Category: Education

  • Andy Burnham – 2026 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    Andy Burnham – 2026 Speech to Labour Party Conference

    The speech made by Andy Burnham, the Prime Minister, in Liverpool on 29 September 2026.

    Thank you so much, Conference. Thank you.

    And Nadia, I love you Nadia. I am so proud of you, so proud of you up on the stage. Thank you.

    All Together Now. That’s my rallying call to the country today. When we pull as one, there is nothing we can’t do.

    Today we draw a line on a decade of division. We stop doomscrolling on posts running Britain down. And we put the country on a new path.

    Britain with belief again. People with hope again. 

    It’s very hard to put into words the emotion I feel standing here before you all.

    For me, life truly has come full circle because this is where my story began. My grandad drove a lorry along these docks for Tate & Lyle. 

    My gran Kitty inherited the drive of her Irish ancestors. She walked three miles out of the bombed-out city after the war to put a deposit down on a house, without Jimmy’s knowledge actually. I wouldn’t do that to you John, wherever you are Chancellor!

    She put a deposit down on a house. The house where I was born. It changed the fortunes of my family.

    It was where my mum and dad started off, built a partnership and went on to create our own family home and filled it with life, love and laughter.

    Eileen and Roy gave me a care for people. Forged by her faith, his politics and the values of this great city we are in again for our conference.

    They guided me to the point where I stand before you today.

    Ours is the same story of so many families, British families of my generation. A story of working-class aspiration. A desire to get on and give back, never pulling up the ladder. And a post-war Britain that backed them to do it. 

    It’s still there, as I saw in Stourbridge this summer. I watched a whole community getting stuck in to support those whose homes had been burnt down. Proof the British people haven’t changed. Still as great as they ever were. 

    But something is different these days. That sense of the powers-that-be pulling against the people not with them. If there’s one thing I want to put right, it’s that.

    Imagine living in a Britain where people feel the country has their got back again. A Britain for everyone, no matter who we are or where we’re born. We would be unstoppable. And we will be.

    Conference, I am 10 weeks into this job. And not all of my recent predecessors have been able to say that.

    I’ve been thinking very carefully about what to say to you today. Of course I am here to speak to you, our Labour family. The other family that love so much. 

    For the historic victory he achieved for us, I am here to say thank you Keir. And to thank you to the whole of this conference and all of you for the backing that you have given me.

    The politician in me wants to give the usual tub-thumping conference speech today. But the patriot in me tells me something very different is needed.

    This country isn’t where any of us would want it to be. Politics-as-usual has taken it backwards. More of the same isn’t good enough. That’s why I feel I have to break the mould today.

    I am going to give you a real speech. 

    I left Westminster a decade ago because of my frustration at its failure to face up to what happened at Hillsborough. Its refusal to treat all parts of the country equally and fairly. Its capitulation in the face of the social care crisis.

    So I became an outsider from the Westminster club. When I asked the people Makerfield to support my return, it was not because I missed Westminster so much. It was to come back to change it. To make politics work for you.

    Everyone can see the position Britain is in. Everyone knows things are not working as they should. Everyone is talking about how life is too expensive. Everyone wants less drift and more direction.

    Today I answer that call.

    Hope comes from honesty and we will have hope again. But first, honesty. It comes from saying the things politicians usually avoid.

    I will say it straight. Britain has been on the wrong path for a long time. Deindustrialisation. Deregulation. Privatisation. Austerity. Brexit.

    And what has it given us? A country run for vested interests. Not in the public interest. With power held in too few hands. And too many places left to drift. 

    I am ready to do things my predecessors wouldn’t. I will make a break with the direction of the past 40 years and put Britain on a new path.

    Build a new economy and a new politics. That is the case I make to you today. 

    Conference, change will be difficult. It always is. But I know we can do it. Because we have done it before.

    In 1945, we had the vision to win the peace. We had the bravery to make change. We built good homes, secure jobs, health and education for everyone. We gave Britain hope again.

    We made working-class aspiration feel real for families like mine. We built the common good. Or at least we did until the 1980s.

    Suddenly, the common wealth we had created, this party, the wealth we had created for the many was seen as an opportunity for the few.

    Homes. Water. Energy. Transport. Care. Broken up and sold off.

    The British Right talk about ‘taking back control’. Never let them forget, they are the ones that gave it away in the first place.

    Economic control diminished by selling off essentials. Political control corroded by the hollowing out of councils. Immigration control weakened by Brexit.

    Later this year, we will publish our plan for Britain and set out how, over 10 years, we will make this country work for you again.

    More control of the basics so that we can make it more functional. More power in the hands of people and places to set their own ambitions. And from there, good growth in every postcode, hope in every heart.

    Our journey starts where I started, in the Old Roan, not far from here. With housing. A home. 

    That home on Keeble Drive unlocked the aspiration in my mum and dad for a better life for us all and has taken us to places we could never have imagined.

    With a good home, everything is possible. Without one, it feels like nothing is.

    Kids can’t have a good start in life. Families can’t have good health, physical and mental health. Over a million people are in that position on housing waiting lists – almost exactly the same number as the homes we lost through Right-to-Buy in the 1980s.

    I will not rest until we live in a Britain where everyone has a roof over their head every night and no one is forced to sleep rough on our streets.

    On my first day in this job, on the steps of Downing Street, I set an immediate mission to end the need for rough sleeping. Everyone In. Our new permanent national policy.

    Putting the right principles and standards back at the heart of this country. The care for people I got from my mum and dad at the heart of the running of the British state. 

    From there, the biggest council house building programme since the post-war era, led by Angela Rayner.

    And I am specific about council homes because we need to restore stronger democratic control over our housing stock.

    We will help councils build again and make it affordable by building on unused public land. We will reform Right-to-Buy. Not taking the right away from anyone in an existing home. But removing it from the new homes we build so they are there for generations to come.

    Rebuilding our common wealth. Restoring the public housing stock to what it once was, not just by building new but acting on the private rented stock too. 

    Go to almost any town across Britain and you will see plenty of empty homes. We will give councils the power to take control of them and bring them back into the public housing stock. 

    You will see rented homes in a poor state of repair too on so many British streets. Homes which harm the health of the people inside and drag down the streets around them.

    The worst of it? Often owned by absent landlords who are paid through the benefits system but refuse to reinvest anything in the upkeep of the property.

    It is time to call an end to this. Landlords who rent out the worst quality homes will be given warnings to improve them. If they refuse, we will make it much easier for councils to acquire those homes and we will legislate if necessary.

    We don’t let people sell food which damages health. So why allow it with homes? From now on, we won’t.

    This is what I mean about taking back control with our communities.

    But I also want to get back to a Britain where young people starting out are able to buy a home like my mum and dad did. Like I did.

