The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 7 September 2025.
I’m appalled by the latest brutal overnight assault on Kyiv and across Ukraine, which killed civilians and hit infrastructure. For the first time, the heart of Ukraine’s civilian government was damaged.
These cowardly strikes show that Putin believes he can act with impunity. He is not serious about peace.
Now, more than ever, we must stand firm in our support for Ukraine and its sovereignty.
The speech made by Calum Miller, the Liberal Democrat Foreign Affairs spokesperson, in the House of Commons on 1 September 2025.
I thank the Foreign Secretary for advance sight of his statement. I welcome the robust approach of the E3 in initiating the snapback mechanism in response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions and programme, which are in breach of its undertakings.
The Foreign Secretary’s statement on 21 July shocked this House, and we had a long debate about the situation in Gaza, yet the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza and the west bank has deteriorated even further since then, as he has acknowledged. We have seen hundreds more Palestinians killed while seeking aid; famine declared in the strip; a chronic lack of medical supplies, attested to by UK medics volunteering in Nasser hospital; the start of IDF operations in Gaza City; and the images of emaciated hostages still held in brutal captivity by Hamas terrorists.
The human suffering is indeed beyond comprehension, yet the extremists are indifferent. Hamas terrorists publish videos intended to torment the families of hostages. Cabinet members Ben-Gvir and Smotrich advocate for the forced displacement of Palestinians. In Israel, the Hostages and Missing Families Forum and Opposition parties call for an end to the violence. In the UK, our constituents are desperate for the same. The bloodshed can be stopped only by decisive actions—actions that I regret the Government have so far failed to take.
The Prime Minister was wrong in principle to condition the recognition of Palestine on the actions of the Netanyahu Government, and wrong in practice, as he has been ignored. Will the Foreign Secretary confirm today that the UK will recognise Palestine later this month at the UN? The Government must learn a lesson and now apply relentless pressure on the Netanyahu Government, so the Liberal Democrats call today on the Foreign Secretary to finally sanction Prime Minister Netanyahu for expanding his military campaign and pursuing the illegal expansion of the E1 settlements, and to take the steps necessary to ban the export of all UK arms to Israel, including F-35 components. Will he also make representations to the Qatari Government to demand that they exile Hamas from their political headquarters unless they agree to the release of all the hostages immediately and unconditionally?
The Foreign Secretary bemoans that words are not enough to alleviate the suffering. He acknowledges that the Government have failed to move the combatants, yet there is one man who could unlock progress. Donald Trump has the power to secure peace in Gaza, if he chose to, by picking up the phone to Netanyahu. Will the Foreign Secretary tell the House how he will use his special relationship with Vice President Vance to help secure that goal, and will the Government commit to making a ceasefire in Gaza a priority during President Trump’s state visit?
Mr Lammy
I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for his remarks, particularly on Iran. He is absolutely right to place at the centre the 15,000 people who have been injured in Gaza while simply seeking aid, and the more than 2,000 who have died seeking aid. It is totally unacceptable, and he is right to remind the House about the position of the hostage families, who are crystal clear that they do not want to see further military endeavour and operation in Gaza City. What they want is a ceasefire, and they fear that further military endeavour will actually harm their loved ones further, not succeed in bringing them home.
The hon. Gentleman criticises our position on recognition. I ask him to reflect on that, because it must be right that the Government continue to give diplomacy an opportunity as we head to the UN alongside other partners. Surely he would want us to be working with our French, Australian and Canadian partners as we head to that gathering at UNGA, and surely he would want to see the Israelis commit to a ceasefire, commit to a process and end the war. All of that is what we are seeking to do as we make an assessment of where we have got to in the coming weeks. I reassure him that of course I raise the issue of Gaza with all levels of the US Administration. I did raise the situation in Gaza with Vice President Vance earlier in the summer and with Secretary of State Rubio, and I have spoken to envoy Steve Witkoff in the last 24 hours to get an update on this fast-moving situation. Direct sales of F-35s to Israel are banned, and the hon. Gentleman knows that we ban arms that could go to the IDF for use in Gaza.
