The letter sent by the Association of School and College Leaders (ASCL) to Kit Malthouse, the Secretary of State for Education, on 5 October 2022.
Category: Education
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Nick Gibb – 2012 Speech to the Voice Conference
The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, at the Voice Conference in Manchester on 26 May 2012.
Thank you for those kind words Philip.
Today’s teachers operate under great scrutiny, in conditions that require significant reserves of professional and intellectual skill.
On a day-to-day basis, they are expected to stretch gifted students and engage troubled teenagers; to inspire children discovering new subjects and to ensure that every pupil gets a firm grasp of the basics.
I’d like to take this opportunity to thank Voice members, both teachers and support staff, for all their hard work and professionalism.
And thank you to Voice itself for engaging with Government and putting forward the views of its members so effectively.
In particular, I’d like to mention Voice’s approach to reform of the Teachers’ Pension Scheme, and the industrial action earlier this year and last year. Voice negotiated just as strongly as the other teaching unions – but Voice members also did everything in their power to ensure that children did not miss out on their education.
Government objectives
This Government’s programme of education reform is driven by three overarching objectives:
- to close the attainment gap between children from richer and poorer backgrounds;
- to ensure that our education system is on a par with the best in the world; and
- to raise the professional status of teachers; trusting professionals and increasing autonomy.
At the heart of this programme is a move away from a top-down, prescriptive model of education – with lever arch files full of guidance and painstakingly specific schemes of work – to a system that enhances and increases the independence of teachers.
That’s why our White Paper setting out the Government’s education reform agenda was called The Importance of Teaching.
And that’s why our whole approach is built on an inherent trust in the professionalism of teachers – removing the barriers preventing teachers from doing what they came into the profession to do.
Importance of teaching
International research shows that teacher quality is the single most important factor in pupil progress. As a 2007 report from McKinsey stated, “the quality of an education system cannot exceed the quality of its teachers”.
Another McKinsey report, published last year, analysed Ofsted inspection reports and concluded:
For every 100 schools that have good leadership and management, 93 will have good standards of student achievement. For every 100 schools that do not have good leadership and management, only one will have good standards of achievement.
Studies in the United States have shown that a pupil taught for three consecutive years by a top 10 per cent performing teacher can make as much as two years more progress than a pupil taught for the same period by a teacher in the bottom 10 per cent of performance.
For poorer children, the transformative effect of a good education can be even more marked.
In June last year, PISA reported on how the education systems in different OECD countries helped children to overcome their social and economic background.
In Shanghai three-quarters of students from poor backgrounds achieved more in their education than expected. In Singapore, nearly half did.
In the UK, only a quarter of poor children managed to exceed expectations. Overall, this country ranked 39th out of 65 in terms of children’s ability to overcome their social and economic background..
Autonomy
I have long believed – perhaps because my mother was a very dedicated teacher herself – that education is the only route out of poverty. To this day, we know that there is no more effective means of helping people to get on in life.
Over the years politicians of all hues, determined to create a more level playing field, have brought in various well-meaning, heavy-handed interventions.
Yet the gap between children from the richest and poorest backgrounds has remained persistent, stubborn and entrenched.
Last year, 58 per cent of pupils achieved five or more GCSEs at A* to C including English and maths – but for children on free school meals, that figure was a disappointing 34 per cent.
Our most pressing priority in government is to support the profession in reducing the gap between richer and poorer pupils.
And I am acutely aware that overweening government intervention can be counter-productive.
Over and over again, international evidence shows that professional autonomy is an essential feature of every high performing state education system.
To quote from the OECD: “In countries where schools have greater autonomy over what is taught and how students are assessed, students tend to perform better.”
This does not, of course, mean that the Government should beat a full retreat: quite rightly, the public expects Government to take action where it identifies weakness.
And we do need to set a clear direction in areas like phonics, where the evidence of its effectiveness is so overwhelming.
Teachers already making a difference
But in schools all over the country, teachers are already using our reforms to make a real difference.
Over the last year we have seen an increase in the number of students taking maths and physics A levels, rising from 97,600 to 104,700.
The number of students studying foreign languages has risen dramatically: 51 per cent of state secondary schools now have a majority of their pupils taking a language in Year 10, up from 36 per cent in 2010.
And pupil absenteeism has fallen, with persistent absence dropping from 6.8 per cent last year to 6.1 per cent in 2012.
In my view this is one of the most significant statistics of the year.
Of those who miss between 10 per cent and 20 per cent of school, only 35 per cent manage to achieve five or more GCSEs at grade C or above including English and maths.
And more than one in ten children who qualify for free school meals are persistently absent from school, compared to less than one in 20 of those who do not.
These statistics show the great results which teachers are already achieving in schools. Today, I want to run through four key areas where we are working hard to give teachers even greater flexibility and freedom.
Curriculum
As many here will know, we are currently reforming the curriculum (with Voice’s help). We want to make it more stable and less cluttered; focused more tightly on the essential core of knowledge that every pupil should be taught.
The new curriculum will set out the fixed reference points that are absolutely essential to a child’s education: allowing children to navigate their way from discipline to discipline, and to think critically and independently.
As far as teachers are concerned, the great benefit of the new curriculum will be its permanence.
Many teachers have told me how frustrating and stressful it is to work in an environment of constant change – and I know that this sense of powerlessness and uncertainty has a major impact on workforce wellbeing.
Indeed, one of my greatest concerns about the QCDA’s 2007 reforms was that they actively promoted a state of perpetual revolution, encouraging constant change by contextualising concepts against current events – which then become obsolete almost immediately.
This will not be true for the new curriculum.
Core knowledge, by its very definition, does not need to be repeatedly revised to reflect changing fashions, or new current affairs.
Instead, the new curriculum will focus on the fundamentals that will give children today (and tomorrow) the best possible start to their future.
And I will count it as a success when teachers are able actually to laminate their lesson plans and recycle them from September to September.
Of course, a leaner curriculum will also allow teachers far greater professional flexibility over how and what to teach.
It will not specify how teachers should contextualise these concepts and subjects for their students. No longer will we create a whole host of hostages to fortune, doomed to become out-of-date before the ink is even dry on the page.
Rather, we will leave it to teachers to decide how to bring these subjects and topics to life.
Unleashing entrepreneurial spirit – Free and teaching schools
Autonomy also gives teachers the opportunity to lead educational reform.
In every area of the country, hundreds of outstanding schools have already been selected as Teaching Schools: leading peer- to-peer school improvement, delivering exemplary CPD, designating and brokering specialist leaders of education, carrying out valuable research and giving new and experienced teachers an opportunity to develop their professional skills throughout their careers.
We’re also giving schools a stronger influence over the content of initial teacher training as well as the recruitment and selection of trainees, and continuing to ensure that ITT provision focuses on the quality of placements and selection.
And, of course, perhaps the most potent symbol of teachers’ entrepreneurial spirit can be found in the very visible expansion of the academy and free school programmes.
As we move into summer, over half (51%) of all secondary schools are now open or in the process of opening as academies, teaching over one and a quarter million children.
There now are 1776 academies, of which over 1400 have opened since May 2010.
The Free School programme is up and running in tandem and I am particularly keen to see teachers with entrepreneurial spirit and flair exploring its potential.
Some of the most exciting free schools, like Bradford Science Academy, Canary Wharf College and Woodpecker Hall Primary Academy, are led by teachers – and these schools are going from strength to strength. Woodpecker has already applied to open another Free School in 2013, while the Confederation of British Teachers (which opened a free school in 2011) will open two more schools this September.
It has always surprised me, having come from an accountancy background myself, that teachers haven’t been given the opportunity to establish practices in the same way as doctors, lawyers or accountants.
We have now put a mechanism in place by which teachers can lead reform and I am delighted to see so many already taking advantage of it.
Reducing bureaucracy
As teachers step forward, using their knowledge and expertise to drive improvements, Government must step back.
This brings me on to the third area I wanted to mention today: the reduction of red tape and paperwork.
Two years ago, teachers in all types of schools told us that one of the biggest drains on their time was the burden of government bureaucracy, consuming far too much energy and time and sapping morale.
That’s why the Department has removed 75 per cent of centrally-issued guidance over the last two years – some 20,000 pages.
Behaviour and bullying guidance has been slimmed from 600 pages to 50; admissions guidance down from 160 pages to 50; health and safety guidance from 150 pages to just six.
On top of this, we have scrapped the requirements on schools to set annual absence and performance targets; to consult on changes to the school day; and to publish school profiles.
And we have removed a host of non-statutory requirements like the self evaluation form, replaced the bureaucratic financial management standard, stopped 10 data collections and clarified that neither the Department, nor Ofsted, require written lesson plans to be in place for every lesson.
From September, we will be introducing further measures to remove or reduce some of the bureaucracy around teacher standards, admissions and school governance.
I hope that these important modifications will go a long way to reducing those bureaucratic pressures on teachers that were highlighted as a major concern in the NFER report.
Behaviour
If we are to retain and attract the calibre of teaching talent that we need, then there is one issue in particular that I am keen to address.
Some 52 per cent of teachers state that they have considered leaving the profession because of poor behaviour. 59 per cent believe that the standard of pupil behaviour has got worse during their careers.
The OECD has estimated that 30 per cent of effective teaching time in schools is lost because of poor pupil behaviour.
What is clear, I’m afraid, is that increasing numbers of children have not been set proper boundaries at home. They turn up at school aggressive, disruptive and unwilling to work; they disturb lessons for their peers, and make their teachers’ lives more difficult.
I cannot over-emphasise the importance of the work that Philip and Voice are doing to equip teachers to handle this behaviour.
And I am grateful for the opportunity to restate, in the strongest possible terms, my support for the profession in dealing with unruly pupils. No teacher, nursery worker or member of support staff should have to put up with aggressive, confrontational or abusive behaviour from the children in their care.
Over the last two years, we have introduced a series of measures to support heads and teachers in managing poor behaviour; and I expect headteachers, in turn, to support their staff.
Since the start of last month, schools have had increased search powers for items which they believe will lead to poor behaviour or disruption. We have clarified head teachers’ authority to discipline pupils for misbehaviour beyond the school gates, including bullying outside school. And we have given teachers the ability to issue no notice detentions after school.
The new, simplified Ofsted inspection framework focuses on just four key areas of inspection – one of which is behaviour and safety.
And in light of research showing that nearly half of serious allegations against school teachers are unsubstantiated, malicious or unfounded, we’ve given teachers faced with an accusation, a legal right to anonymity, until the point when or if they are charged with an offence.
Finally, we have revised guidance to local authorities and schools to speed up the investigation process when a teacher or a member of staff is the subject of an allegation by a pupil.
Conclusion
I hope members of Voice will welcome our reforms to give teachers greater autonomy, flexibility and freedom.
I also hope that members will take this as a sign of the exceptionally high regard in which government holds the teaching profession.