    They have had it tougher than us. Working hard, paying bills, trying to save but looking at a student loan which never gets any smaller.

    Today I say to them we are bringing back the hope you can have a home of your own. 

    Your First Home will reduce the size of the deposit you need. It will open up home ownership to those not backed by the bank of mum and dad.

    And we promise we will not forget our promises to leaseholders. We will introduce a Bill before Christmas for long overdue Leasehold Reform.

    To the millions of leaseholders across the country, you have my word. The days of you being squeezed for every penny are coming to an end.

    Conference, this is the break we are making with the flawed thinking of the last 40 years. 

    Not seeing housing only as a market with winners and losers, but as an essential everyone needs for a good life.

    And the next stage of our journey is to apply that same philosophy to the most basic thing of all. 

    Water is a symbol of what has gone wrong with Britain. A service where the shareholders never lose and the public never win. From which some have syphoned out easy money while the public picked up the bill for the sewage in our seas.

    It stinks. I will not allow it to continue like this.

    Today I can confirm Angela Eagle will present a strengthened Water Bill to Parliament. The centrepiece of that Bill will be this – the repeal of Margaret Thatcher’s ideological ban on public ownership of water companies.

    It will start a 10-year journey to a very different water system. 

    It will strengthen public control. Mayors will have new powers to hold water companies to account, with tougher consequences for those which repeatedly fail. It will close the loopholes used to pay excessive bonuses.

    Where private companies serve the public interest, we will support them. But the consequences will be clear for those who do not, including taking back control or public ownership.

    Conference, when people hear the phrase public control, I am sure some think it’s anti-business. It’s the opposite.

    Businesses need the basics to be functional and affordable too, as does the wider economy. As someone said to me recently, there’s a reason why you can’t build all over the Water Works and the Electric Company on the Monopoly board. 

    One of the biggest barriers to growth in the UK is the cost of energy. British businesses and billpayers pay some of the highest energy costs in Europe. 

    Within 10 years, I want those costs to be in line with our neighbours. 

    This means reforming a broken energy market so it better serves the public interest. 

    We are already taking more control of our electricity prices with a massive expansion of home-grown renewables and nuclear. I have asked Miatta to speed up the breaking of the link between what we pay for power at home and the international gas market, to get bills down. 

    And we will be pragmatic in relation to the North Sea as we build a bridge to a clean energy future and face the climate crisis. 

    But it’s not just the price. The system needs to work better too. You would not believe how many businesses complain to me they can’t get going because they can’t get connected to the grid.  

    It pushes costs up. It drags growth down. And it holds Britain back. We won’t get the growth and inward investment we need if we don’t fix it.

    So, for the first time, we will have a national energy plan and we will bring back local democratic control through a stronger role for mayors and local leaders. 

    But we must go further. Today I can announce our plan for Great British Grid. A new branch of Great British Energy. A publicly-owned company that will challenge the private sector operators. 

    It will increase competition, drive down costs and speed up connections so businesses can expand and grow more quickly.   

    Energy, water, housing. Back under stronger public control. We rely on them, we pay for them and once again we will have power over them.

    I realise people can’t wait forever for change though. They need breathing space now. And I am determined to provide it.

    I can say to everyone watching, you will see VAT disappear off your electricity bill this Thursday. I didn’t expect a standing ovation for that but I’ll take it. Thank you, Conference!

    From January, you will be able to travel for the whole of 2027 anywhere in England paying no more than £2 for a single bus journey. You knew I wouldn’t get through a conference speech without mentioning buses, didn’t you?

    These things are not everything but I hope you will see it as a sign, a strong one, of our intent to get your bills and fares down as you wait for the bigger changes to come.

    I would love to go quicker. But I have to be honest about what the country can afford. I will stick to our fiscal rules to get borrowing and debt down. 

    The approach I am outlining today is the responsible one. If we build a generation of council homes, we will save billions from the housing benefit budget over the decade.

    If we get energy bills down, we will better control inflation and support the economy. 

    If we change the way we support people, we will get more people into work and the welfare bill down. 

    Not through crude cuts. That should never be the Labour way. 

    But by investing in people in their success, supporting them to get where they want to be, rather than paying for failure as the country does now. 

    Our plan for public control is a plan for growth, growth of people, places and businesses.

    The truth is this. When we gave up public control, we left people exposed. Just when it was getting harder to grow up and harder to grow old.

    Support has been cut away from young and old. And that leaves the country paying for failure on a grand scale.

    Almost a million young people not working or learning. Thousands of older people stuck in hospital because of the lack of good home care. 

    We can’t afford to carry on like this.

    In 1945 we had the Beveridge Report. We need something similar now. A new social contract for the 21st century.

    You know of my long-held ambitions to reform social care. When I was a new MP in the early 2000s, I despaired at what I saw when my gran Kitty went through the system. 

    I winced at the pain it caused my mum. My gran’s engagement ring ripped from her finger and stolen in a care home. Care not worthy of the name.

    And the modest savings she had built up through her life, starting from the house where I was born? All taken to pay for it.

    I vowed then to fight for something better for my parents’ generation. And here we are 25 years later. If anything, it’s worse today than it was then.

    What an indictment of my generation of politicians, myself included. Too cowardly to fix something as basic as the care we give to each other.

    Is it any wonder people are giving up on politics?

    I watched closely the people who looked after my dad. Caring for other people’s parents on poverty pay, but doing it with huge skill, humour and humanity.

    Holding a threadbare system somehow together.

    Yet invisible to the political class of this country.

    I want to speak directly today to our care workers.

    You are not invisible to me.

    I see you.

    I thank you.

    And I am sorry that my profession has let down yours for so long.

    I promise you: I won’t leave this job without doing everything I can to change things for you.

    And I say the same to our wonderful NHS staff.

    We have let you down too.

    Left you under intolerable pressure.

    At risk of burn-out.

    Dealing with 999 calls from a failing care system.

    Corridor care your daily reality.

    If we carry on like this, Conference, broken social care will break the NHS too.

    And we can’t let that happen, we must never let that happen, this party that founded the National Health Service.

    There is only one real answer.

    A person-centred, high-quality care service that starts in the home.

    A system in the best traditions of this party, where everyone contributes and everyone is covered.

    Free at the point of use and no care charges paid out of your basic state pension.

    Care that is about people not profit. 

    Which gives peace of mind over care needs in later life.

    Which protects people’s homes and their savings.

    And gives proper recognition to the care workers we will all need to rely on at some point in our lives.

    Conference, this is the National Care Service we will build.

    We will, we will. Thank you, Conference. 

    We’re going to do it. We are going to do it.

    A landmark policy as significant as the creation of the NHS itself.