The speech made by Emily Thornberry, the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, in the House of Commons on 1 September 2025.
I read with alarm yesterday’s report in The Washington Post detailing a plan for the future of Gaza that is circulating among the Trump Administration. They call it the “GREAT” plan. It proposes the total transformation of Gaza into a tourist region—a high-tech hub under temporary US administration. What is going to happen to the Gazans? Well, 2 million of them will be temporarily relocated to other countries, including Somaliland and South Sudan. Forced population transfer is contrary to, and a complete violation of, international humanitarian law.
Serious thought must be given to the day after for Gaza, and my Committee recommended as much in our report that was published in July, but this unserious, illegal and deeply dystopian plan cannot be the sum of that thinking. What are the Government doing to dissuade Donald Trump from following this path? What, alongside regional and European allies, are we doing to put forward a serious plan for a peaceful future in Israel, Gaza and the west bank that is ready for the day after this terrible war finally comes to an end?
Mr Lammy
I am very grateful to my right hon. Friend —my dear friend—for her remarks, and I commend the work of her Committee on the day after and the thoroughness of approach that is required. I have read the reports, but it is speculative stuff that I have seen in different news articles; it is not a comprehensive approach. In my discussions with the US system, I have seen nothing confirmed along the lines of what she said. The day after requires the removal of Hamas; it cannot be about the further displacement of the Gazan people. It is going to require a degree of finance and stability, which I think will require other states, particularly Arab partners. They would set themselves against the sorts of reports I have seen in the papers.
The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, in the House of Commons on 1 September 2025.
With permission, Madam Deputy Speaker, I shall make a statement on the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Iran.
In Gaza, the situation on the ground is unimaginably bleak. Horrifying images and accounts will be seared into the minds of colleagues across this House. They are almost impossible to put into words, but we can and must be precise with our language, because on 22 August the United Nations-backed IPC mechanism confirmed what we are witnessing: famine—famine in Gaza city; famine in its surrounding neighbourhoods now spreading across the wider territory; famine which, if unchecked, will spiral into widespread starvation.
This was foreseen: it is the terrible conclusion of the obstacles we have warned about for over six months. Since 1 July, over 300 people have died from malnutrition, including 119 children. More than 132,000 children under the age of five are at risk of dying from hunger by June next year. This is not a natural disaster; it is a man-made famine in the 21st century, and I am outraged by the Israeli Government’s refusal to allow in sufficient aid. We need a massive humanitarian response to prevent more deaths, crucial non-governmental organisations, humanitarians and health workers to be allowed to operate, and stockpiles of aid on Gaza’s borders to be released. In the past three months, more than 2,000 Gazans have been killed trying to feed their families, and Hamas themselves are exploiting the chaos and deliberately starving Israeli hostages for abhorrent political purposes.
I know that these words of condemnation, echoed across legislatures all over the world, are not enough, but be in no doubt: we have acted as a country where we can. We restored funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. We suspended arms exports that could be used in Gaza. We signed a landmark agreement with the Palestinian Authority. We stood up for the independence of international courts. We have delivered three sanctions packages on violent settlers and far-right Israeli Ministers for incitement. We have suspended trade negotiations with the Israeli Government. We are at the forefront of the international community’s work to plan for a stable, post-conflict peace. We have now provided more than £250 million in development assistance over the past two years.
Today, we are going further. I can announce an additional £15 million of aid and medical care for Gaza and the region. We continue to work alongside regional partners, including Egypt and Jordan, to enable the United Nations and non-governmental organisations to ensure that aid reaches those most in need. Brave medics in Gaza tell us that essential medicines are running out and they cannot operate safely. That is why we are funding UK-Med, whose field hospitals have treated more than 600,000 Gazans. It is also why we are funding the World Health Organisation in Egypt to treat thousands of evacuated Gazan people.
Meanwhile, as my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary said earlier, we are working with the World Health Organisation to get critically ill and injured children into the UK, where they will receive specialist NHS treatment. The first patients are expected to arrive in the UK in the coming weeks. Extracting people from a war zone is, of course, complex and dangerous, and it relies entirely on Israeli permissions. I am pressing the Israeli Government for that to happen as quickly as possible. We are also supporting brilliant students granted Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office Chevening scholarships and other scholarships to escape Gaza, so that they can take up their places for the coming academic year.