My final words go to Philip, who has been such a great representative for Voice over these last six years, and for the profession as a whole; for the children he taught, and for the teachers he led, whilst deputy head at Old Clee Junior School.
Philip, I know that you will be very sorely missed. It has been a great personal pleasure to work with you and I wish you all the best in your retirement.
You campaigned hard and articulately over the years about the dangers to the teaching profession of the over-zealous attentions of government.
And I hope you’ll agree that the move towards much greater professional autonomy for teachers is a worthy tribute to your work and campaigning during your distinguished tenure at Voice.
Thank you.
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Bridget Phillipson – 2022 Speech to Labour Party Conference
The speech made by Bridget Phillipson, the Shadow Education Secretary, on 28 September 2022.
Conference, it is the greatest privilege of all, to be here today as Labour’s Shadow Education Secretary.
Heading a fantastic team of Shadow Education Ministers.
Because nothing is more important to our futures than education.
As Keir said yesterday, Labour will run towards the challenges of tomorrow.
And if we are to solve the biggest challenges we face, spreading prosperity, tackling climate change, revitalizing our communities and building a fairer, greener future, in a world where children born today will live into the next century, where workplaces are changing as never before, where reskilling throughout life is essential, then education must be at the heart of every part of that.
And we must build a future where children come first.
Conference, this is personal for me.
My mam brought me up on her own.
I remember my time at school under the Tories.
Classes too big, books too few.
Money short and opportunities rare.
Families like mine judged, not helped.
But I was lucky.
I had a loving family, who valued education.
I went to great state schools.
With teachers who saw the value and worth, in each and every one of us.
But life should not come down to luck.
That is why I am determined that every child, in every school, in every corner of our country should have the best possible start.
So, we need a fresh vision of that education.
One that looks to the future, not the past.
A curriculum that prizes skills, as well as knowledge.
That values and nurtures creativity, alongside academic success.
We need an education system that enables every child to achieve and thrive.
Our priorities will define that vision.
Conference, that is why we will end the tax breaks private schools enjoy.
We will use that money to deliver the most ambitious school improvement programme for a generation.
Recruiting thousands more teachers to help children excel in science and maths and thrive with access to sport, art, music, and drama.
Working with brilliant teachers, leaders, support staff and unions.
We will drive up standards everywhere.
We will build a modern careers advice and work experience system.
So young people across our schools and colleges leave education, ready for work and ready for life.
Conference, it is the simple language of priorities.
The Tories put the richest first.
We put children first.
And we know these Tories will go on making the wrong choices.
Because education, under this government is like a school maths problem.
If you have five education secretaries in one year.
Three of them, who haven’t got a clue what they are doing.
Two of them, who want a return to the Fifties.
What have you got left?
I’ll tell you.
A government that is failing our children.
Childcare in crisis.
A recovery programme in chaos.
School buildings collapsing.
A skills system unfit for today, never mind tomorrow.
Universities treated as a political battleground, not a public good.
Conference, we will make different choices.
For children and families across this country.
For the world our children will inherit.
Today parents spend more on childcare than on their rent or mortgages.
Yet what do we see?
Nurseries closing.
Spiralling costs.
Mams giving up the jobs they love, because they can’t drop their kids at school and get to work on time.
The Tories denying parents choices, denying children the best start they deserve.
And yet the evidence couldn’t be clearer:
Gaps in learning and development,
Gaps in opportunities open up early.
So, our plan must start early too.
Today, Conference, I can tell you that the next Labour government will build a modern childcare system.
One that supports families from the end of parental leave,
right through to the end of primary school.
One that gives our children the start to their day,
and the start to their life,
they deserve.
One that gives parents time to succeed,
And our economy the chance to grow.
Conference, as the first step on that road, today I can announce that we will introduce breakfast clubs for every child in every primary school in England.
Breakfast clubs drive up standards and achievement.
They improve behaviour, and attendance.
Because it’s about the club, as well as the breakfast.
They enable parents to work.
They give mams and dads choices.
And they will help us build the economy we all need and the society we all want.
We will fund this landmark first step on that road by restoring the higher income tax rate for the very richest.
Because Conference, our children are our priority.
And while education starts in childhood, it doesn’t end there.
The skills system should support people, to reskill and upskill.
It should support companies to invest in their future and in ours.
Conference, it doesn’t. It needs to change and change it we will.
That’s why our announcement yesterday, building on the work of David Blunkett and the Council of Skills Advisors is crucial.
By reforming the Apprenticeships Levy we will give people opportunities to retrain, to upskill and to learn throughout life.
And we’ll drive a focus on growth across government.
By creating Skills England to bring together businesses, unions, and training providers to work in partnership, leading a national mission to upskill our country.
Conference, education is about opportunity.
For each of us, for all of us, all our life long.
But it’s about opportunity for our whole country too.
The opportunities we all gain from a growing economy, where working parents are supported to succeed, where all our children can achieve and thrive.
That is the society Labour wants to build.
We will only build that fairer society of which we all dream by closing the gap among our children and young people.
Conference, Education transformed my life.
I know it can transform every life.
It will be my mission as your Education Secretary to make sure it does.
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Nick Gibb – 2012 Speech at the Diana Award
The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, on 25 April 2012.
Thank you. It’s great to see so many committed young people here today, and I want to thank the Diana Award for their kind invitation for me to come and speak today.
I am pleased to be here today. We live in a world of continuous technological and cultural change. We all have experience of the changes in IT and we all are aware of the way society is developing. Keeping up with those changes poses a real challenge to all of us.
But keeping up with cultural trends – what’s cool and what’s not, and how we ‘should’ behave – is, I think, particularly difficult for young people. That’s because, at school and in our friendship groups, we explore and form our identities. And young people face tremendous pressure, not just from their peers, but from the media, which projects constant messages about what we should look like, what music we should listen to, even how we should and shouldn’t speak.
An interesting truth about our society is that everyone’s being told that they should be an individual. Yet if we’re different in the wrong way, the social consequences can be serious. As anti-bullying ambassadors will know only too well, it’s the perception that someone’s different – and the intention to cause physical or psychological harm to someone because of it – that is at the root of bullying.
That difference could be related to a minority group, for example because of disability or sexuality. Or it could be something else entirely which just happens to fall outside the bounds of what’s cool or acceptable – someone wears glasses, they do well in maths, they wear a certain brand of trainers. Some people are bullied because of their success. Tom Daley, who became an Olympic diver at the age of 15, was bullied because of his sporting achievements and had to change schools as a result. He was perceived to be different, and he was bullied for it.
Technology and the media have a huge role to play in setting the boundaries of what is ‘normal’ or ‘acceptable’, and what is not, largely based on celebrity commentary – who’s hot and who’s not. And the expansion of reality TV programmes like ‘My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding’ and ‘The Undateables’ has encouraged us to look at groups of people and marvel at how different they are, and how different their lives must be compared to our own. They accentuate difference, but they don’t accept it.
That perceived difference is at the root of bullying is an obvious point. What is less obvious, perhaps, is that people do certain things to avoid being bullied, for instance smoking or extreme dieting. Those kinds of behaviour can be just as damaging to young people’s lives as bullying itself. So when we start to really think about the issue of bullying, we realise that it’s not just people who bully, or people who are bullied, who are affected, but all young people. And every single young person has a role to play in stopping it.
As Diana Award anti-bullying ambassadors, I know that you play a vital role in tackling bullying in your schools and communities, and I know that we’re going to see some examples of the excellent work that you do. I want to take this opportunity to thank you for the time you give up and the energy you put into such an important cause.
You will all know as well as anyone that bullying is not an easy thing to address, and particularly now that technology has opened up so many more forums for it. It’s a stark reality in my job that everyone is constantly plugged into what’s happening. I can guarantee that, when I go back to the House of Commons this afternoon, without having told fellow MPs where I’ve been today, someone will ask me how today’s event went, or ‘do I really think such and such about bullying?’ News travels fast.
It’s the same in the playground. What someone said on a social networking site from the privacy of their own home can be all round the school the next day, via texts, emails, and instant messaging. But funnily enough, although unpleasant remarks about people can be transmitted to a much bigger audience, the fact that it can happen anonymously through technology rather than face to face means it can be better hidden from the teachers and parents who can sort it out.
The possibility for people to participate in bullying indirectly, and to witness bullying, is far greater than ever before. Everyone can be a bystander. Bullies do what they do to gain social power and status over others. But whether or not the school bully achieves that status is up to the rest of the pupils in the school. Without bystanders to laugh at their jokes and encourage their poor behaviour, a bully is not a leader of their peers – they’re just a bully.
Bullying is not just an issue for the bully and the bullied. It is something for every single one of us to think about, and to ask ourselves: ‘do I treat others with respect?’; ‘in my daily life, does my behaviour cause other people hurt and upset?’; ‘this edited photo of my classmate might look funny at first glance, but how would I feel if it was a photo of me, and how are they going to feel at school tomorrow?’
If you laugh at a horrible joke about someone, you may not be directly bullying them, but you’re endorsing the bully’s behaviour. If you forward a nasty text message about somebody, you’re saying to the bully ‘this behaviour is socially acceptable, because it’s funny.’ Actually, it’s not funny. It hurts people and it shouldn’t be acceptable. And it could happen to any one of us.For us to be able to be clear about what’s acceptable, pupils themselves have to reject poor behaviour. Every single pupil in every single school needs to have the quiet courage to resist media and peer pressure to conform, to question our own views of normality and difference, and to reject unkind, hurtful behaviour.
I remember being told at primary school that if something happens on a school bus we should do something about it. But it doesn’t always mean intervening. It means not forwarding horrible text messages. It means not talking about people behind their backs. And it means not playing with children who are horrible to others until they change their behaviour. Each one of us quietly standing up for what we know is right.
I want every single school to have an ethos of good behaviour, where pupils are kind and respectful to one another not because they fear punishment but because they know that that’s the right way to behave. This is what the very best schools do already.
Despite a wealth of cultural and social change, one of the great constants we have in our society is a set of rules about how to treat one another. Some people call it manners. Some call it etiquette. Others call it respect, compassion, or even humanity itself. I think it is all of those things. They are fundamental values that allow us to live together and protect us from hurting one another. They are fundamental to society, and they are fundamental to education. Indeed they are the very essence of it, which is why I believe good manners should be a social value that is taught and expected in our schools.
I believe that every single person has a part to play in preventing and tackling bullying. It is a quiet role. An individual stance: not laughing at nasty jokes, not playing with children who want to bully others, not forwarding on malicious text messages or posting horrible things on peoples’ Facebook wall.
This is the true power of individuality, of quietly respecting difference, and of standing up for what you know is right. Not gawking at others’ difference or laughing at it, but quietly respecting it and standing up for it. That is the sort of society we want to create for the future, and every single young person in our schools today can have a hand in shaping it. As young people you are the leaders of society’s future change. As anti-bullying ambassadors, you are the guardians of those crucial, universal values. Thank you.