    And utterly essential to securing its future.

    NHS savings from fewer ambulance call-outs, A&E admissions and vulnerable people being stuck unnecessarily in hospital.

    We will start laying the ground now for the National Care Service and introduce it in the next Parliament. 

    Louise Casey’s review will advise us on exactly how and Yvette and I will seek to build the maximum national consensus around her recommendations.   

    It will be fully funded, and not through borrowing.

    Conference, I won’t pretend some of this won’t be difficult.

    I accept I may pay a political price.

    But someone has to go through the pain barrier and rip the plaster off.

    It’s the leadership I promised you when I asked to be your leader and I will do it.

    But I’ll be honest as well.

    We promised in our manifesto to keep the Triple Lock unchanged throughout this Parliament. 

    I will honour that promise.

    I will honour that promise, and I will do more.

    That promise will take the state pension to a record high.

    From there, in April 2030, we will adjust it.

    The state pension will continue to rise every year at least by prices or 2.5%.

    And it will hold its value relative to earnings over time so that pensioners will always share in the rising prosperity of the nation.

    But this change will generate significant savings which we will use to build up our National Care Service.

    Some may not realise it but older people with nothing more than the state pension, or only a little more, can find themselves paying care charges today from that small income.

    Under my plan, this will no longer happen.

    I can also confirm today our commitment to ensure that the low-income pensioners won’t be dragged into paying income tax in this Parliament.

    So this is the deal.

    A state pension that rises every year.

    No care charges.

    And a high-quality National Care Service to give peace of mind in later life. 

    Conference, I am going to go out and argue for that.

    A good deal for our pensioners and for older people in the 21st century.

    And I will do it in memory of my dad and out of complete respect for everyone who cared for him.

    Conference, we will need to show the same boldness for our young people too.

    Just when growing up got harder in the social media age, their support was stripped away.

    Youth services practically abolished in the 2010s.

    Children’s mental health services cut.

    Families left to battle for support for kids with special educational needs and disabilities.

    So many young people cast adrift by a school system built for some, not all, overly focused on the university route and not enough on technical education.

    Should we be really surprised that the numbers of late teens and early 20s on benefits has grown?

    Conference, it’s not their fault. It’s ours.

    Politicians fail to give people, young people, the support they need as they grow up in a tougher world and then threaten them in their 20s that they will strip away what they’re left with.

    How is that fair? How does that build a strong society?

    We have a choice, Conference.

    Either we invest in our young people.

    Or we pay for failure through the benefits system.

    Truthfully, we can’t afford to do both.

    My choice is to invest in them.

    We can’t retake control of the country’s future if we leave so many of our young people drifting towards it.

    We await the final report from Alan Milburn’s review.

    But I can say now we will change the education system and the welfare system. 

    We will rebuild a system of comprehensive education in this country with parity between academic and technical, with Lucy Powell leading the way.

    Good quality pathways for all from 14.

    And the right support for our young people when they need it.

    A 45-day work placement between 16 and 18.

    An apprenticeship at 18.

    And no long waits anymore for mental health support growing up.

    We will need a fundamental rethink of the welfare system to find the money for these opportunities upfront.

    And we will require young people to take up the help presented to them – guaranteeing in-work support and not leaving those out of work losing confidence and connection.  

    This is a different approach to welfare. 

    It is based on a philosophy of social security.

    A country which invests in people’s success, rather than abandoning them and paying for failure, will be much more resilient to the shocks we will undoubtedly face in the rest of this century.

    And more able to meet its NATO obligations on defence.

    This leadership we are showing at home will be matched on the international stage. 

    I will be steadfast in my support for Ukraine and stand up to threats wherever they come from. Whether Russia, Iran or anywhere.

    And Conference, we will be principled in our leadership in securing a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine, as Ed Miliband has shown.

    This is the Labour way. A plan for Britain that will enhance our social security and our national security.

    You don’t make Britain safer by leaving a younger generation without hope stuck at home looking at screens. 

    You do it by giving young people hope again. 

    And you do it by getting our economy growing strongly again.

    I know Britain is full of brilliant businesses who want our young people to succeed and want to employ them.

    And we will help them do that and grow together.

    I have a theory of growth.

    It starts by retaking control of the essentials that make a place work or not.

    You’ve got to have that control over the fundamental things that everybody needs.

    And from there you devolve more power to places to put them in charge and decide their own destiny.

    And then in doing those things we optimise the conditions for businesses to grow.


    And make sure we support our people so they are there for our business to employ.

    Conference, I developed this approach over a decade leading the country’s fastest-growing city region.

    And I could not have been more proud to hand over to Bev Craig as the new Mayor of Greater Manchester.

    It’s like the other way round from when Alex Ferguson handed over to David Moyes, I think this is David Moyes handing over to Alex Ferguson.

    We have a theory of growth, and we built it with Steve too when we left Westminster together, and with the other mayors who are with us today.

    And you can see the change, you can feel it in this city, can’t you. 

    Amazing isn’t it, to be here, to see it every year, because we come back every year. 

    We see the change every year, and how good is that to see.

    And we want it everywhere, don’t we, every place represented in this conference hall here today. 

    And that’s what I intend to do.

    I intend to take what I did in Manchester, our plan for good growth, and drive it from the very centre of Government into every postcode in Britain.

    Number 10 North, in lockstep with John and the Treasury, overseeing the rewiring of the British state, the rebuilding of resilience in our communities and the re-industrialisation of our regions. 

    Changing government procurement so that it backs British business, as our trade unions have rightly pushed us to do.

    And that will require culture change in Whitehall.

    The Mayor of the Liverpool City Region should not have had to fight Whitehall as hard as he did to get a new ferry built on the banks of the River Mersey.

    And what a job he is doing.

    Liverpool growing faster than the UK economy.

    How often have we been able to say that in our lifetimes? What a brilliant thing to be able to say.

    Places written off by the powers-that-be in the past now proving them wrong.

    Bringing big names in AI like Kyndryl into the city. 

    I see huge potential for more of this in every part of Britain.

    I see start-ups and scale-ups pouring out of our world-class universities.

    I see businesses up and down the country playing their part and ready to do more.

    As Gordon Brown has said, we can be the world’s innovation nation, and he’s right, we can.

    A nation trusted by others to be a global leader in AI, an honest broker 

    When Britain takes the Presidency of the G20 next year, I will show our new-found confidence as a country, and I will show it to the world by putting AI centre stage and Britain will then work to develop a new global code to capture its benefits whilst being clear-eyed about its risks.

    Just as Gordon did in the financial crisis in 2008, so Britain will do it again, step forward, and bring people together around what’s right for the future.

    Securing our prosperity, but also our safety, and particularly the safety of our young people.

