cape Town, South Africa on 17 January 2005.

    Let me thank the seven Members of the Commission for Africa for joining us today. The 17 Finance Ministers. Representatives from the African Union, NEPAD, the African Development Bank and from the Africa Commission meeting in Addis Ababa a few months ago.

    And let me say first of all what a privilege it is to be here in South Africa as the guest of Trevor Manuel, the success of whose nine years as Finance Minister is admired and respected not only throughout this continent but in every continent.

    I am here to listen rather than just talk.
    Not to lecture but to learn and to take advice.
    Not to prescribe or to preach but to support and sustain your efforts.
    And to back you in this continent ripe for progress at this moment of opportunity so that the Commission for Africa underpins and provides resources for your plans, your New Economic Programme for African Development, your African Union decisions and your country by country economic programmes and reforms.

    And let me start by saying what I have already learned from you and from the struggles, the sacrifices and the achievements of this great country – South Africa. That if anyone ever thinks our shared vision of globalisation as social justice on a global scale can be dismissed as the thoughts of unrealistic dreamers let them come here to South Africa: yesterday an apartheid nation, today a multiracial nation, demonstrating to the world that no injustice can last for ever.

    And if anyone thinks we are powerless and doubts the power and moral force of us coming together as one let them recall the historic and inspirational words of the South African constitution:

    – that the world belongs to all who live in it;
    – that it is our duty to heal the divisions of the past, our obligation to honour all those who have suffered for justice and freedom, our mission to free the potential of every community and every person;
    – and today this summons us to support not just constitutional rights but economic empowerment. Formal equality before the law supplemented by the achievement of equal opportunity in fact.

    And everywhere I have travelled I have seen not only the potential and promise of Africa but also the yearning that the political and constitutional rights now be matched by economic and social rights and opportunities: as stated in the Millennium Development Goals, by 2015 the right of every child to go to school, the right of every child and every mother to have decent health care, the right of each and every individual to make the most of their talents.

    And I have heard the pleas of young children too poor to pay schools fees but desperate to stay on at schools; the ambition of mothers wanting sons and daughters to be nurses, doctors, engineers, teachers; and I have been moved to action by the young sister of an AIDS victim Paulo desperate to train as a doctor to help her brother and hundreds of others.

    But the Commission for Africa is founded on the realisation that, at best on present progress in Sub Saharan Africa:

    – primary education for all will be delivered not as the Millennium Development Goals solemnly promised in 2015 but 2130 – that is 115 years late;
    – the halving of poverty not as the richest countries promised by 2015 but by 2150 – that is 135 years late;
    – and the elimination of avoidable infant deaths not as we the richest nations promised by 2015 but by 2165 – that is 150 years late.

    Africans know that it is often necessary to be patient but the whole world should now know that 150 years is too long to ask peoples to wait for justice.

    And when we know the scale of suffering that has to be addressed, the problem I identify is not that the millennium promise was wrong, the ambition too great, the pledge unrealistic, the commitments unnecessary, or the needs of Africa now any less but that the global resolution required from all the nations of the world has not yet been strong enough to honour, fulfil and deliver the promises made.

    And I believe that the evidence we have received to the Commission for Africa shows us in the starkest terms that justice promised will forever be justice denied until we remove from this generation the burden of debts incurred by past generations.

    Justice promised will forever be justice denied unless we remove trade barriers that undermined economic empowerment.

    Justice promised will forever be justice denied unless underpinning Africa’s plan – underpinning NEPAD, the African Union and each country’s plan – there is a plan for Africa as bold as the Marshall Plan of the 1940s, releasing the resources we need to match reform and transparency with finance to tackle illiteracy, disease and poverty.

    So first let the Commission for Africa become the world’s vehicle by which we agree to the requests I have heard from all over Africa and finally, once and for all, write off the historic but unpayable debts of the past for the poorest countries and end an injustice that has lasted far too long. 80 per cent of Africa’s external debts are now owed to the international institutions and I have talked with Commissioners and Finance Ministers about detailed proposals to use IMF gold to write off debt; to ask World Bank shareholders to take over the debts owed by 70 of the poorest countries to them; and from today, signing long term agreements already with Tanzania, Mozambique and then with other countries, we – Britain – have announced from now until 2015 we will take responsibility for our share of the World Bank debts.

    Second, from my consultations so far, there is a call for the Commission for Africa to have as its economic theme economic empowerment. I recognise that solutions cannot be translated from one continent to another or indeed from one country within one continent to another. Development cannot be imposed from outside or even from above but must take root and be owned from the ground up. And I recall the words of Robert Kennedy here in South Africa that we do not develop in exactly the same way, that each nation will march to the beat of different drummers, that solutions can neither be dictated nor transplanted to others.

    So we must empower countries to sequence their own trade reform to the needs of their own development. And that is why the Commission for Africa should see its task as to back and resource your New Economic Plan for Africa with its peer review process – the biggest and most comprehensive continent wide programme of economic reform. And that is why I know the Commission for Africa sees is task as mobilising the support of the richest countries for the programmes of NEPAD, the African Union and for your country by country programmes.