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Tim Loughton – 2011 Speech to the BETT Education Leaders’ Conference
The speech made by Tim Loughton, the then Education Minister, at the BETT Exhibition, Olympia in London on 13 January 2011.
Thanks Dominic, and a very happy new year to you all. It’s a real pleasure to start 2011 with everyone here at the BETT Education Leaders’ Conference and thank you for inviting me.
Can I just begin by paying my thanks to EMAP Connect and the British Educational Suppliers Association for once again organising the exhibition so brilliantly.
It is a huge credit to BETT, its sponsors and its participants, that there’s such an extraordinary wealth of innovation on display. Reflecting the fact that a staggering amount has changed in both the world of technology and in the classroom over the 27 years that this exhibition has been going on.
Who would have thought back in the 80s, for instance, that teachers would be using interactive whiteboards rather than getting their fingers covered in chalk dust.
And who would have thought that instead of an entire class crowding around a single ZX Spectrum, or in my days at school crowding round the abacus, the ratio of computers to pupils would stand at around one to three.
The pace of change has, frankly, been phenomenal. And there is no doubt that everyone involved in all those BETT exhibitions down the years have played a huge role in helping young people and teachers to benefit directly from that change.
So, my thanks once again to everyone who has played their part, and to all those who have come along today. It is a privilege to be able to open the conference officially.
Now, technology is, of course, very rarely out of the news in one form or another. Partly because it is, by its very nature ‘new’ and offers up exciting possibilities – making it good newspaper fodder (or perhaps Kindle fodder as we should now call it) and partly because it so often splits opinion – leaving some of us heralding the endless possibilities it brings, and others worrying about the risks that accompany them.
Generally speaking, the optimists tend to outnumber the pessimists. But inevitably, with any new frontier comes new risks, and there’s always going to be some concern greeting the arrival of innovation.
The difficulty for school leaders, parents and politicians of course, is how to balance the concern with the opportunity – and that’s why it’s so important that we listen to the best possible experts.
Unfortunately, I know one of the most eminent of those, Professor Tanya Byron, can’t be with us today. But I am very grateful for the work she has been doing with the Department.
A few weeks ago, she came in to the Department and gave a very informative, very inspiring presentation to the Secretary of State about the use of technology by children and young people.
One of the many interesting points she made then – which any of you who were at the Specialist Schools and Academies Trust conference in November might have heard her talk about – was the history of ‘moral panics’ we’ve had in the past with regard to new technology.
She talked, for example, about the consternation in the church that greeted the arrival of printing presses. The panic that greeted the arrival of the film industry in the 1920s – although it started before this in my constituency…
And she also mentioned the apparently frenzied debate surrounding the arrival of the sofa – which people were afraid would lead to young people lazing around all day.
However, as Tanya has argued so well, the arrival of new technology almost invariably offers far more opportunity than it does risk – and never has this been more true than it is today in the world of education.
Now, more than ever before, technology is of profound importance to young people’s development. We know it supports good teaching, we know it helps students get better results, we know it helps to reduce truancy…
We even know it can support higher order critical skills: such as reasoning, analysis, scientific enquiry – and by engaging students in authentic, complex tasks.
So, even though when most of us were growing up, it didn’t really matter whether you were particularly computer or gadget literate – in 2011, the world is very different.
And whether we see only the endless possibilities, or see only the risks, there’s no denying that technology is – as Microsoft’s Chief Executive Steve Bullmer once said – something that ‘makes real people more effective, every day, in some basic and fundamental thing that they want to do’.
Here in the UK of course, we can take some pride in the fact that we’ve adapted as quickly as we have to that transformation.
As many of you will know, we have the highest levels of technology in our classrooms of anywhere in the European Union. The majority of our children have their own online learning space, and practically every school in this country is hooked up to – and in many cases making great use of – broadband.
This is a huge credit to great headteachers and teachers, fantastic ICT suppliers like those exhibiting here and, of course, to young people themselves.
And it has left us uniquely well positioned – I think – to equip pupils with the technical expertise they’ll need to achieve to the very best of their abilities in a very tough, very competitive world.
Nonetheless, this conference is about the future of education, rather than the past. And we’re now facing very different challenges, and answering very different questions, to the ones we were facing 10, or even just five years ago.
It’s no longer simply about shoehorning technology into the classroom. It’s about how we help schools to access and use it effectively. And it’s about how we help young people to benefit from innovation safely.
Today, I want to look at both of these points. But – if I can – I’m going to start with the second, partly because I’ve spent much of my time in Government, and before that in opposition, campaigning on issues like child internet safety and child protection.
And partly because there’s been a huge amount of attention focused on the issue over the last few weeks.
Just this Monday, for example, we saw the head of Woldingham School in Surrey, Jayne Triffitt, outline her concerns over the abuse of the social networking site Little Gossip, after some students used it to spread malicious rumours about their peers and teachers.
On the same day, we saw the National Association of Head Teachers publish guidance for schools on how to deal with internet campaigns that target teachers or pupils – an issue that has also been championed by the NASUWT, amongst others, in recent years.
All of this action reflects the fact that online abuse – and cyber bullying in particular – has fast become the bindweed of the internet.
No matter where you cut it off, it always seems to creep its way back onto computer screens and wrap itself around children’s lives – and as a result, it’s become a hugely, hugely damaging phenomena.
We’ve seen young people targeted in virtual gaming environments – we’ve seen them targeted on sites like Facebook and Twitter. We’ve seen them targeted through mobile phones and email.
It is, in short, a very 21st century problem – and also a particularly nasty, particularly virulent one.
It is the nameless, faceless, witless kind of bullying that is such a unique feature of cyberspace. The kind of bullying where a child comes home from school and finds a rumour splashed all over a website – or opens up an email to discover a doctored picture of themselves distributed to everyone in their address book.
In this respect, the computer, phone, tablet and games console have the potential to become like a Trojan horse, smuggling provocation, innuendo and rumour into the home in a way that no other generation has ever had to contend with.
For any of us who are parents, that kind of threat is of course hugely concerning. It’s bad enough in the playground or in the classroom, but when it infiltrates your home, it can make it impossibly difficult to know how to protect your children.
We think the time has come to restore the balance of power back in favour of parents – and to ensure that the opportunities that technology brings are managed both effectively and sensibly.
Can that be done through legislation? By increasing regulation? Or by policing every website from the centre of Government? We don’t think so – simply because the internet is impossibly fast moving and no one individual, group or organisation can realistically tackle it on its own.
Instead, we know it has to be a joint effort, with government, industry, business, retailers, schools and parents all taking responsibility to stamp out abuse in the system wherever we see it.
As an example of how this can work, I was at an event at Google a few months ago where the ‘Fix my street’ website was mentioned.
For anyone who hasn’t heard about it, it’s basically a site where people can go to report anything that might need attention in their communities – like pot holes in the road or broken street lights.
Over the years, it’s been pretty successful – and it’s now got to the point where we’ve even seen an Australian spin-off being launched – called, in the best of Aussie traditions: ‘It’s Buggered Mate’.
Now, the reason why I think these sites have worked is because they rely on the idea of collective responsibility. The idea that we should all take a stake in the issue, rather than rely on others to take it for us.
In the case of cyberbullying, that means encouraging the fantastic work that’s being done by cyber-mentors through the Beatbullying charity; it means parents reporting abuse; it means teachers alerting education technology providers to any potential risks; it means those in industry reacting quickly and decisively to protect children; and – finally – it means Government creating the conditions where all of these things can happen effectively.
That’s why my colleagues on the UK Council for Internet Safety, which I now co-chair, want to move increasingly towards tough self-regulation. With internet service providers having more responsibility for managing potentially harmful sites – and parents and children having greater power to report abuse.
At the same time, we are also discussing how we give those same parents the most up-to-date advice and guidance on new technologies, so that they are empowered enough to spot and prevent abuse at the first opportunity. Too often parents are not properly factored into the equation.
As many of you will know, we are currently in discussion with representatives in the sector about how all of this is going to happen. And there’s now a very clear, very determined commitment within the industry towards developing a robust and effective self-regulatory framework, that will combat cyberbullying and keep children safe.
A promising move I think, and we’re pleased that this is being backed up by organisations like Facebook and Microsoft, who are playing a vital role through their own membership of the Council.
Indeed, I am delighted to be able to announce today that BSI has just awarded its first ever kitemark for parental control software to Net Intelligence, which we will be handing over shortly.
A fabulous achievement on their part, and a hugely important one for two reasons in particular.
Firstly, because it lets us take advantage of the opportunities that technology brings and minimise the risks.
Secondly, because it allows us to place technology at the centre of educational reform in the future – a crucial point I think, because while we are doing fantastically well in terms of bringing technology into the classroom, we sadly aren’t doing anything like as well when it comes to educating our children and young people to reach their full potential.
We know, for instance, that we’ve been slipping further and further behind our global competitors over the last few years, with the OECD international performance tables showing that since the year 2000, we’ve fallen from 4th to 16th in science, from 7th to 25th in literacy, and from 8th to 28th in maths.
And we also know that there is now an historically high divide in attainment between those from the poorest backgrounds, and those from the wealthiest.
This drift cannot be allowed to continue. It’s unfair on children who only get one chance of a good education, it’s unfair on their families, and it’s unfair on our society and the businesses who form the backbone of our economy.
Fortunately however, technology does provide a unique opportunity to help us regain that competitive edge by supporting us to deliver the improvements we need to make.And in our recent schools White Paper, The Importance of Teaching, we set out a comprehensive programme of reform for schools to allow us to build that truly world-class education system.
That includes paying greater attention to improving teacher quality, granting greater autonomy to the front line, modernising curricula, making schools more accountable to their communities, harnessing detailed performance data, and encouraging professional collaboration so that we can become one of the world’s top performers – and close the gap between rich and poor.
That is the challenge facing us – and technology – we think – will play a critical supporting role in meeting it.
Indeed, you only have to have a quick wander around the exhibition area here to see some of the brilliant ways that technology-based learning can enrich the curriculum.
For example, I’ve been incredibly impressed with how video games like the Sims Series and Civilisation can be used for education purposes. My daughters certainly spent hours on it when they were younger.
And I know many of you will also have seen the fantastic games that have been developed by mathematician Marcus Du Sautoy, which have shown how children’s imaginations can be harnessed to allow a deep understanding of even the most complex ideas.
However, in order to derive the maximum benefit from this kind of innovation, education leaders have to have the final say over what technology they use, and when they use it.
We don’t think that teachers or school business managers should come to BETT with a shopping list from central government. The world of technology is simply too fluid for Whitehall to be able to decree what should, or shouldn’t be in the classroom.
Instead, schools should come ready to make procurement decisions that are based on a detailed knowledge of their own pupils – and be ready to draw up their own wish list of technologies that will inspire young people.