    We led the world first’s industrial revolution from the Midlands and the North of England.

    So why can’t we lead the next?

    We can, Conference.

    And we will.

    We are a country full of working-class aspiration.

    And we will be the Government that unlocks it.

    Conference, there is one final thing we need to change if our plan for Britain is to succeed.

    Our politics.

    Westminster prizes point-scoring over problem-solving.

    And that is why so many things go unfixed for so long.

    If we want to change Britain, we need to change ourselves.

    I will work as hard as I can to get as much cross-party support for our plan for Britain.

    If we can secure that, it will project a message of confidence and stability to markets and the world about Britain’s future direction.

    It is why I decided to make this a very different conference speech.

    We can’t succeed in the eyes of the world if we continue with the levels of political turbulence we have seen in recent times.

    It is always in my mind that I’m the seventh Prime Minister in ten years. 

    It is why I want to underpin our plan for Britain with a new politics.  

    We will all have failed in our public duties if we carry on as we are and open the door of Number 10 to a divisive government on less than 30% of the vote.

    Conference, in past years you have voted twice to support electoral reform. 

    I hear you, I agree with you and today I am announcing a new national commission on electoral reform.

    I invite all the political parties to be part of its work.

    We will contest the next election with a manifesto commitment to change the electoral system so that everyone’s vote counts and everyone’s voice is heard.

    As you can see, what I am outlining is a more serious and thought-through prospectus for the future of Britain than people have been offered in a generation.

    I appreciate some of it is difficult. 

    I accept people, including in this hall, will not agree with every part of it.

    But I believe this is what we need, small things will not get us through what are difficult times.

    We need to be bigger and to have the courage of our convictions.

    I believe we can turn Britain around, but it requires us to think bigger about what we need to do.

    I will try my best to find common ground.

    But let me be clear.

    Where I can’t agree with others, I will fight hard for what I believe to be right and what I believe to be in the best interests of this country.

    On the day my dad died, the Scottish First Minister said I would be the last Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

    I quote that not to seek sympathy.

    Nor to criticise John Swinney, I don’t think he knew the news at the time.

    And anyway, my dad Roy would have been the first to defend his right to say it.

    I relay it because I want you to know how it made me feel.

    Utterly determined to prove him wrong.

    Whatever its flaws, this country gave my dad a good life.

    And it has given his sons opportunities he didn’t get for himself.

    He recognised that and was grateful for it.

    And so proud of what Nick, John and I did with them.

    If only, if only he had been able to appreciate that moment of the family in Downing Street.

    The son of a man who failed his 11-plus becoming Prime Minister.

    The fact it could even happen in this country would not have been lost on him.

    He could have gone to university himself, but times were different then so it wasn’t an option.

    But he voted every time, religiously for the Labour governments which changed education so his sons could do that.

    The United Kingdom my dad represented is the one I believe in.

    A union of nations that gave trade unions and the cooperative movement to the world.

    The National Health Service.

    A country that stood up to fascism.

    A country of solidarity not separation.

    That’s the Britain my dad represented.

    Britain is not perfect. It can be better and we will make it so.

    But it still stands for something worth saving, worth fighting for.

    And we will always be stronger facing a changing world together, rather than separating.

    So I am going to use this job to build the kind of Britain my dad wanted to see – and fight with everything I’ve got to keep it together.

    Not the last Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.

    Rather the first to rewire it to make it work for all people and places.

    Driving power out of Whitehall and into every postcode of Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and England and closing divides between people and places.

    The first Prime Minister to make a break with politics-as-usual. 

    I believe the plan I have outlined today will not just hold us together, it will allow us to rise again.

    Britain to rise again.

    And we will be a Britain again confident of our place in the world.

    It has changed dramatically since 2016.

    And, in the spirit of this speech, we have to be honest.

    Brexit hasn’t given us control.

    We’ve lost some of the control we had over our economy, as a decade of low growth has put us in a weaker position.

    And we’ve lost some of our control over immigration.

    At its most fundamental level, this is a debate about fairness.

    So I understand the anger about what is happening in the Channel.

    Shabana has done a great job in beginning to restore our grip over the system.

    People arriving on small boats down 40% on the last year, 50% from the early 2020s.

    Net migration down more than 80% since the peak of the Boris Johnson era.

    Conference, we make these changes but we will always grateful – always, and we thank them – to those whose who have come here and are contributing to our country.

    Than you, to them.

    But control over immigration was weakened when we lost collaboration with our European partners.

    And we are still having to work hard to bring it back.

    Later this year, there will be a UK-EU summit where one of the issues on the agenda will be how we best work together on immigration.

    And beyond that we will work to secure gains for our industries most harmed by Brexit.

    Conference, these are important concrete steps.

    But they are not enough.

    I say this to you and the country.

    We will not give Britain the clear path we need into the rest of the century until we decide on a long-term relationship with what is still our largest market.

    I cannot say to you truthfully that where we are is good enough.

    Brexit has done more harm than good.

    We need to restore a higher level of growth and prosperity for Britain.  

    So, I will take the opportunity around the summit to lay out to you, to lay out to the country, what I believe the different options are for Britain’s long-term relationship with our European partners.

    And there are different options.


    And I will see if we can find consensus around one which will give us clarity about our position, and the future of the continent we live in.

    Well, Conference, I did warn you this speech would be different, didn’t I?

    But I think this moment in our country’s history requires it.

    1945.

    1964.

    1997.

    Now.

    All moments of Labour governments.

    All moments which saw Britain rediscover a sense of hope.

    When I walked up Downing Street on my first day in the job, I promised to give Britain a circuit breaker.

    To get us out of the rut we’ve been in.

    To get us believing again.

    I say to this to everyone watching at home.

    You may disagree with some or all of what I have said today.

    But I have given you what you often say is missing from politics.  

    Honesty, ideas and a clear direction for the country we all love.

    I now want to make a direct appeal to you.

    If you agree with enough of what I have said, get behind this plan. 

    And get behind each other.

    It’s time to draw a line.

    To move beyond a decade of drift and division.

    To bring a spirit of unity and positivity back to our country.

    To unlock the working-class aspiration that is still there in every postcode in this great land.

    All Together Now.

    We can do it.

    We will believe again.

    We will hope again.

    Thank you, Conference.

  • Andy Burnham – 2026 Comments on T-Level Results

    Andy Burnham – 2026 Comments on T-Level Results

    The comments made by Andy Burnham, the Prime Minister, on 13 August 2026.

    I want to congratulate everyone receiving their results today. I know there will have been a mix of excitement, nerves and relief this morning, but you should all be proud of the hard work that got you here.

    It’s brilliant to see more students succeeding in T Levels, more taking maths and STEM subjects, and more young people progressing to the next stage of their education or training.