I recognise that those things only touch the edges of this catastrophe. We all know that there is only one way out: an immediate ceasefire that would see the unconditional release by Hamas of all hostages and a transformation in the delivery of aid. We know it, our US and European allies know it, and our Gulf partners know it, too. I am working night and day with them to deliver a ceasefire and a wider political process to deliver long-term peace. To make a ceasefire last, we need a monitoring mechanism, the disarmament of Hamas and a new governance framework for Gaza. That is the focus of our intense diplomacy in the region.
In contrast, further military operations in Gaza City will only prolong and deepen the crisis. Together with our partners, we demand an immediate halt to the operation. Each week brings new horrors. Last week’s double strike on Nasser hospital—one of Gaza’s last remaining major health facilities—killed 20 people, including five journalists. I remind Israel once again that international law requires the protection of healthcare workers, journalists and civilians. These actions will not end the war, and they will not bring the hostages home, let alone make them safer, as hostage families have recognised. Such actions will sow despair and anger across the region for generations.
In the west bank, the Israeli Government are tightening their stranglehold on the Palestinian economy and continue to approve illegal settlement construction, including just recently in the E1 area east of Jerusalem. That would erect a physical barrier to the contiguous Palestinian state, and it must not happen.
In July, I described before the UN General Assembly our intention to recognise the state of Palestine later this month, unless the Israeli Government take substantive steps to end the appalling situation in Gaza and commit to a long-term sustainable peace. That commitment responds to the current crisis, but stems from our historic responsibility to the region’s security, reaching back over a century to the Balfour declaration. As I said last month in New York, I am deeply proud that it was a British Foreign Secretary who helped establish a homeland for the Jewish people, but the same declaration promised that
“nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights”
of the Palestinian people. Those rights are more under threat than at any point in the past century.
To those who say recognition rewards Hamas or threatens Israeli security, it does neither. Recognition is rooted in the principle of a two-state solution, which Hamas rejects. We have been clear that any Palestinian state should be demilitarised. Indeed, President Abbas has confirmed that in writing. We see no contradiction between the two-state solution and our deep commitment to Israeli security, because security comes from stable borders, not indefinite occupation.
Before I finish, I would also like to update the House on Iran. On 28 August, the UK, along with France and Germany, triggered the snapback mechanism under UN Security Council resolution 2231. That means that if no new agreement is reached within 30 days, the sanctions that were lifted under the Iran nuclear deal—the joint comprehensive plan of action—will come back into force. Those wide-ranging sanctions include a full arms embargo and restrictions on Iran’s nuclear, missile and drone programme. It was not a decision we took lightly. For years, we have worked with international partners to stop Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The 2015 deal was meant to do just that, but Iran has repeatedly undermined the agreement. Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium is now 40 times over the limit set by the JCPOA. Despite that clear escalation, we have made every effort over years of negotiations to bring Iran back to compliance. Those efforts have continued in recent months. I have urged Foreign Minister Araghchi to de-escalate and choose diplomacy.
In July, we offered Iran more time if it agreed to return to negotiations with the US and restore full access to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Last month, I warned Iran that time was short and we would have little choice but to trigger snapback. I regret to inform the House that Iran has not complied with its legal obligations, nor chosen the path of diplomacy, so we have had no choice but to act. I have long been clear that I will not allow snapback to expire without a durable and comprehensive deal. It would be unacceptable to allow this issue to fall off the UN Security Council agenda, despite the threat posed by Iran’s nuclear programme. Snapback is not the end of diplomacy, as Secretary Rubio has also recently underlined. Iran can still meet our conditions. It can restore full IAEA access and address our concerns about its stockpile and enrichment, and it can return to negotiations. Alongside our partners, I will continue to urge Iran to choose that path.