That might mean introducing voting technology into the classroom, which has happened so successfully in many schools already – ‘democratizing’ the learning experience and making it more interactive.
It might mean installing a recording studio, it might mean setting up video links with schools around the world, it might mean using 3D TV.
Whatever it is, and however it works, we know that if we want to be truly, truly ambitious about maintaining a technological edge in this country, we have to give teachers and school leaders that flexibility and power to make their own choices – and we also have to free up as much investment as we can for them to spend on technology.
None of this, however, means that schools are being asked to work in isolation.
Over the coming months and years, government will continue to play a crucial supporting role – helping education leaders by taking on procurement and support for special educational needs; by supporting schools to achieve value for money in things like bulk software licensing; by identifying and sharing best practice as it evolves in the classroom, and by supporting suppliers to ensure value for money.
The straightforward reality though, is that schools, teachers and industry know the best way to extract value from technology in education.
And it seems to me that the BETT exhibition is a perfect example of how those freedoms can be used most effectively to help teachers raise standards in our schools – and to take full advantage of the opportunities that technology creates.
To end, let me just thank Dominic again for hosting this fantastic conference – and thank his team for all their incredibly hard work in setting up the exhibition.
The future of education in this country depends on how well we equip young people to go on and succeed in their lives. And all of us know that if we are serious about achieving that ambition, it has to include giving them access to the very best that technology has to offer.
The time has come to take advantage of that opportunity by encouraging school leaders to come along to exhibitions like this, and decide for themselves what pupils need.
The time has come to ensure that children and young people are able to take advantage of the wonders that technology brings – without the dangers.
The time has come to place technology at the absolute centre of our aspirations for a world class education sector.
So, thank you all once again. It has been a huge pleasure to be here today and I hope you enjoy both the rest of the conference, and the exhibition itself – which is such a wonderful advert for some of the truly outstanding British educational technology that is being used in classrooms right across the world.
Thank you.
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Michael Gove – 2012 Speech to the Education World Forum
The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, at the Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre in London on 11 January 2012.
Education for economic success
There could be no better way to start 2011 for me than by welcoming you all here to London.
Because this second decade of the twenty-first century will be characterised by uniquely daunting challenges – but it also holds out amazing opportunities.
The challenges are so daunting because they are global in scope and as testing as any our generation has known.
But the opportunities are even greater because there is the chance – in this generation – to bring freedom, opportunity, knowledge and dignity, material plenty and personal fulfilment to many more of our fellow citizens than ever before.
The great Italian Marxist thinker once enjoined on his followers an attitude he defined as pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will.
What he meant was that we should be clear eyed about the difficulties we face, but undaunted, determined and resolute in our belief they can be overcome.
Our world does face huge problems.
A resurgent wave of ideologically motivated terrorism and renewed conflicts between peoples threaten millions. Our global environment is threatened by resource depletion and thoughtless exploitation. A dramatically growing, and increasingly youthful, world population chafes against constraints which deny millions the chance to live their dreams. Economic growth has been spread inequitably and nations which are adjusting to reality after years of folly are finding the process, inevitably, painful.
But bumpy, indeed turbulent, as the journey ahead might be, we are also fortunate in knowing what the best route not just to safety, but to plenty, will be.
It is the pursuit of knowledge.
Nothing is so effective a solvent of hatred and prejudice as learning and wisdom, the best environmental protection policy to help the planet is a scientific innovation policy which rewards greener growth, the route to fulfilment for the next generation is dedication to study, hard work and restless curiosity and the single most effective way to generate economic growth is invest in human and intellectual capital – to build a better education system.
So, in that sense, in talking to those who lead the world’s education systems I have the unique privilege of talking to those who will lead the world out of the dark valley we are currently navigating and onto sunlit uplands where opportunity beckons.
It is, certainly, a special privilege to be involved in shaping education policy at the moment. Because as well as laying the foundations for a world which is better, we are also ensuring that we live in societies which are fairer.
For most of our history people have been victims of forces beyond their control.
Accidents of birth – like where individuals were born, both geographically and in class terms, as well as what their parents did for a living – proved overwhelmingly likely to dictate people’s future.
But education is the means by which we can liberate people from those imposed constraints. It allows individuals to choose a fulfilling job, enrich their inner life and become authors of our own life stories.
And that is why education reform is the great progressive cause of our times.
The Education World Forum is so important because it demonstrates our shared belief that we can educate our children to an ever higher standard and achieve the levels of fairness and social mobility that have long eluded us.
In the coming days, we have an opportunity to talk in detail about the issues that we face, share our expertise and strengthen the bonds between our countries. I’m also delighted that many of you will have the chance to see for yourselves the very best of the British education system.
I am pleased that so many young people in Britain today are enjoying a superb education – and pleased that in many areas we have made progress over the years. In particular, I am overjoyed that we have so many great teachers and headteachers who are playing an increasingly important part in transforming our system for the better.
But I am also conscious that in the world of education, by definition, the quest to improve never ends.
Education is a process of continual learning, of crossing new boundaries, exploring new territory, restless curiosity and perpetual questioning.
And as I have been in this job one of the things I have learned is that we can only improve our own education systems if we make them as open to new thinking, as free to learn, as flexible and innovative, as possible.
Because with every year that passes we are privileged to enjoy new insights about how best to organise schools, how best to inspire pupils, how to use new technology, how the brain absorbs knowledge, how teachers can best motivate, how parents can better support, how governments can best invest.
And we are uniquely fortunate that speaking at this conference are two men who have done more than any others to help us understand what works in the world of education. And by listening to them we can see how much further we all have to go.
Yesterday, you heard from a man I recently have described as the most important man in the British education system – but he could equally be the most important man in world education.
Later this morning, you will hear from the man who is vying with him for that accolade.
Neither will teach a single lesson this year, neither are household names, neither – unsurprisingly – are education ministers – but both deserve our thanks and the thanks of everyone who wants to see children around the world fulfil the limit of their potential.
They are Andreas Schleicher and Michael Barber.
Andreas Schleicher is a German mathematician with the sort of job title that you wouldn’t wish on your worst enemy – head of the indicators and analysis division (directorate for education) at the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.
On the face of it, a job description like that might seem like the title of the bureaucrat’s bureaucrat – but in truth Andreas is the father of more revolutions than any German since Karl Marx.
Because Andreas is responsible for collating the PISA league tables of international educational achievement. He tells us which nations have the best-performing education systems and then analyses that data to determine why that is the case.
When the first PISA league tables were published they demonstrated, to the amazement of the German political classes, that their education system was nowhere near the position of world leadership they had fondly imagined.
The phenomenon of discovering just how relatively poorly the German education system performed was termed ‘Pisa-Schock’ and it stimulated a furious debate about how Germany could catch up.
In the US, education experts described the 2006 PISA report as our generation’s ‘Sputnik moment’.
The evidence that 15-year-olds in the Far East were so comfortably outperforming American pupils in maths and science sent the same shockwaves through the West as the Soviet Union’s surprise satellite launch in 1957, an event which prompted a radical reform of science education in the US.
But just because you come top in PISA these days doesn’t mean you rest on the laurels Andreas fashions for you. Far from it.
What characterises those nations which are themselves top performers – such as Singapore and Hong Kong – is that they are restless self-improvers.
They have also eagerly examined every aspect of Andreas’s research to see what their principal competitors are doing with a view to implementing further changes to maintain their competitive edge.
Sir Michael Barber is another visionary educationalist.
In the early part of the last decade, he played a direct role in shaping the English education system as a leading advisor to Tony Blair’s government. As a result of policies that he helped introduce – including an uncompromising focus on literacy, floor standards for school performance and higher standards for teacher performance – improvements were undoubtedly made.
But, rather like Tony Blair, Michael has arguably had an even bigger influence globally than at home in recent years. His seminal 2007 report, How the world’s best-performing school systems come out on top, which he produced for McKinsey provided those nations that were serious about education reform with a blueprint of what they needed to do to catch up.
And his recent report, How the world’s most improved school systems keep getting better, provides further invaluable insights for all nations aspiring to improve their education system or hoping to remain amongst the best.
No nation that is serious about ensuring its children enjoy an education that equips them to compete fairly with students from other countries can afford to ignore the PISA and McKinsey studies.
Doing so would be as foolish as dismissing what control trials tell us in medicine. It means flying in the face of the best evidence we have of what works.
And just as the evidence that Andreas and Michael has gathered has influenced education reformers in North America, Asia and Scandinavia, so it is influencing the Coalition Government here in Britain.
Not least because it shows that we are falling further and further behind other nations. In the last ten years, we have plummeted in the world rankings from 4th to 16th for science, 7th to 25th for literacy and 8th to 28th for maths.
These are facts from which we cannot hide. But while they may encourage a certain pessimism of the intellect, the examples of transformed education systems which Andreas and Michael have highlighted, certainly encourages optimism of the will.
From Shanghai to New Orleans, Alberta to Hong Kong, Singapore to Helsinki, nations which have been educational back markers have become world leaders.
And our recently published schools White Paper was deliberately designed to bring together – indeed, to shamelessly plunder from – policies that have worked in other high-performing nations.
It was accompanied by a detailed evidence paper, The case for change, that draws on the insights generated by successive PISA studies and McKinsey reports.
And it is based on the three essential characteristics which mark out the best performing and fastest reforming education systems in the landmark PISA and McKinsey studies.
Importance of teaching
First, the most successful education nations recruit the best possible people into teaching, provide them with high-quality training and professional development, and put them to work in the most challenging classrooms.
Our schools White Paper was called The importance of teaching because nothing matters more in improving education than giving every child access to the best possible teaching and ensuring that every moment of interaction between teacher and student yields results.
We are committed to raising the quality of new entrants to the teaching profession by insisting they are better qualified than ever before, we are determined to improve teacher training by building on intellectual accomplishment and ensuring more time is spent in the classroom acquiring practical teaching skills, and we plan to establish new centres of excellence in teaching practice – teaching schools modelled on our great teaching hospitals – so that new and experienced teachers can learn and develop their craft throughout their careers.
We have learnt from Finland – a consistently strong performer in PISA studies – about the importance of attracting the very best graduates into teaching, which is why we are expanding our principal elite route into teaching, Teach First, as well as providing extra support for top graduates in maths and science to enter teaching.
And we are increasing the number of national and local leaders of education – superb heads who lend their skills to raise standards in weaker schools – so that the best support the weak in a concerted effort to improve education for all children, not just some.
The principle of collaboration between stronger and weaker schools, with those in a position to help given the freedom to make a difference, lies at the heart of our whole approach to school improvement.
Greater autonomy
The PISA and McKinsey reports clearly show that the greater the amount of autonomy at school level, with headteachers and principals free to determine how pupils are taught and how budgets are spent, the greater the potential there has been for all-round improvement and the greater the opportunity too for the system to move from good to great.