    The talent is there in every town and city in this country. Our task is to match that talent with opportunity, whether that’s through university, an apprenticeship or a technical pathway that leads to a great career. That’s how we’ll build a stronger Britain, restore hope and ensure every young person can look to the future with confidence.

  • Andy Burnham – 2026 Speech on Education

    Andy Burnham – 2026 Speech on Education

    The speech made by Andy Burnham, the Prime Minister, on 27 July 2026.

    For too long in this country, students have been told that you must take the academic path to do well and to be respected. The whole school system has been built around it and that has let down young people seeking technical qualifications.

    I want an education system based on parity between academic and technical which gives all young people a clear path in life. From today, Britain will value the hard hat every bit as much as the graduation cap.

    In a fundamental change to the education system, we will introduce new technical education pathways from 14 – prestigious routes that will give students the chance to combine the core academic subjects with the skills, technical knowledge and experience they need to get quality, well-paid jobs where they live. My message to young people is this – whether you choose construction, coding or classics, or maths, manufacturing or mechanics, you’ll get the skills you need and be given the respect you deserve.

    Fixing the youth unemployment crisis in Britain will require a major shake-up in how we do things – and that’s what this government will do. I want to ensure that our education system leaves no dead ends for our young people. The changes we’re announcing today will just be the start of our work to restore opportunity and hope across the country.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Vulnerable Teenagers

    Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Vulnerable Teenagers

    The comments made by Bridget Phillipson, the Secretary of State for Education, on 2 July 2026.

    This is one of the defining challenges of this government. Fixing it is crucial to the prosperity of our country: we cannot afford to let a generation of young people drift away from opportunity and more fulfilled lives.

    Accurate, timely tracking is not a box-ticking exercise, it’s the difference between a young person getting support early or falling through the cracks entirely. While local authorities do incredibly difficult work, often against real constraints, it’s not consistent enough.

    We’re supporting councils to intervene early to help, as part of our new deal for young people, to ensure they realise their potential through worthwhile training and stable careers.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Pay Deal for Teachers

    Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Pay Deal for Teachers

    The comments made by Bridget Phillipson, the Secretary of State for Education, on 1 July 2026.

    Our brilliant school and college teachers go above and beyond every day, and I’m determined that dedication is not just recognised, but rewarded.

    This multi-year deal, backed by significant additional investment, shows the immense value we place in our teachers, while giving schools and colleges certainty over pay and their budgets.

    It’s also right that classroom teachers are not seeing executive pay rise faster than their own – or set at excessive levels in the first place – so tighter controls will mean unjustifiable exec salaries become a thing of the past, helping level the playing field for school staff and drive every pound towards classrooms.

  • Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Comments on Sir John Major

    Kemi Badenoch – 2026 Comments on Sir John Major

    The comments made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, on 28 June 2026.

    Sir John Major makes the essential point. Parents who send children to private school save the state money.

    Labour’s tax on them has failed. Now the state has 2,000 fewer teachers than when Conservatives left office.

    So we will reverse this futile, vindictive policy.

  • Josh MacAlister – 2026 Statement on Higher Education and Student Outcomes

    Josh MacAlister – 2026 Statement on Higher Education and Student Outcomes

    The statement made by Josh MacAlister, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Education, in the House of Commons on 25 June 2026.

    Our higher education sector has a world-leading reputation. The evidence shows that most graduates are significantly better off as a result of undertaking higher education, but we are determined to ensure that everyone can be confident of a good experience and strong outcomes from their investment in higher education.

    We came into Government with a manifesto commitment to raising teaching standards in higher education. The post-16 education and skills White Paper last autumn placed quality at the heart of our vision for the sector.

    We acted quickly to support financial sustainability for providers through the tuition fee increase. We are improving support for access and participation, re-introducing maintenance grants and supporting better pathways through the system. However, there is more work to be done to ensure consistent high quality across the sector. Too many courses are not delivering the outcomes students deserve.

    New analysis published today by the Institute for Fiscal Studies shows that 25% of students do not see a positive return from their studies, with negative returns concentrated in certain subjects. I have today written to all higher education providers to outline further reforms to tackle the issues exposed by today’s IFS analysis and elsewhere, so that we can help all students benefit from everything our higher education system has to offer.

    We will legislate to limit the growth of some courses that lead to poor earnings returns at some providers, when parliamentary time allows. This will not be a blanket cap on student numbers, but a focused measure to support the sector to prioritise provision where it delivers good value for students and the taxpayer. We will engage a wide range of stakeholders to inform the development of these options.

    We also expect providers to include clear information about destinations and outcomes on their own websites, so that students can make choices that work for them. We are working with the Office for Students, UCAS (the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service) and sector partners to make it easier for students to access the information available on Discover Uni, in time for the next cohort of students to consider their options in spring 2027.

    Alongside this, our “Pathways to Priority Occupations” report, also published today, will support students to make informed choices about their courses. We are exploring how artificial intelligence can further strengthen the information available to them.

    Finally, there must be robust standards to protect students and taxpayers from abuse. We intend to consult in the autumn on new minimum English language requirements for student finance, to provide greater confidence that recipients are able to benefit from their course. We will design this carefully, in collaboration with the higher education sector.

    Together, these actions will help ensure that all students can benefit from the opportunities that higher education provides.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Kemi Badenoch Referring to her as a Gestapo Office

    Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Comments on Kemi Badenoch Referring to her as a Gestapo Office

    The comments made by Bridget Phillipson, the Secretary of State for Education, on 16 June 2026.

    The Gestapo marched hundreds of thousands of innocent people to their deaths.

    I’ve ended private schools’ tax breaks to invest in state schools.

    No responsible leader makes vile comparisons like this. Kemi Badenoch is not fit to be Prime Minister.

  • Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Speech at the RISE Inclusion Conference

    Bridget Phillipson – 2026 Speech at the RISE Inclusion Conference

    The speech made by Bridget Phillipson, the Secretary of State for Education, on 9 March 2026.

    Today I want to start by telling you about a child with an inspiring story. 

    His name is Joshua – and he’s a happy boy from Brighton. 

    At age five Joshua was diagnosed with Autism. 

    In his own words, it’s a part of him, but not what defines him. 

    Now his first experience of school wasn’t great. 

    The school wasn’t set up to meet his needs – and so he could only manage 10 minutes in the classroom a day. 

    Too noisy. 

    Too many people. 

    He had to leave the school because it just wasn’t working him – his education was suffering and he wasn’t achieving all he could. 

    That’s when he started at West Blatchington Primary, part of The Pioneer Academy trust – and his path in life changed. 

    Joshua benefitted straight away from the school’s on site SEND unit. 