In the worst of times, this Government will continue to take all the steps that we can to alleviate suffering, to help bring regional conflict to an end and to create the conditions for long-term peace and security. We will not rest until there is a ceasefire in Gaza, the hostages are returned, and a flood of aid reaches those in desperate need. Despite the obstacles before us, we will work with partners to preserve the two-state solution. I commend this statement to the House.
The remarks made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, at 10 Downing Street on 14 August 2025.
I know so many people here in the garden and across the country will have their own memories of family and loved ones.
And it is a real privilege for me to welcome you to Downing Street and into this garden.
This is the centre of government, this is where I work, it’s where I live and it is a privilege to have you here – and right that you are here…
Because this is a government of service, and therefore it is a government at your service.
And so many of you have served and got family members who served so it is really fitting that you’re here and its more than juts a kind invitation for the afternoon.
It’s a reflection I hope of how important it is to us that we’re able to have you here.
So when I say it is a privilege, it really is my privilege to have you here…
And I know that people have come from far and wide to be in the garden this afternoon
To remember 80 years since our victory in the World War II.
And to take the opportunity, and it is the opportunity, to pay our respects to the many who fought…
Who were captured…
And of course who made the ultimate sacrifice in the Far East.
And we do pay our respects here this afternoon as we do so often.
It’s a reminder that in the Cabinet Room just a few yards from us that the new Prime Minister then, as it was, Clement Attlee, just been elected into office at the end of the Second World War received the news of Japan’s surrender.
And it was in there that that news was broken and the nation begun to understand that now it really was the end of World War II.
And as you can imagine people took to the streets, we have spoken to many people who took to the streets on those days and that feeling that they had of freedom and peace at last…
But I think alongside that feeling of joy and victory, relief of peace, was really a shared determination, a shared moment across the nation that victory also had to be a turning point for our country.
Not just for a world that was crying out for peace.
But for a country that owed a huge debt…
to those people that had fought for a better future.
Those who had made huge sacrifices….
So we have the freedoms and the life we enjoy today.
And when we say we pay respects, that’s what we mean by that, because we are exercising those freedoms every day, because of what they did and the sacrifices that they made.
And that in a way is the lesson we carry with us today, it is the lesson that we must hold up every day.
Our duty to honour that sacrifice…
With every new generation.
That’s what it means when we say we will ‘never forget’. Because it doesn’t juts mean we will never forget a particular moment, the end, the final end, of World War II, but we must never forget what that gave us…
What that gave our country, what that gave the world in terms of the freedoms and the values that we fight for.
And of course those values are still contested here.
I sat on this terrace this very morning with President Zelenskyy, who is fighting for the same values as we were fighting for.
And so when we say never forget, we must pass on the stories of those who have gone before us.
Those incredible stories and the stories that many others have shared.
I’ve seen some of the extracts from the letters that were sent, which were extraordinary, exquisite memories and experiences and vignettes into life as it was then.
Stories of camaraderie, of courage, real courage…
From fighting in jungles and blistering heat…
To the immense suffering of prisoners of war on the Burma railway and elsewhere – and it was immense suffering as many of you will know.
But we also remind ourselves of what that was fighting for.
A peace that is precious, that is fragile…
As I say, that we can see on our own continent today.
And the possibility of a better future for the next generation.
That is what the Attlee government took as its mission.
Creating an NHS, building homes fit for heroes, the welfare state. They were all good, important things for a government to do. But they were done with a sense of mission, that we had to repay the debt that we owed to those who had made such a contribution in the Second World War.
By building a new Britain that reflected the dignity of its people.
And that is what my government is determined to do today.
And that’s why I stood outside Downing Street the day after the election last year and said we wild be a government service – that same sense that we are here to serve the country, to create a better country.
A part of that of course is working with our allies to secure peace abroad…
It is a continual project, it’s not a project that ended 80 years ago by any stretch of the imagination.
To rebuild Britain once more so it’s a country we can be proud of. That is capable of playing its full part on the world stage to deescalate tensions and bring about just and lasting peace in areas including in our own continent.
A country worthy of the soldiers that marched under our flag…
And showed the world that Britain is – and will always be…
a beacon of peace…
And hope…
in a dangerous world.
So thank you all – for your service.
Thank you for being here.