The Coalition Government agrees that headteachers and teachers – not politicians and bureaucrats – know best how to run schools.
That is why we’ve announced a review of our National Curriculum with the aim of reducing prescription and are taking action to shed all unnecessary bureaucratic burdens on schools.
It is also why we’re freeing schools from central and local bureaucratic control by inviting them to become academies.
Schools are taking up our offer because they recognise the huge benefits that being an academy brings – more autonomy, more resources, less bureaucracy and an opportunity to thrive, free from interference from government.
Since the start of the school term in September, more than one school has converted to become an academy every working day. As of last week, more than 400 academies are now open and enjoying many of the same freedoms which are enjoyed by schools in the best-performing education systems. And many more are in the pipeline.
Alongside this, we are also further extending autonomy and choice by making it easier for teachers, parents, academy sponsors and other groups to start their own free schools.
In Sweden, free schools have driven up standards in those schools but also in neighbouring schools too.
And as the OECD points out, two of the most successful countries in PISA – Hong Kong and Singapore – are among those with the highest levels of school competition.
But while increased parental choice can help tackle ‘the soft bigotry of low expectations’, which continues to blight the life chances of many children from deprived backgrounds in particular, it does not need be the enemy of cooperation.
Our plans foresee schools collaborating on a scale that has never been witnessed before, which is why all new academies are also working with weaker schools to help them improve.
And this week will see a major advance in that drive.
We will identify those of our schools most in need of support – those where attainment is poor and where students are not making progress.
These are the schools whose children most need our help – those underperforming institutions where opportunity is restricted.
We will work with these schools – all of which have great potential and all of which will have staff ready to accept the challenge to improve.
We will provide them with extra resources.
But on condition they work with us to develop tough, rigorous, immediate plans for improvement.
Those plans will involve weaker schools being taken under the wing of high-performing schools, entering academy chains, changing the way they work, implementing reforms to the curriculum and staffing and putting in place new, tougher approaches to discipline and behaviour.
This drive will be led by an inspirational former headteacher – Liz Sidwell – who has experience of the state and private sector and who has helped turn round underperforming schools as well as setting a benchmark for excellence in the state system.
Proper accountability
The reason we’re able to identify great heads like Liz – and the schools which need her help – is that we have, over time, developed ways of holding schools, and education ministers, accountable for the money they spend.
Because the other, central, insight from the PISA and McKinsey reports into what makes great education systems so successful is that they all use data to make schools accountable and drive improvement.
Data allows us to identify the best so we can emulate it, and diagnose weaknesses so we can intervene before it’s too late.
I know that some in the education profession fear that data has been used – perhaps I should say abused – to constrict the autonomy which we know drives improvement.
But the lesson from PISA is that autonomy works best when it’s combined with intelligent accountability. That means making comparisons which are fair. And trying to limit the extent to which measurements can be ‘gamed’ by those in the system.
It’s because it’s so important that the public can make fair comparisons between schools that we are revamping performance tables to place more emphasis on the real value schools add as well as the raw attainment results they secure.
Pupils need qualifications to succeed in life, so I won’t shy away from saying we expect more and more young people to leave school with better and better qualifications. That is non-negotiable.
But we must also recognise that schools succeed when they take children from challenging and difficult circumstances and ensure they exceed expectations and progress faster than their peers.
And because we want to limit the extent to which accountability mechanisms are ‘gamed’ we will also ensure much more information is put into the public domain so that schools can be compared on many different criteria.
That will help schools which believe they have special qualities, undervalued by current performance tables, to make the case for their particular strengths.
And I expect that we will see new performance tables drawn up, by schools themselves, by active citizens and by professional organisations which will draw attention to particular areas of strength in our school system.
In this year’s performance tables we are introducing a new measure – the English Baccalaureate – which will show how many students in each school secured five good passes in English, maths, science, languages and one of the humanities.
It’s been introduced this year to allow us to see how the schools system has performed in the past – in a way which manifestly can’t have been gamed.
And I expect it will reveal the way in which past performance tables actually encouraged many many great schools and great heads to offer certain non-academic subjects rather than more rigorous academic subjects.
I am open to arguments about how we can further improve every measure in the performance tables – including the English Baccalaureate.
But I am determined to ensure that our exam standards match the highest standards around the world.
And in other high-performing nations there is an expectation that children will be tested in a wide range of subjects at 16.
In Singapore children sit compulsory O Levels in their mother tongue (which will be Chinese, Malay or Tamil), in the English language, in maths, in combined humanities, In science and in at least one other subject.
In Germany graduation to sixth form follows on from passing exams in German, maths, English and three other subjects.
In Alberta there are compulsory tests at age 15 in maths, science, English, French and social studies.
In France the brevet diploma is awarded at age 15 depending on performance in tests of French, maths, history, geography, civics, computer science and a modern foreign language.
In Japan there are tests at age 15 in Japanese, social studies, maths, science and English.
In the US at age 17 there are exam requirements in English, maths, science and social studies.
And in the Netherlands at 16, 17 or 18 students are expected to pass tests in Dutch, English, social studies and two other subjects – such as science, classical culture or a second modern foreign language.
England’s current expectation that only English and maths be considered benchmark expectations at 16 marks us out from other high-performing nations.
I am delighted to have a debate about how we both broaden and deepen our education system, but we cannot be in any doubt that while reform accelerates across the globe no country can afford to be left behind.
I’m in no doubt that what we are attempting in England adds up to a comprehensive programme of reform for schools here – but if we are to learn one thing from the groundbreaking work done by Andreas Schleicher and by Sir Michael Barber, it is that whole-system reform is needed to every aspect of our education system if we are to build a truly world-class education system.
It is only by paying attention to improving teacher quality, granting greater autonomy to the front line, modernising curricula, making schools more accountable to their communities, harnessing detailed performance data and encouraging professional collaboration that a nation can become one of the world’s top performers.
The evidence shows us it can be done.
And the challenge facing us in 2011 is to follow the path which the evidence, so patiently acquired by Andreas Schleicher and by Sir Michael Barber, tells us can liberate our children.
What better New Year’s resolution could any of us make this week.
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Jonathan Hill – 2010 Speech at the Second Reading of the Academies Bill
The speech made by Jonathan Hill, the then Education Minister, in the House of Lords on 7 June 2010.
My Lords, I beg to move that the bill be now read a second time.
My Lords, the House will be aware that I am now the Minister in charge of this bill, rather than my noble friend, Lord Wallace of Saltaire in whose name this bill was introduced.
I am happy to assure the House that I too believe that the provisions of this bill are compatible with the Convention Rights and would have been content to sign the necessary statement had I been in a position to do so when the bill was introduced.
My Lords, this bill will:
- grant more freedoms to schools
- give more responsibility to teacher
- help ensure that standards rise for all children
Last week we had an excellent debate on the measures contained in the Gracious Speech.
Re-reading the whole debate over the weekend, I found that there was broad agreement on the need to trust professionals more, to reduce the bureaucracy they face and to give them more opportunity to drive their own improvement and to deploy resources in the most effective way.
It is precisely those freedoms that the measures contained in the Academies Bill will help to deliver.
My Lords, I have had very thoughtful discussions with the right reverend Prelate, the Bishop of Lincoln and others about managing expectations for this bill.
So let me be clear from the outset that this bill does not in our view represent a revolution in our schools system.
Rather, it builds on what has gone before.
We can trace its roots to the reforms introduced by my noble friend, Lord Baker, through the Education Reform Act 1988, which led to the opening of the first City Technology Colleges in the late 1980s and early ‘90s.
But it was under a Labour government that the pace of reform really picked up and I recognise that contribution very clearly. The Learning and Skills Act 2000, saw the beginning of the Academies programme, and the Education White Paper of 2005 built on it.
I hope I won’t embarrass the noble Lord, Lord Adonis by saying what I said in his absence last week, how much I respect his achievement, and what high standards he set for those who came after him.
I am happy to pay tribute to him, and to my other predecessors who should feel pleased at the good they have done through the Academies programme and the thousands of children’s lives they have already changed for the better.
My Lords, I do not for one moment argue that Academies are always going to be the answer. The noble Baroness, Baroness Morris of Yardley reminded us in the debate on the Gracious Speech that many outstanding schools are notAcademies. And that not all Academies are outstanding. She is of course right.
But, overall, academies do represent one of the best and fastest routes to school improvement.
They have transformed some of the worst performing schools in the country into some of the best.
And in doing so, they have transformed the prospects of tens of thousands of young people. In 2008 and 2009, Academies saw GCSE results increase twice as fast as the national average.
My Lords, it is also clear that the extension of the Academies programme we now propose was what the then Labour Government itself intended to do. In a speech given the day before the publication of the 2005 White Paper, this is what the then Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon Tony Blair, had to say “We need to make it easier for every school to acquire the drive and essential freedom of Academies… We want every school to be able quickly and easily to become a self-governing independent state school… All schools will be able to have academy-style freedoms… No one will be able to veto parents starting new schools or new providers coming in, simply on the basis that there are local surplus places. The role of the LEA will change fundamentally.”
It has taken 5 years my Lords, but this bill is giving effect to what the previous government intended.
My Lords, it is worth reminding ourselves why we need reform.
Despite the best efforts of previous governments, it is still the case that 81,000 11-year-olds left primary school last year without achieving the required standard in reading.
Half of young people left secondary school without achieving five good GCSEs including English and maths.
And in the last year for which we have data, out of 80,000 young people eligible for free school meals, just 45 made it to Oxbridge.
My Lords, raising standards is not simply about structures – that was a point well made in last week’s debate. It is about the quality of teaching – which is why we will build on the previous government’s excellent Teach First programme.
And at a time of great pressure in public spending we have also prioritised investment in education by protecting frontline spending this financial year for Sure Start Children’s Centres, for 16-19 learning and, of course, for schools.
But we do believe that giving schools and teachers more freedoms will help them do the job they came into teaching to do.
This bill will give all schools – including, for the first time, primary schools and special schools– the opportunity to apply to apply to become an academy.
I want to stress the word ‘opportunity’. This is largely a permissive bill rather than a coercive one.
And it will help schools right across the spectrum, from the very worst to the very best.
Schools already rated as outstanding by Ofsted may have their applications fast-tracked, and open this year if they wish to.
In return, we will expect every outstanding school which acquires academy freedoms to partner with at least one other school to raise performance across the system.
Schools that are really struggling, my Lords, will see government intervention.
There has always been a focus in the academies programme on the weakest schools, and that will continue.
The Bill will allow the Secretary of State, in circumstances where a school is struggling, to remove a school from the control of the local authority and to reopen it as an academy.
This will mean that we can deliver faster and deeper improvements in deprived and disadvantaged areas.
And for the schools in between, my Lords – those that are doing well but could do better – academies will present a real opportunity to achieve excellent results through the core freedoms that all academies enjoy: making their own decisions about the curriculum, teachers’ pay, the length of the school day and how they spend the money currently spent on their behalf by local government.