    He learned how to manage his feelings and build friendships – so that soon he was ready to join his classmates in the mainstream class. 

    He went from barely coming in to being in school all day, every day. 

    Joshua achieved and he thrived – in school and out. He became a Beaver, then a Cub, then a Scout. He’s made lots of friends. 

    And now he’s sharing his story with children across the south east and raising awareness of autism – giving assemblies in 14 different schools. 

    He even gave the keynote speech at the Croydon Inclusion Conference and at the Brighton and Hove Inclusion Conference too. 

    Joshua proudly tells people that he ‘smashed’ his SATs and is now doing well at a mainstream secondary school. 

    He shows what can happen when we get it right for children with SEND. 

    For his primary school’s celebration of 30 years of their SEND unit, Joshua wrote a message of thanks: 

    “West Blatch changed my life and for that I’m eternally grateful.” 

    That’s what we do this for. 

    You’ll have your own stories of success… the children in your schools who you were able to support and who did well. 

    That feeling of having made a difference, there’s nothing like it. 

    The young people like Joshua, living better lives because you were there for them at a crucial time.  

    Thank you, for everything you do for the children of this country. 

    But you’ll know that the system just isn’t set up to meet the needs of most children like Joshua.  

    I’ve spent the last year speaking to teachers about this. 

    And they tell me that the stories of success are despite, not because of, the system we have. 

    Leaders tell me that the system doesn’t deliver success as standard for children with SEND… it usually only comes when your heroic staff go above and beyond. 

    I’ve spoken to parents and carers too. Mams and dads are fed up… 

    not of you and your staff… 

    they know how hard you work, they see your dedication… 

    rather they are fed up of the faceless, soulless system that governs what their child gets and how… 

    support that is not delivered freely but must be fought at every step of the way…  

    support that responds in the first instance not to need but to paperwork. 

    I know it’s a system that frustrates you just as much. 

    You’ll know that parents have had enough of seeing their child underachieve… 

    not through a lack of effort…  

    not through a lack of talent… 

    not through a lack of hard work from staff. 

    But because children with SEND suffer from a system of late support, inconsistent support… 

    support that only exists far away, so that at weekends and during the holidays they have no friends to play with back home. 

    Where is the connection to community in that? 

    Where is the sense that all children belong in our society… when the system sends so many of them away? 

    Children with SEND are being failed because the system we have inherited is not set up for them to succeed in their local school. 

    Not yet anyway. 

    But it will be. 

    I know that for too long, so much has been asked of you – by government, by parents and by society.  

    At times you have become a fourth emergency service, stepping up when wider services fail. 

    And I want to thank you and your staff for that, for going above and beyond, again and again. 

    You do it because you care, because you can’t and won’t just look the other way. 

    But you shouldn’t have to fill all these gaps… 

    and I’m determined that you won’t be doing it alone. 

    Under this government we are rebuilding childhood and family services. 

    Our Best Start Family Hubs give parents all the support they need for their child’s early years – and now including support for SEND. 

    We’ve delivered the 30-hours a week of government-funded childcare and begun to turn around the children’s social care system. 

    We’re expanding free school meals, rolling out free breakfast clubs, ending the two-child limit… fighting the disgrace of child poverty. 

    And by 2030, I am deeply proud that this government will have lifted more than half a million children out of relative poverty… and that we will see the largest ever reduction in child poverty in a single parliament. 

    I know change won’t come in full overnight, of course… 

    but over time you’ll see fewer children arriving for their first day of school in nappies… 

    you’ll spend less time supporting children to catch up thanks to early intervention in crucial areas like language… 

    and you’ll no longer be under pressure to run a foodbank as well as a school. 

    This is about providing the right support at the right time, so that when children reach your classroom, they are ready and raring to go. 

    Two weeks ago, building on those strong foundations, I launched this government’s schools white paper, setting a new vision for education in this country… 

    A future in which children grow up together, go to their local school together, achieve and thrive together. 

    A future of high standards and inclusion. 

    A future in which all children with SEND get the rights they deserve… 

    the right to be included in their local schools… 

    the right to enjoy exactly the same high standards and expectations that we have for other children. 

    And, colleagues, we get there through inclusive mainstream. 

    More children educated at a great local school…  

    with their friends, close to their family, a core part of their local community. 

    And to those who say that inclusion in our schools will come at the cost of high standards… 

    I say: you are wrong. The evidence proves it. 

    My department has looked at English and maths GCSE results for children with SEND. 

    And those children do better in mainstream schools than specialist schools. 

    Don’t just take our word for it. 

    Research from the European Agency for Special Needs and Inclusive Education shows that children with SEND in mainstream schools have a better chance of getting a job when they leave. 

    Inclusive mainstream can offer children with SEND the precious opportunity to go on to live a rich and fulfilling adult life. 

    And research also shows that, when they learn alongside their peers… 

    children both with and without SEND tend to do better, both academically and socially. 

    Because inclusion and high standards…  

    it’s not one or the other, it’s both. 

    These are the changes in our schools that I want to work hand-in-hand with you to deliver. 

    A new system of support as standard, layered to meet different needs. 

    Universal for all. 

    And where needs are greater, targeted support through Individual Support Plans. 

    Then specialist provision for children who need it. 

    I ask you to work with us and with your families to run this new system. 

    Establish an inclusion base for children with more complex needs. 

    Draw up an inclusion strategy, show how you’re going to make inclusion a defining strength of your school. 

    Join together with local schools in groups to pool ideas and resources, spreading what works… because the only way we succeed is together, partners in our shared moral mission to make education work for every child. 

    The spirit of collaboration – parents and teachers and support staff, schools and other schools, local services coming together alongside Government. 

    You will be at the centre of this generational change for our children and our country. 

    Your talent. Your dedication. Your expertise. 

    And to see these changes through, I’m backing you… 

    the Chancellor is backing you… 

    with £1.6 billion for an inclusive mainstream fund so you can build inclusion into school life… 

    £3.7 billion to develop inclusion bases, improve accessibility and create new special school places… 

    £200 million to train your staff to deliver for children with SEND. 

    The new Experts at Hand service – in time, a bank of professional support for children… 

    occupational therapists, educational psychologists, speech and language therapists… 

    freed up to support students, not fill out forms… 

    ready to go when need arises, not only after a battle is fought. 

    And our RISE service is here to support you. 

    Our RISE inclusive mainstream offer has already been delivering webinars and setting up national networks for support bases. 

    And we’ll work to grow our offer of support, to guide you through these new reforms, especially by sharing and spreading good practice. 

    You are not alone in this. It’s a shared endeavour. 

    Schools will sit at the centre of a system of support that stretches through childhood and beyond. 

    And I will give you the resources you need to make your schools places of inclusion and excellence for all. 