    Let the Commission for Africa also be the first official report to call for, and deliver, a lasting deep seated trade justice that would mean not only that Europe and the richest countries be honest about and address the scale of the waste and scandal of agricultural protectionism, unfair Rules of Origin and Economic Partnership Agreements but – as I have heard from every African President, Prime Minister, Finance Minister and Trade Minister I have met – to address infrastructure needs – transport, power, water, telecommunications and then technical and vocational skills – to build capacity from legal and financial systems and to root out corruption — and for this we should provide the resources that will enable developing countries to participate successfully in the international economy.

    So we support the proposals in the Commission for Africa report on infrastructure:

    – a fund to support infrastructure priorities;
    – loan finance for small and medium sized businesses and for micro-credit;
    – a science and technology and tertiary education plan;
    – and a plan for rural development, irrigation, research, encouragement of local markets, land reform and environmental improvement.

    And all of us will benefit from the approach we share – that economic empowerment is founded not just on the capacity to take advantage of trading opportunities but on the encouragement of private investment, entrepreneurship. And – as promoted by NGOs and business organisations – we must all, rich and poor countries alike, be fully transparent in our dealings, address corruption, be truly accountable, show where the money goes. And the way to achieve this is for all of us rich and poor alike to put transparency and the best governance into practice by all of us opening our books.

    Third, from the voices I have heard there has also been a clear demand that the Commission for Africa today challenge the rich countries to recognise that when the Marshall Plan transferred 1 per cent of richest country’s national income to the poorest, our proposal is for each of the richest countries to reach 0.7 per cent of national income in long-term and predictable aid for investment. And our proposal is that in place of declining aid levels for Africa – from 33 dollars per person to 27 dollars per person – we create now, this year and urgently on the road to 0.7 per cent an International Finance Facility that each year from 2005 to 2015 generates $50 billion of resources – the quickest most effective way of guaranteeing long-term, stable, predictable funding.

    To double aid to halve poverty.

    $10 billion more a year to fund primary education free of charge to ensure the 105 million children today and every day denied schooling can learn with classrooms, teachers and books.

    $20 billion more a year because with this money we have it in our power to provide health services and treatments to eliminate in our generation malaria and TB and help the 25 million people suffering from HIV/AIDS and the 11 million AIDS orphans languishing in this continent.

    And money not only to fund the war on poverty but to build infrastructure that will ensure self sustaining growth.

    Fifty years ago a British politician came to Africa and talked of the winds of change blowing across Africa. I accept that until new political and constitutional rights are matched by new economic and social opportunities, and until we address unfulfilled promises, it is not the freshness of strong winds blowing but it is the heat of a climate of injustice burning deep into our souls. And the importance of the International Finance Facility is that it is about action to right wrongs this year, now, urgently. No longer evading, no longer procrastinating, no more excuses, not an idea that will take years to implement but one which can move forward immediately.

    In another time and in another continent in the life and journey of Martin Luther King was his growing recognition that the achievements of civil rights could not be real without the achievement of economic and social rights.

    The US constitution he said was a promissory note but it had yet to be honoured.

    He said that the cheque offering justice had been returned with ‘insufficient funds’ written on it. But he also said, ‘We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation’, and that the time had come for ‘the riches of freedom and the security of justice’.

    I go from here tomorrow to meet 25 European Union Finance Ministers and take our proposals to them; and I will meet the Finance Ministers of the United States and Canada and seek support so that, this year, a once in a generation opportunity for change becomes a year of delivery.

    When people say what we propose is too ambitious, unrealistic, a distant and utopian dream let the commission for Africa remind the doubters:

    – they first dismissed civil rights as the work of dreamers;
    – they first wrote off the Marshall Plan as a distant utopia;
    – they first ridiculed debt write off of debt as economically illiterate and impossible;
    – and let us also remember here in Cape Town they first said those who fought again apartheid here in South Africa were violating rights when we all know they were righting wrongs.

    And let us be inspired to action by the African vision of community – ‘ubuntu’ – not only that my humanity is inextricably bound up with yours but that the humanity of each of us comes into its own in a community of all of us.

    And so let us tell the world about our shared vision of globalisation in 2015.
    Founded on the empowering idea of the dignity of each individual.
    Globalisation not as insecurity for all.
    Globalisation not as two permanent classes of victims – rich and poor – but globalisation as social justice on a global scale.

    One moral universe where we feel, however distantly, the pain of others; where each of us show by our actions we believe in something bigger than ourselves; and where whatever your background, race or birth we are – as a young AIDS victims told me last week – neighbours not strangers, each of us brothers and sisters together.

    One moral universe where progress is not just one individual or even just one or two countries doing well but all of us advancing together and where by the strong helping the weak it makes us all stronger.