But, again, it will be for head teachers, governing bodies and school trustees to decide whether or not to apply.
My Lords, I was struck by this sentence in the speech made by the noble Baroness, Baroness Morgan of Drefelin last week: “There is a good argument for successful schools being given more managerial autonomy and flexibility, provided that that is on the basis of fair admissions, fair funding and a recognition of their wider school improvement responsibilities.”
I thought that was a very fair statement and summed up what we are trying to achieve with this bill very well.
This bill will not just help a small proportion of pupils in leafy suburbs – the original focus of the academies programme on underperformance and deprivation will remain a key feature.
This bill will not allow a small number of schools to float free above the rest of the state school system – it will help all schools improve standards by increasing the number of heads inspiring heads and teachers learning fromteachers through greater partnerships between schools.
This bill will not impinge upon a school’s unique ethos or religious character if it becomes an Academy – we want to give schools greater freedoms, and the preservation of a school’s unique ethos will be an important consideration in deciding whether or not to apply for academy status.
That is also why the legislation ensures that for foundation schools and voluntary schools with a foundation, consent must be gained from the trustees of the school’s foundation before the school can apply to become an academy.
This bill does not provide a back-door to selection – while the small number of schools that are currently selective will be able to keep their selective status, if they choose to become an Academy, non-selective schools will not be able suddenly to become selective. A fair and open admissions policy will mean that intakes at academies will be diverse, inclusive and drawn from the local community.
And we will aim to ensure that the position with maintained special schools is mirrored – we want a special school that converts to an academy still only to take children with statements.
The bill will not disadvantage any maintained school financially, nor will there be extra funding going to academies that maintained schools will not get.
Finally my Lords, this bill will not create a two-tier schools system. Indeed, we believe that it will help close the gap in our current system.
And most importantly of all, while it is not catered for in the bill currently before you for consideration, we will also target resources on the poorest through a new pupil premium. That will take money from outside the schools budget to make sure that those teaching the children most in need get extra resources, for example to deliver smaller class sizes, more one-to-one tuition, longer school days and more extra-curricular activities.
In concluding, my Lords, may I update you on the response we have received from schools so far.
In a little over a week, over one thousand one hundred schools have expressed an interest in applying for academy freedoms.
More than 620 outstanding schools – including over 250 outstanding primaries and over half of the outstandi ng secondaries – have expressed their interest, along with more than 50 special schools.
So there seems to be a real demand for the measures in this bill.
Our aim is to meet it and to ensure that:
- heads and teachers have the freedoms they want and need
- parents have the choice of a good local school
- a child’s background does not dictate whether they succeed
I know that this is a vision that is shared on all sides of this House.
My Lords, I am pleased to present this bill for your consideration.
And I beg move that the bill be now read for a second time.
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Nick Gibb – 2012 Speech to the Grammar School Heads Association
The speech made by Nick Gibb, the then Education Minister, in London on 16 April 2012.
Thank you Barry. I’m delighted to be here today and grateful to the Association for inviting me back to its annual conference this year.
On the way over, I was pondering what Dr Pettit, the inspirational, and to me as a young 12-year-old, very scary headteacher at Maidstone Grammar in the early 1970s, would have said if he’d known any the pupils in my class had been interested enough in education to become a schools’ minister.
I suspect he would have greeted the news with a certain wide-eyed amazement…
Fortunately however, we did all get a little older and wiser. And I’ve certainly never forgotten the enormous debt of gratitude I owe to the school, for which I have only the very fondest memories.
So, I wanted to start by thanking the Grammar School Heads Association for inviting me along to speak at the conference for a second year running – and for all its support over the last year. I’m looking forward to my next meeting with Roy, Barry and Simon in a few weeks’ time and I’m sure, as always, that your advice will be good advice. I’ll let you know if it isn’t ….
Second, let me thank the 164 grammar school heads and their staff for the wonderful work they are doing, and have done. Their results over the past year have been incredibly strong. But more importantly, the quality and standard of education is world class.
Last year alone, around 1,050 grammar school pupils were studying at Oxford or Cambridge after taking A levels in 2008;
98% of pupils in grammar schools achieved 5 or more GCSEs at Grades A* to C, including English and Maths, compared to 55% of pupils nationally.
And an incredible 95.6% of grammar school pupils who were eligible for free school meals, achieved 5 or more GCSEs at Grades A* to C, compared to just 30.9% nationally.
That gap between the overall figure of 98.4% and the free school meal figure of 95.6%, which is just 2.8%, contrasts very sharply with the national figure.
Last year, 55% achieved 5 or more GCSEs at grades A* to C including English and maths. But the free school meal figure was just 31% – and that gap of 24 percentage points has remained stubbornly constant over recent years.
It is a disparity in outcome that we want closed – or at the very least brought closer to the 2.4% gap that grammar schools have achieved – for the very simple reason that reducing the attainment gap between pupils from rich and poor backgrounds is an absolutely key moral objective of the coalition government in general, and of Michael Gove in particular.
The million dollar question of course, is how you achieve that moral objective? And if you look to the example of grammar schools, you see the answer comes from a combination of high standards and ambition. Essentially, it boils down to the old grammar school ethos of placing ‘no limit on achievement’.
For example, we know that grammar schools don’t measure performance by the percentage of their pupils gaining 5 C grades. They’ve developed their own indicators that focus on the percentage of students gaining 5 As and even 8 As. As a result of which, it’s not uncommon for headteachers to see every single one of their pupils achieving the 5 A* benchmark.
Quite clearly, there’s a very serious lesson to be taken from this and applied more widely. And that’s why the ‘no limit on achievement’ ethos, is one that’s now absolutely critical to the government’s own blueprint for education reform.
Like grammar schools we want to be unashamedly ambitious on behalf of pupils locally; we want to spread opportunity more equally nationally; and we want to match (or better) the very best schools internationally.
Now, in one sense of course, there is nothing radical about any of this. For many years, the UK marked itself out as one of the world’s top education performers by fostering exactly those kinds of high standards. Lofty expectations were placed on every child. Standards of behaviour were properly enforced. There was no embarrassment attached to high performance.
Even today, we have many exceptional schools and teachers in this country who work extremely hard towards achieving these goals – some of the very best in the world in fact – but we also know that many comprehensive schools are struggling to work in what is (at times) an almost unworkable system of bureaucracy and central control.
As a result, we’ve fallen back in the PISA international education rankings: from 4th to 16th in science; 7th to 25th in literacy; and from 8th to 28th in maths – meaning our 15-year-olds are 2 years behind their Chinese peers in maths; and a full year behind teenagers in Korea and Finland in reading.
When the US Education Secretary Arne Duncan saw a similar story unfolding in America’s own PISA rankings, he made the point that the States was ‘being out-educated’. And here in the UK – exactly the same holds true. We’re being out-educated and out-thought by more ambitious education systems.
In and of itself of course, this is a hugely worrying trend. But it is made almost a 100 times worse by the fact that our education system has also become one of the most stratified, and unfair in the developed world.
Only last week, the OECD told us that pupils from poor backgrounds in the UK were less likely to escape disadvantage than students from countries like Mexico and Tunisia – coming 28th out of 35 leading nations.
This was, I thought, a truly worrying report from the OECD. No-one wants to see the UK transformed from a land of opportunity to one of social stagnation. But the fact is, too many children, especially from the poorest backgrounds, are now getting a very raw deal indeed.
We’re not introducing enough of them to the best that’s been thought and written; we’re not equipping them to compete against their peers around the world; we can’t even say we’re preparing them to enter the UK workforce. Only last month, the CBI’s annual education and skills’ survey showed almost half of top employers are having to invest in remedial training for school and college leavers.
Even in the best of times, this kind of backtracking would be unsustainable.
But the fact is, pupils today are being taught and studying at a time of unprecedented competition. We’ve just been through the worst financial crisis since 1929. Our economy is weighed down by a huge debt burden. Technology is moving faster than most of us can keep pace with, and there has been an unprecedented shift in political and economic power towards Asia.
This leaves us with the obvious question: how do you match the success of places like Asia and make sure you’re not treading water for another 10 years?
Leading experts like Sir Michael Barber and organizations like the OECD and McKinsey, have shown us time and again that the top performing nations have several key attributes in common:
First, they value and respect their teachers and employ the very best people in their classrooms;
Second, they step back and let schools get on with it, free from bureaucratic control;
Third, they encourage collaboration between schools;
And fourth, they hold schools to account in an intelligent way.
These themes formed the basis of our White Paper last November: The Importance of Teaching – and today, I’d like to say a little about each of them – and pick out specifically where I hope grammar schools can lead improvement across the maintained sector.
First – we want to get the best graduates into teaching by funding the doubling of Teach First over the course of this Parliament, and by expanding the Future Leaders and Teaching Leaders programmes, which provide superb professional development for the future leaders of some of our toughest schools.
In addition, we’ll shortly be publishing our strategy for initial teacher training. This will set out our commitment to restoring the status of the profession by toughening up the recruitment process, and ensuring that all new entrants have a real depth of knowledge in their subject.
Not only this, but we will also explore how excellent schools, including grammar schools, can be more involved in both initial training and the provision of professional development.
Perhaps most exciting though, is the development of Teaching Schools. Where we have had more than 1,000 expressions of interest and 300 applications have already been received. And I know grammar schools themselves have been amongst the keenest to express their interest. In much the same way, I know many grammar schools are now already sponsoring academies or supporting local schools to improve standards. Transporting their own ambition and high standards out into their local communities, and helping to raise aspirations. While I know many more grammar schools have taken the step of actually converting to become academies. As of the 10th June this year, there were some 89 designated maintained grammar schools, plus 75 grammar schools, that had converted to academy status.
Many of these will be supporting other schools in the local areas. And I know still more are involved in helping other schools on a less formal basis. So, for example, operating an exchange of staff, working with students and supporting school leadership.
In fact, Barry has told me that 98% of grammar school headteachers are working on major partnership activities to support the work of other secondary schools and primary schools.
A brilliant achievement, and we’re very keen to encourage exactly this kind of collaboration both through the new converter academies, which have, between them, agreed to support over 700 other schools and through the doubling of the National and Local Leaders of Education programmes to support fellow heads.
But of course, we do understand that great teachers and collaboration between schools cannot raise standards on their own, if they are then bedeviled by the kind of bureaucracy that constricts achievement.
In opposition, we counted the number of pages of guidance sent to schools in one 12 month period as coming to an incredible 6,000 pages. Twice the complete works of Shakespeare – but not as interesting.
So, we’ve been systematically cutting down on the red tape headteachers and their staff have to deal with – to the point where departmental guidance will have been more than halved over the coming months.
For example, we’re slimming down the national curriculum; scrapping the self evaluation form; reducing the behaviour and bullying guidance from some 600 pages to 50; we’re focusing Ofsted inspections on teaching; closing down quangos; and – of course – we’re in the process of cutting down, and consulting on the massively complex admissions and appeal codes.