    But I won’t leave this to chance.  

    Inclusion is no longer a nice-to-have. 

    It’s an essential marker of school performance, and Ofsted have changed their inspections to recognise it.  

    For the first time, inclusion has its own dedicated judgement when Ofsted inspect nurseries, schools and colleges. 

    We’ll highlight what works and multiply it so that all children can benefit. 

    But this isn’t the end of the conversation. We’ve launched a consultation – and I urge you all to get in touch and tell us what you think… have your say on how these reforms should be designed and delivered in practice. 

    We’re asking everyone with a stake to make their voices heard, in service of all the children in our schools. 

    Those children deserve a school system that moves to meet their needs, a system that knows inclusion is a strength, not a weakness. 

    Because the best schools are not those that shut themselves away, offering excellence only to a narrow band of children. 

    The best schools open themselves up to their communities, they offer excellence to all, and they are stronger for it.  

    I want to work with you to spread that into every school in the country, so that every child can benefit… so that Joshua’s experience is no longer the exception, but the norm.  

    Before us we have a once-in-a-generation chance for change. 

    So let’s come together now – members of our shared moral mission – and build a school system that works for each and every child. 

    Thank you.

  • Sarah Edwards – 2026 Speech on School Minibus Safety

    Sarah Edwards – 2026 Speech on School Minibus Safety

    The speech made by Sarah Edwards, the Labour MP for Tamworth, in the House of Commons on 12 February 2026.

    It is good to see so many hon. and right hon. Members present to take part in this important debate on school minibus safety. No family should ever have to question whether their child will return home safely from a school activity. For my constituents Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, that unthinkable fear became a devastating reality. In November 1993, a minibus carrying 14 children was involved in a catastrophic crash on the M40 near Hagley. Twelve children and their teacher lost their lives, and among them was Liz and Steve’s beloved daughter, Claire.

    I first met Liz and Steve while campaigning in my by-election in 2023. They bravely shared their story with me and invited me to support their ongoing campaign to make school minibuses safer, so that no child would ever be put at risk while travelling to or from school activities. Since then, I have stood with them in their tireless efforts to improve safety, not just for the children who travel in these vehicles, but for the teachers and staff who are asked to drive them. More than 30 years have now passed since that tragedy, and while important improvements have been made in areas such as seatbelt provision and vehicle construction standards, the underlying regulatory framework that allows teachers to drive minibuses without full professional training remains largely unchanged.

    Children’s safety should not be up for debate. This is about reducing risks that we already know can be prevented. It is about asking whether the legal framework that governs the transport of pupils to and from school activities truly matches the weight of that responsibility. Every time a child steps on to a school minibus, parents place their trust in the system that stands behind it. That system must be strong, consistent and—above all—capable of keeping every child safe. At the moment, many of us believe that that system falls short.

    The system that governs school minibuses is built around section 19 permits, introduced under the Transport Act 1985. These permits allow not-for-profit organisations, including schools, to run minibuses without holding a full public service vehicle operator’s licence. Under that system, drivers must meet certain basic licensing conditions, but they are not required to hold a full passenger carrying vehicle licence. Nor are they required by law to undertake accredited professional training.

    The official guidance, which dates from 2013, states that drivers must be suitably trained and correctly licensed. It even recognises that driving a minibus requires additional skills, and is simply not the same as driving a large car. However, it is guidance, so it is advisory, and there are no checks by the Department for Education or Ofsted on its implementation or use. Schools are encouraged to consider specialist training, but they are not required to do so. At the moment, the guidance is not strong enough to guarantee children’s safety. That is why, alongside Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, and the NASUWT, I have been calling for stronger, clearer regulations to make sure that every child can travel safely, and that teachers and staff are properly trained and supported to carry out that responsibility.

    It is also important to understand how and why the framework came about. Section 19 and 22 did not emerge from a careful review of child passenger safety. They were shaped largely by European market rules designed to regulate competition. In other words, the system that we rely on today was driven more by economic considerations than by the safety of schoolchildren. That historical origin has left us with a fragmented and confusing framework.

    Private schools that are not charities are treated as commercial operators, and they must hold a full operator’s licence, meet strict financial and safety requirements, appoint a qualified transport manager, and employ fully licensed, professionally trained drivers with regulated hours. That comprehensive legal framework is designed to protect children and ensure accountability. By contrast, many state schools transport children daily under section 19 permits without the same safeguards. They operate largely on guidance rather than law, with no mandatory professional training or oversight. In practice, teachers may drive minibuses at the end of a full teaching day without the protections required of commercial drivers.

    That raises simple but troubling questions. Why should a child’s safety depend on the type of school they attend? Why should children in private schools travel under a full safety regime, while children in state schools rely on discretion and good will? I criticise not independent schools, which are complying with the law, but the two-tier system that affords different levels of protection to children—that is unfair and unacceptable.

    The inconsistency goes further. Across the UK, standards vary by nation. In Northern Ireland, for example, driving a school minibus without a full D1 licence can be a disciplinary offence. Children’s safety should not depend on postcode, school type or geography. Every child deserves the same standards, protections and assurance that those responsible for their transport are properly trained and accountable.

    The Government recently stated before the Transport Committee that they do not wish to relax D1 licence requirements for community minibus drivers, citing road safety concerns. Around one in five candidates fails the D1 test, even after extensive training. That failure rate is a clear indication of the level of skill and competence required to operate such vehicles safely.

    Leigh Ingham (Stafford) (Lab)

    I am concerned that under the current system, someone could fail their test to drive a minibus in a professional setting and it would not stop them from driving one in a school setting, which does not require a D1 licence. Why is that licence not required to drive children to and from school activities? It fundamentally does not make sense. Does my hon. Friend agree?

    Sarah Edwards

    That is precisely my concern. It does not make sense at all given that failure means an inability to drive safely. We should surely apply the same standards or higher when children are involved.

    Under the current school system, a teacher over the age of 21 who holds only a standard category B car licence and has just two years’ driving experience can legally drive a minibus carrying children, without holding a full passenger carrying vehicle licence and without undertaking any mandatory accredited training—so, too, can the individual who has failed their D1 driving test. This creates a stark and troubling inconsistency in the Government’s own stated aims.

    In every other context, professional passenger transport is treated as high risk, with rigorous training, testing and regulation designed to protect passengers. Yet the law allows schoolchildren—the most vulnerable passengers, some might argue—to be transported under a system that relies on guidance rather than on statutory safeguards. We must ask ourselves: if the Government recognise the dangers and the skill required to drive a minibus in every other setting, why do they not apply the same standards to those entrusted with the lives of children? The safety of our school pupils should not be left to chance or good will.