Thank you for sharing your experiences and keeping that story alive.
And I really hope you have a wonderful afternoon.
The statement made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, on 13 August 2025.
Shocking reports are emerging of the latest assault by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in and around El Fasher, North Darfur. In Abu Shouk camp for internally displaced persons (IDP), attacks earlier this week killed at least 40 defenceless civilians who had already fled violence in El Fasher.
As fighting intensifies, exit routes from El Fasher remain blocked, trapping hundreds of thousands who now face famine, widespread reports of atrocities, and the rapid spread of disease, including cholera. Those who managed to flee to camps like Abu Shouk were already cut off from aid — and are now under attack.
This is not an isolated incident. It is part of a pattern of deliberate violence and brutality against civilians. The warring parties have a responsibility to end this needless suffering. They must urgently comply with their clear obligations under international humanitarian law and the commitments made in Jeddah: protect civilians and allow and facilitate unimpeded humanitarian access.
Last month, the ICC Office of the Prosecutor confirmed that there are reasonable grounds to believe war crimes and crimes against humanity have been – and continue to be – committed in Darfur. Deliberate attacks on civilians are a clear violation of international law. The perpetrators must be held accountable.
Today, together with our African partners & Guyana, we led a UN Security Council statement calling for immediate humanitarian access & respect for international law. The UK will continue to use all tools at our disposal to get aid to those who need it the most.
I urge the RSF, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), and allied armed groups to agree to the UN Secretary-General’s call for a humanitarian pause in and around El Fasher and urgently put in place the conditions that will allow immediate access. Only this will allow the delivery of food, water, medicine, and other life-saving supplies to those facing starvation.
In line with UN Security Council Resolution 2736, the RSF must end its siege of El Fasher and cease attacks on civilians, and the SAF and allied Joint Forces must also allow and facilitate a rapid and unimpeded passage for humanitarian workers and civilians, so that aid can reach those most in need.
The speech made by David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, in Locarno, Switzerland on 11 August 2025.
It’s a real pleasure to be here in Locarno – a place of immense beauty and profound historical significance. Thank you so much to my good friend Minister Councillor Cassis. And I want to thank Professor Frank for his reflections on the Treaties — signed during a remarkable period in history.
It was perhaps when the world was experiencing what the great historian Adam Tooze called a deluge of modernity. The 1920s brought the first transatlantic phone call, the earliest films with sound, the rise of radio and the dawn of commercial flights. These technologies reshaped daily life and transformed diplomacy.
Governments could communicate faster, coordinate more closely and respond swiftly to global events — vital in a decade marked by profound challenges with the Great Depression looming, fascism rising and international co-operation reeling.
It was a time that called for clarity, it was a time that called for strength and conviction. And so it is today, my friends.
In Silicon Valley, tech leaders speak of the singularity — the moment in which change progresses so far that we enter into a post-human era. I think that is a long way off — indeed it may never come.
But recent tech shifts are significant enough to call this a new chapter — if you like, I call it the great remaking of our society. A phase where innovation leaps forward and reshapes geopolitics, redefining diplomacy and security once again.
War has sadly returned to our continent — spreading from the battlefield into cyberspace. Power is being redefined — not just by armies, but by algorithms. And the international order is under strain — from disinformation to digital surveillance, AI-enabled weapons to quantum disruption.
So, our diplomatic tools have got to adapt.
They have to become sharper and more effective at building partnerships. So we can seize the immense opportunities that lie ahead.
That is why the UK is working with friends and allies — to shape those norms, to promote responsible innovation and embed safety into emerging technologies. And Switzerland is one of our closest and dearest partners.
Together, our scientists are developing early-warning systems for cyber threats. Our universities are creating tools to expose disinformation. And our governments are holding talks on the risks of emerging technologies — from AI to quantum to cyber.
We are also making progress in the fight against dirty money — the kind that fuels inequality, undermines democracy and holds back the world’s poorest. This is a global fight, and it demands global resolve. Switzerland is a vital partner in that endeavour.
I am looking forward to hosting a summit next year in London to build an international coalition for transparency, enforcement, and reform. Because when we act together, we can turn the tide.