That consultation comes to an end on the 19th August, with the department then publishing its official response to the consultation in September.
Without pre-empting its findings, I can assure you there are currently no new policy proposals specifically focusing on the areas of academic selection or grammar schools themselves.
But, subject to the consultation, the Association’s schools would be able to take advantage of crucial freedoms such as:
in-year coordination – which removes the requirement on local authorities to co-ordinate in-year admissions
published admissions numbers – where we want to make it easier for popular schools to expand
consultation – which would mean admission authorities only have to consult on admission arrangements every seven years (rather than three) when they are not making any changes
and the pupil premium – which will allow academies and free schools to prioritise children from the poorest backgrounds
Of course, when you have far more schools enjoying these kinds of freedoms, and improvement is driven not by government but by schools, proper accountability inevitably becomes more important than ever.
That’s why we’re currently overhauling the Ofsted framework to focus on the four core responsibilities of schools – teaching; leadership; attainment; and behaviour and safety.
And it’s why we’re also very pleased to see the introduction of the English Baccalaureate, which we specifically designed in order to narrow the segregation in education between those from the poorest backgrounds and the rest – and to give parents a simple benchmark against which to hold schools accountable.
The Russell Group has been unequivocal about the core GCSE and A level subjects that equip students best for the most competitive courses – the list trips off the tongue: English; maths, the three sciences; geography; history, classical and modern languages.
Nationally, grammar schools perform remarkably well in this area, with some 67.4% of its students achieving the E-Bacc. A figure that even the independent sector can’t match: where only around 24% of its pupils achieved at least a C in the combination – rising to 51.3% when the Edexcel iGCSE results, which were not credited initially, are included.
Nonetheless, just 15.6% of students achieved at least a C in the E-Bacc combination in the maintained sector generally.
And this does beg the question as to how it can possibly be fair to those students who are automatically handicapped by the system’s inherent lack of aspiration on their behalf?
It should, I believe, be a major concern to everyone that nine out of ten state pupils eligible for free school meals are not even entered for the E-Bacc subjects – and just four% achieve it.
Equally, it cannot be fair that no pupil was entered for any single award science GCSE in 719 mainstream state schools; for French in 169; for geography in 137; and for history in 70.
Quite simply, the most academic subjects must not become the preserve of the few. They should be open to every single student, regardless of background.
And this, as the Secretary of State described in his National College speech last week, is ‘the moral cause’ that lies behind all our reforms – and our aspiration to raise the minimum benchmark for schools to 50% of pupils achieving five A* – C grades in GCSEs, with maths and English, by 2015.
Grammar schools, through their own example; through the sponsorship of academies; through partnerships with underperforming schools; through the network of teaching schools; the education endowment fund; and through the national and local leaders of education programmes; have a unique opportunity to make this happen.
So, let me finish with a final thank you to all those grammar school headteachers who have already taken advantage of these changes. We owe the sector a very real debt of gratitude and enormously value your contribution to those reforms.
I also hope that Simon, Roy and Barry and all heads here will continue to play a very active advisory role with the department over the coming months.
I know headteachers will not always agree with all our changes, but I think we agree on more than we disagree – and the voice of grammar schools remains one that is highly valued and respected not just by myself, but also – I know – by the Secretary of State and by Lord Hill.
In the final analysis, education reform is not about politics, it’s about progress. Or, as Ronald Reagan put it: ‘It’s not about left or right – it’s about up or down’. I hope you’ll agree that these reforms are squarely aimed at getting us on the right trajectory.
Thank you.
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Sarah Teather – 2012 Statement to the Commons on the Early Years Foundation Stage
The statement made by Sarah Teather, the then Children’s Minister, in the House of Commons on 27 March 2012.
I am today publishing the reformed Statutory Framework for the Early Years Foundation Stage (EYFS) which will take effect from 1 September 2012.
The new, simpler and clearer EYFS framework is an integral part of the Government’s wider vision for families in the foundation years. It demonstrates our commitment to freeing professionals from bureaucracy to focus on supporting children. Together with a more flexible free early education entitlement and new streamlined inspection arrangements, this is a major step towards a lighter touch regulatory regime. But we need to go further. I will continue to seek opportunities to reduce burdens and remove unnecessary regulation and paperwork which undermine professionals’ ability to protect children and promote their development. Last summer, I asked Professor Cathy Nutbrown to consider how we might strengthen the early years workforce. Her report is due in June, and I will carefully consider her recommendations – along with international evidence on staffing levels and qualifications – as we continue to promote early years provision that is high quality and cost effective to parents.
Improving the support children receive in their earliest years is central to greater social mobility. Young children develop quickly, and they develop better with the help of high quality early education and good support at home – the cornerstones for children’s success in school and later life. That is why the Government continues to invest heavily in early education, including the expansion of free childcare for three and four year olds, and the new entitlement for two year olds.
The EYFS sets out the standards that early years providers must meet. It has improved quality across the early years sector, but some aspects of the 2008 framework have proved overly bureaucratic and burdensome. The reformed EYFS, which builds on the independent advice of Dame Clare Tickell, will reduce paperwork and bureaucracy for professionals and enable them to focus more strongly on the areas of learning most essential for children’s healthy development. It will also simplify assessment at age five, reducing the early learning goals from 69 to 17, and provide for earlier intervention for children who need extra help.
When we published our response to the main EYFS consultation on 20 December 2011, we launched a further one-month consultation on new learning and development requirements (as required by the Childcare Act 2006). The responses to this additional consultation were broadly positive and I have made no significant changes to the framework as a result. I am publishing the report of this consultation alongside the Framework.
I am also laying before Parliament the amended regulations to enact the reformed Framework. Together, the Early Years Foundation Stage (Learning and Development Requirements) (Amendment) Order 2012, and the Early Years Foundation Stage (Welfare Requirements) Regulations 2012, give legal effect to the requirements set out in the Framework.I am also laying the Childcare (Early Years Register) (Amendment) Regulations 2012, which amend the Childcare (Early Years Register) Regulations 2008. These amendments secure alignment between the conditions which providers must meet for registration with Ofsted, the requirements of the EYFS, and providers’ general responsibility to ensure that all staff are suitable to work with young children.
I am placing copies of the EYFS Framework, the statutory instruments, and the report of the learning and development consultation, in the libraries of both Houses.
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Michael Gove – 2012 Speech to the Association of School and College Leaders
The speech made by Michael Gove, the then Secretary of State for Education, in Birmingham on 26 March 2012.
Good morning – and thank you for the very kind invitation to come to Birmingham this morning. My last visit here was made memorable by the warmth of the welcome I received from Ninestiles School, a secondary in a challenging area which has made fantastic progress under the leadership of Chris Quinn. It was a pleasure for me to talk to the students there and especially one sixth former – Cameron Kigonaye – whose parents are from Kenya and Cameroon and who is now course to read law at Oxford. It was a reminder of just how much latent talent we have in this country.
I visited another outstanding school in challenging circumstances earlier this week – Freemantle Academy – in one of the most deprived parts of Southampton.
The head there, Kevin Barratt, became a teacher after a successful career in consulting engineering – something that has proved useful in helping design the new buildings he has delivered for his school in record time. I was intrigued as to why Kevin had left one high-paying profession for another profession and why, having become a teacher, he wanted to become a head. “Simple, really” he replied. “I wanted to help children. And being a head gave me the chance to help more children.”
In one sentence Kevin, I am certain, spoke for everyone in this room.
The reason we work in education is because we want to help children.
And the reason people take on leadership positions is they want to help as many children as possible. That is the central moral purpose that brought all of you into education.And it is what animates the work of the leaders whose schools I have been fortunate enough to visit in the last year.
The magificent seven
Like Amanda Philips in Old Ford Primary in Bow – whose students come from one of the poorest parts of one of the capital’s poorest boroughs but who leave with the sort of love of literature you’d expect of English undergraduates.
Or Yasmin Bevan in Denbigh High in Luton- whose students again come from some of the most challenging areas of one of our most ethnically diverse cities and who again excel – securing superb results in the GCSEs which set them on course for the best universities.
Or Pete Birkett – who leads the Barnfield Federation – whose studio school is delivering an amazing technical and academic education for those students – overwhelmingly from disadvantaged homes – who have struggled most at primary…
And then there’s Jerry Collins from Pimlico – the head who has recorded the fastest progress yet in taking a school from categories to outstanding – and who is now devising a whole new secondary curriculum designed to ensure his students – again overwhelmingly from disadvantaged backgrounds – can out-compete privately educated children.
Or Patricia Sowter – at Cuckoo Hall in Edmonton – whose students come from one of the poorest areas of the Labour borough of Enfield and who secures for every student – including those with special needs – Level 4 at Key Stage Two.
Or Greg Wallace at Woodberry Down -whose students are drawn from the poorest parts of Hackney and who have benefitted hugely from a rigorous approach to reading in the early years which makes them enthusiastic devourers of every book they can get their hands on by years 4, 5 and 6.
And I cannot miss out Barry Day – in Nottingham – who again draws his students from the most challenging neighbourhoods in an ethnically diverse city – and who generates outstanding academic results in an environment where grace, civility and cultural ambition are expected of every child.
The reason I mention these – and I could mention many more – is that I don’t think any leader in education should give a speech – or appear in public to talk about education – without celebrating success and giving a shout-out to those who’ve achieved it.
But there’s a special reason I mention these magnificent seven today.
And it goes to the heart of the moral purpose of this Government.
I’ve said in the past – will say again – and the evidence backs me up when I say it.We have the best generation of young teachers ever in our schools.
We have the best generation of heads ever in our schools.
And our whole school system is good- with many outstanding features.But our education system – our country- is still held back by two weaknesses.
We have – for generations -failed to stretch every child to the limit of their ability.
And we have – for all our lifetimes- failed the poorest most of all.
And tackling these problems for me isn’t just business, it’s personal.When you spend the first months of your life in care. When you know your life could have taken many, very different, courses. But you know that education liberated you to enjoy opportunities your parents could scarcely have dreamt of, then you know that it’s a sin not to do everything in your power to help every child transcend the circumstances of their birth to achieve everything of which they’re capable.
Which is where the magnificent seven come in.
Every single one of them proves -every single day of their lives – that deprivation need not be destiny. That the assumptions of a generation ago of what students were capable of were narrow, limiting and unfair.
And that with great teaching – and that’s really it – we can democratise access to knowledge, find the talent in every child and make opportunity more equal.We’re all in this to help children- as many children as possible.
But when there are schools where more than forty per cent of children don’t reach an acceptable level of reading, writing and maths then there are more children who still need our help.And when children eligible for free school meals are in schools where they fall further and further behind their peers at every stage of their education then there are more children who still need our help.