    Current guidance recognises the dangers of driver fatigue and advises against long journeys after a day of work, but those are only recommendations. In practice, teachers are often expected to drive minibuses at the end of long teaching days. They are responsible for driving larger, more complex vehicles while supervising pupils at the same time. In some cases, they are the only adult on board. That presents serious risks in the event of a breakdown, an emergency or a behavioural incident. This is not about blaming teachers—they are dedicated professionals—but the system places enormous responsibility on them without the professional safeguards that exist in other areas of passenger transport. It is no surprise that growing numbers of teachers are choosing not to drive minibuses, citing stress and concerns about personal liability.

    There is also clear confusion and inconsistency in the system. Guidance on section 19 permits has been interpreted in different ways, and some local authorities and academy trusts apply their own requirements that differ from national guidance. That uncertainty does not make children safer. The NASUWT teaching union has described the current regime as “not fit for purpose”, and a 2024 survey found inconsistent compliance with legal requirements and guidance across many schools. In some cases, management is aware of the shortcomings. In others, problems arise because guidance is unclear and training is lacking. Vehicle faults and poor maintenance have been identified, leaving teachers unknowingly responsible for the vehicle’s roadworthiness. The same survey found that 24% of teachers felt pressured to drive a minibus despite feeling unqualified to do so. Although NASUWT guidance is available to teachers, the union ultimately advises staff not to drive minibuses at all, due to the legal, safety and personal liability risks involved.

    Concerns have also been raised about the use of lightweight minibuses, which are basically converted vans fitted with seats. Many of these vehicles weigh less than 3.5 tonnes, which allows schools to bypass the training and licensing requirements that would otherwise apply to those who obtained their category B car licence after 1997. In effect, these vehicles have become a cheaper workaround for schools, but that cost saving comes with significant safety compromises: these lightweight minibuses often lack essential features such as side impact protection or full airbag coverage, leaving children and staff more vulnerable in the event of a collision. In practice, gross vehicle weight limits are not always routinely checked before journeys begin. Many teachers are unaware that once they take a vehicle on to the road, they are legally responsible for not only their driving but ensuring that the vehicle is roadworthy and compliant with regulations.

    This combination of under-equipped vehicles, insufficient oversight and limited professional training creates a serious safety risk. Teachers can find themselves responsible for dozens of children in a vehicle that is not designed to carry them safely, with no back-up if something goes wrong. The risk is not theoretical; it is a real and present danger that must be addressed. We should not accept a system where cost, convenience or outdated loopholes determine the level of protection that children receive. Every child, in every school, should be transported in a vehicle that meets robust safety standards, driven by someone who is properly trained, and supported by a clear and enforceable legal framework.

    The so-called short distance exemption further complicates matters. Section 19 permits assume that journeys will normally take place within a 10-mile radius, except in rural areas, but many schools, including church schools and large multi-academy trusts operating across several counties, regularly travel well beyond that distance for sports fixtures and other activities. When what is meant to be exceptional becomes routine, it is reasonable to ask whether the legal framework is still fit for purpose.

    At the same time, parents are often unaware of the regulatory distinctions that underpin school transport. Traditional written consent forms once gave parents a clear understanding of arrangements. Increasing reliance on digital systems means that many parents simply assume that robust, uniform standards are already in place. How many parents have been informed prior to a trip and asked whether they were happy for their child to be driven in a minibus by a teacher or staff member who could not demonstrate the level of training required for professional minibus operators?

    Everything that we have heard and considered today makes it clear that the current system is failing both children and staff. We are allowing a two-tier approach to safety, where the protection that a child receives depends on the type of school that they attend. That cannot continue.

    Sarah Edwards

    I met Ministers from the Department for Transport in May 2025 and from the Department for Education more recently, but the suggested changes are yet to be made. The issue was not mentioned in the Government’s road safety strategy. I have already raised that concern with the Minister, and I am raising it in the House today to provide the detail and substance behind those concerns for the official record.

    The road safety strategy sets out excellent ambitions for the protection of road users and cites issues around appropriate licences, which I applaud. I know the Minister is rightly proud of the strategy as a piece of work. I raise the issue of the continued use of permits for school minibus driving precisely because it cuts across the sentiment of the strategy, and I am disappointed that terms like “community transport” or “school minibuses” do not appear in the document at present, despite these inconsistencies being known to Departments.

    I ask the Minister to take action about the following suggestions that I will set out. All schools, whether state-funded or independent, must be held to the same safety standards, with best practice an absolute minimum. Section 19 permits for schools should be replaced with statutory regulations, moving from guidance-based advice to enforceable legal standards, and aligning all school minibus operations with road safety priorities rather than simply community exemptions.

    The Department for Education should have a list of all associated minibuses that schools use and operate, regardless of whether they are a local authority or an academy trust school. This information should be jointly shared with the Department for Transport, because at present no such information exists, nor does the ability to extract minibus accident data from generic passenger vehicle data, meaning that minibuses are treated in the same way as buses or coaches in Government data. That makes further analysis of the issue difficult.

    The professionalisation of school minibus driving must be mandated. All drivers should hold a passenger carrying vehicle licence or D1 qualification in order to operate a school minibus. Every school fleet should be overseen by a transport manager, and drivers must undergo checks on eyesight, health and driving records.

    The use of lightweight minibuses must be phased out or banned. Children should travel in vehicles built to proper safety standards, not those chosen to save costs. A national inspection and enforcement regime must be introduced. DVSA inspections should cover all school transport, not just commercial operators, with vehicles and drivers tracked in a centralised, transparent system.

    Legal grey areas must be clarified. Government guidance should remove ambiguity around terms such as “volunteer”, “hire or reward” and “non-commercial”, and the guidance must be court-tested and enforceable.

    Teacher wellbeing and safety must be protected. Driving duties should not fall to teachers after a full working day. Minibus driving should be recognised as a specialised responsibility in schools, not an informal task. We also believe that transport safety should be included in Ofsted inspections, and the long-term impact of accidents on both pupils and staff, including mental health and trauma, must be taken seriously.

    In closing, these are not abstract or minor reforms. They are essential steps to ensure that every child can travel safely to and from school activities, and that the adults entrusted with that responsibility are fully supported, trained and accountable. I think of Liz and Steve Fitzgerald, and the courage it has taken them to turn their personal tragedy into a tireless campaign for safer school transport. Their determination reminds us all why reform cannot wait, because sadly during the time that we have been campaigning together and meeting Ministers, other such tragedies have occurred.

    I urge the Government to take steps to close the ambiguity and to further their aims for road safety for all who use them. Our children deserve nothing less than a system that guarantees their safety, values the teachers who transport them and removes the inequalities and risks that underpin the current framework. It is time for decisive action. I thank the Minister for coming here today and I commend this debate to the House.