But this partnership is not just about managing problems — it’s about unlocking opportunity. In the last few years, we’ve signed a memorandum of understanding to deepen our science and research ties. And our innovation agencies have funded 40 joint projects — from life sciences to next generation tech.
The same spirit of collaboration guides our pursuit of peace. Switzerland’s role as guardian of the Geneva Conventions and its record in mediation is unmatched.
And together, we are supporting peace efforts from Myanmar to Colombia. This includes co-funding a pioneering study on how to bring reluctant parties together for dialogue and talks.
This partnership is a model for diplomacy in the 21st century: agile, collaborative and forward-looking. And that is why I am here – to help shape a future where British–Swiss cooperation is even stronger.
On a personal note, I’m also delighted to be part of this film festival — I just wish I could stay longer but international events mean I cannot. Given my job, you might be surprised to hear that I enjoy dark, intense, even tragic films. Just as those dramas ask us to stay with the story — through painful and uncomfortable moments — diplomacy asks us to do the same.
So, in this moment of extraordinary change, let us rededicate ourselves to working together — patiently and persistently. Not turning away or switching off. But engaging in diplomacy that is progressive, realistic and innovative.
Seeing the world with clear eyes — as it is, and as we wish it to be. And deepening our collaboration — guided by shared values and fuelled by shared purpose.
That is how we build peace, defend freedom, and shape a future grounded in cooperation and hope.
That, to me, is the true spirit of Locarno. And that is the spirit we must carry forward — together.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 16 August 2025.
President Trump’s efforts have brought us closer than ever before to ending Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine. His leadership in pursuit of an end to the killing should be commended.
While progress has been made, the next step must be further talks involving President Zelenskyy. The path to peace in Ukraine cannot be decided without him.
This morning, I spoke to President Zelenskyy, President Trump and other European partners, and we all stand ready to support this next phase.
I welcome the openness of the United States, alongside Europe, to provide robust security guarantees to Ukraine as part of any deal. This is important progress and will be crucial in deterring Putin from coming back for more.
In the meantime, until he stops his barbaric assault, we will keep tightening the screws on his war machine with even more sanctions, which have already had a punishing impact on the Russian economy and its people.
Our unwavering support for Ukraine will continue as long as it takes.
The statement made by Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 8 August 2025.
The Israeli Government’s decision to further escalate its offensive in Gaza is wrong, and we urge it to reconsider immediately. This action will do nothing to bring an end to this conflict or to help secure the release of the hostages. It will only bring more bloodshed.
Every day the humanitarian crisis in Gaza worsens and hostages taken by Hamas are being held in appalling and inhuman conditions. What we need is a ceasefire, a surge in humanitarian aid, the release of all hostages by Hamas and a negotiated solution. Hamas can play no part in the future of Gaza and must leave as well as disarm.
Together with our allies, we are working on a long-term plan to secure peace in the region as part of a two-state solution, and ultimately achieve a brighter future for Palestinians and Israelis.
But without both sides engaging in good faith in negotiations, that prospect is vanishing before our eyes. Our message is clear: a diplomatic solution is possible, but both parties must step away from the path of destruction.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 24 July 2025.
The suffering and starvation unfolding in Gaza is unspeakable and indefensible. While the situation has been grave for some time, it has reached new depths and continues to worsen. We are witnessing a humanitarian catastrophe.
I will hold an emergency call with E3 partners tomorrow, where we will discuss what we can do urgently to stop the killing and get people the food they desperately need while pulling together all the steps necessary to build a lasting peace. We all agree on the pressing need for Israel to change course and allow the aid that is desperately needed to enter Gaza without delay.
It is hard to see a hopeful future in such dark times. But I must reiterate my call for all sides to engage in good faith, and at pace, to bring about an immediate ceasefire and for Hamas to unconditionally release all hostages. We strongly support the efforts of the US, Qatar and Egypt to secure this.
We are clear that statehood is the inalienable right of the Palestinian people. A ceasefire will put us on a path to the recognition of a Palestinian state and a two-state solution which guarantees peace and security for Palestinians and Israelis.