And when children from wealthy homes who go to schools in comfortable areas are getting the GCSEs that give them a wide choice of futures – and poorer children going to schools in poorer areas aren’t getting those GCSEs then there are more children who still need our help.
The terrible temptation of fatalism
Yet from some quarters in the political world there’s still a lack of rooted determination to make all our schools excellent, because there are individuals who have succumbed to the terrible temptation of fatalism.
They believe that there are some children who cannot be expected to succeed.They hold that there are some students who will never transcend the circumstances of their birth.
For some – usually on the right – there can only ever be a small percentage of children who either can – or even deserve – to make it to the top. They see society either as a pyramid or a bell curve. Those with the intelligence to make something of themselves are the minority at the far right of that bell curve – the cognitive elite – those with a higher than average IQ who are – by definition – only ever a minority of the population.
Sometimes injustices, or inefficiencies, mean that those at the far right of the bell curve do not make it to the top of the pyramid – but beyond ensuring that the minority who are smart are also the minority who are rich there is nothing much more to be done.
For others – usually on the left – the existence of material inequality determines everything – and as long as there are differentials of wealth and background you can never expect real progress to be made.
From their point of view, poor children cannot succeed because their circumstances prevent it. Poor children will lag behind their wealthier peers in any school that educates both. And a school with a large number of poor children will be so weighed down – or held back – by the socio-economic background of its intake that those children will always be at a disadvantage.
Only if every school has as close to an identical intake as possible will every child have as close to an identical chance as possible. You cannot solve in the classroom the problems created by fundamental class divisions. Both the Bell Curve Right and the Class Struggle Left agree on more than they might like to admit.
Both agree that there are some children who won’t succeed because of their background.
Both would say of our weakest schools – where poor students from poor homes do poorly – well, what do you expect?
Both of them, however, are wrong.
We know they’re wrong because there are schools in this country with very challenging intakes – with a higher than average proportion of children with special needs, a higher than average number eligible for free school meals, a higher than average number who don’t have English as a first language – that outperform schools with much more favoured intakes in much wealthier areas.
Schools such as those I mention run by the Magnificent Seven, and by so many others of you here in this hall.
More than that, many of these schools prove that there need be no difference in performance – none – between students from disadvantaged circumstances and students from wealthier homes.
No such thing as an attainment gap
There is no such thing as an attainment gap at Cuckoo Hall or at Thomas Jones Primary in North Kensington. In both schools exactly the same percentage of children eligible for Free School Meals reach an acceptable level in English and Maths as children from wealthier homes – and in both cases that is 100%.
There are more than forty primaries across the country which have achieved the same – eliminating any attainment gap between rich and poor. The same has been done at secondary level as well. At Paddington Academy, which has an especially challenging intake, there is no difference in pupil performance on the basis of background.
These schools demonstrate on the ground what brain science is telling us in learned journals and best-selling paperbacks. There is nothing determined, fixed or immutable about a child’s chances of success.
Neither the genetic or material inheritance of any child need automatically determine how far they will rise, or what achievements they might secure.
In Matthew Syed’s ‘Bounce’, in Malcolm Gladwell’s ‘Outliers’ and – most comprehensively of all – in David Shenk’s The Genius in All of Us, the evidence shows that hard work, application and properly directed activity can produce phenomenal results in almost any individual.If an individual has the will, if we as society have the will, we can achieve far, far more than we may have ever imagined.
Shenk shows us that genes do not immutably dictate our destiny – it is the interplay between what we inherit and the environment and culture in which we grow up which determines what we become.
He, and Syed, and Gladwell, all prove with countless examples that effort and application can generate success in almost any field. And if children are educated in an environment where hard work is expected, where every child is assumed capable of success, and no excuses are allowed for failure, then children will succeed – from any background.
What Shenk, Syed and Gladwell believe is what the best schools ¬ in this country and across the world – are putting into practice.
In King Solomon Academy in Lisson Grove – in the top 10 per cent of the most deprived schools in London – it is expected that every student – every student – will make it onto higher education.
The school hours are longer – the homework is demanding – the expectations pitched deliberately high. Children study Shakespearean tragedies in depth, Jane Austen, Aldous Huxley and Primo Levi.
In Pimlico Academy – which again draws students from some of the toughest parts of London – every young person is equipped with a level of cultural literacy designed to make university natural. They study the Renaissance architecture of Brunelleschi and Bernini alongside the role of Archbishop Laud and Henrietta Maria in provoking the English Civil War.
In Thomas Jones, a primary, children who are ten and eleven – again drawn from some of London’s most challenging areas – are called scholars and taught what scholarship means – through the medium of works by Dickens, Wilde, Blake, Larkin, Matthew Arnold and Tennyson.These high expectations – and the hard work required to meet them – generate not just statistically astounding results, they also transform the lives of children from the poorest homes.
They are given access to the same cultural heritage wealthier children expect as of right, they are capable of exceeding the performance, in any test of knowledge or ability, expected of far wealthier children, they are set for success in any field.
It is because we cannot allow children to suffer – when we know they can achieve so much more – that we are pressing ahead with our reform programme.
And it is because all of you I know are dedicated to making opportunity more equal that I am so grateful for your support in this work.
The World at an inflection point
And lest anyone think we should slacken the pace of reform – let me reassure them – we have to accelerate. Over the next ten years the world we inhabit will change massively. We are at an inflection point in the economic and educational development of nations.
Technology will change out of all recognition how individuals work, how we teach and how students learn. Millions more across the globe will go onto higher – and post-graduate education.
Globalisation will see the number of unskilled or low skilled jobs in this country diminish further and the rewards to those with higher level qualifications continue to soar further ahead.
We cannot ignore, wish away or seek to stand aside from these developments. Not least because they promise a dramatic step forward in the unleashing of talent, the fulfilment of human potential and the reach of our creativity.
So we need to have an education system equipped for that world – one which equips young people for all its challenges – and opportunities.
We need to cultivate higher order thinking skills and creativity.
We need to be adaptable and fleet-footed. We need to welcome innovation and challenge as a way to ensure we lead rather than meekly follow.And it’s a consciousness of the changes which are sweeping across the world which drives our education reform programme.
We need to ensure every child achieves their fullest potential because we need every mind motivated to succeed if our society as a whole is to prosper.
The five pillars of reform – a vision beyond 2020
And it’s an awareness of the scale of reform needed which is driving change in each area of our policy programme.
In funding
In human capital
In the curriculum and qualifications
In accountabilityAnd in the structures we create to drive innovation and excellence.
In funding – we must over the next ten years move away from a system in which no-one ¬ literally no-one – can explain why schools receive the sums they do. Where pupils with the same needs in different parts of the country receive wildly differing sums for their education. Where the amount spent to help the poorest is arbitrarily distributed and where accountability for how money is spent is opaque and confused, to a much more rational system with a set amount for every child – related to their age – and course.With an additional sum – the pupil premium – for every poor child and special support for schools in exceptional circumstances or children with special needs. Money should more transparently follow students, schools should be freer to expand, and accountability for what is done with that money must be clearer. If we move to such a system – the unfairness of our current funding arrangements will become a thing of the past.
On human capital – we must continue the trend we’ve seen over the last fifteen years of recruiting more talented people into teaching – no education system can be better than its teachers.
So we need to remove one of the biggest barriers to people staying in teaching – poor behaviour and discipline – which we’re doing with reforms to make detention simpler, exclusion easier and fairer, attendance easier to police and adult authority unquestioned.
We also need to support the best students, particularly in disciplines such as maths and science, to come into the classroom – which we’re doing by paying them more.
We need to ensure they are prepared better for the classroom – which we’re doing by reforming teacher training to reward those institutions with the highest standards.
And we need to ensure there is high quality and well-funded continuous professional development – which we’re doing through the National College, Teaching Schools, the growth in academy chains and the work of organisations like the Prince’s Teaching Institute.
And if we embrace these changes media and political criticism of professional standards in teaching will become a thing of the past.
On the curriculum and qualifications:
We need to encourage much greater creativity – led by teachers -which is why we’re allowing academies total curriculum freedom and stripping back prescription in the national curriculum for non-core subjects.
We need to move away from an expensive and time-consuming culture of proliferating external examinations – modules, re-sits and retakes – towards fewer high quality qualifications overseen and conferred not by commercial organisations but by institutions of academic excellence such as our best universities.We need to see innovation in new areas such as computer science.
And we also need to ensure a higher level of cultural literacy and greater familiarity for all students from all backgrounds with the best that’s been thought and written globally.And if we ensure we deliver these changes concerns about dumbing down and sheep and goat divisions between academic and vocational will become a thing of the past.
On accountability:
We need more data not less. We must move away from reliance on just one or two benchmarks to a rich and nuanced account of achievement. Every month, week, day and hour we have data about the economic performance of the nation.But for years we have only two reliable – and publicly shared – data sets about our children’s development – at 11 and 16 – based on levels which few parents understand or GCSE performance narrowly measured.
We need to know more about how our children are doing. Which schools are succeeding – and why. Which pedagogies are working – and why. Which leaders are proving transformational – and why. And that data will of course be complemented by thoughtful inspection from professionals.Which is why I want Ofsted to be run by, with, and for school leaders.
And why I think Michael Wilshaw is absolutely right to say he wants more and more inspection to be done by and with the people in this hall – not to them. And if we secure those changes then accountability as a crude filter will become a thing of the past and instead it will be a powerful means of continual self-improvement.And on our structures:
I think we need to welcome innovation and flexibility. That’s why I am delighted so many of you have chosen to become academies – more than 40% of secondaries now enjoy academy freedom and now more primaries are applying than secondaries every month.That’s why I am delighted that free schools are up and running – and more are opening – led by great heads and pioneering new ways of teaching and learning.
It’s why I welcome the injection of new thinking which has come into communities where under-performance has been entrenched as more and more academies – many represented in this hall – open their own free schools, sponsor existing schools and enter new partnerships and federations.
Because access to the education children need is still rationed by the inflexible structures we all inherited.
Just a few days ago we had the annual recording of how many parents had failed to secure a place for their child at the school they hoped for.
Under the system we want to build – with good schools expanding, sponsoring others, new entrants providing choice and challenge and parents empowered to choose – the annual wrangle over admissions and the creation of fixed hierarchies of schools will become a thing of the past.
But the thing which I wish most of all to consign to the past is the fatalism which holds that this country cannot be the best-educated in the world, the fairest and the most open.Because I know how offensive that is to the people in this room – how belittling of their talent, how dismissive of their ambition, how ignorant of the moral purpose which drives you to all work so hard.
We all know the truth of the words of Martin Luther King in his letter from a Birmingham jail:
Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability – it comes through tireless effort – and without this hard work time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. I am an enemy of all the forces of social stagnation.
And there are no better allies to have in defeating those forces than all of you in this room. It is to defeating those forces that I know all your amazing hard and tireless work is dedicated – for which I thank you.
