Category: Economy

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2024 Budget Speech

    Jeremy Hunt – 2024 Budget Speech

    The speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 6 March 2024.

    As we mourn the tragic loss of life in Israel and Gaza, the Prime Minister reminded us last week of the need to fight extremism and heal divisions, so I start today by remembering the Muslims who died in two world wars in the service of freedom and democracy. We need a memorial to honour them, so following representations from my right hon. Friend the Member for Bromsgrove (Sir Sajid Javid) and others, I have decided to allocate £1 million towards the cost of building one. Whatever your faith, colour or class, this country will never forget the sacrifices made for our future.

    In recent times, the UK—and the UK economy—has dealt with a financial crisis, a pandemic and an energy shock caused by war in Europe, yet despite the most challenging economic headwinds in modern history, under Conservative Governments since 2010 growth has been higher than in every large European economy, unemployment has halved, absolute poverty has gone down, and there are 800 more people in jobs for every single day that we have been in office. [Interruption.] Of course, interest rates remain high as we bring down inflation, but because of the progress we have made, because we are delivering the Prime Minister’s economic priorities, we can now help families not just with temporary cost of living support, but with permanent cuts in taxation. We do that to give much needed help in challenging times, and because Conservatives know that lower tax means higher growth, and higher growth means more opportunity, more prosperity and more funding for our precious public services. [Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. The Chancellor has hardly said anything—[Interruption.] Order. You cannot get excited yet. Other people want to hear what the Chancellor has to say. It matters, so we will have a bit of good behaviour, please.

    Jeremy Hunt

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

    If we want that growth to lead to higher wages and higher living standards for every family in every corner of the country, it cannot come from unlimited migration; it can only come by building a high-wage, high-skill economy—not just higher GDP, but higher GDP per head.

    That is the difference. The Labour party’s plans would destroy jobs, reduce opportunities and risk family finances with spending that pushes up taxes. Instead of going back to square one, the policies I announce today mean more investment, more jobs, better public services and lower taxes in a Budget for long-term growth.

    I start with the updated forecasts from the Office for Budget Responsibility, for which I thank Richard Hughes and his team. First, inflation. When the Prime Minister and I came into office, it was 11%. The latest figures show—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. This is not amusing any more. We need to hear what the Chancellor has to say. I can tell who is making the noise, and you simply will not get a chance to speak later. That is the end of it.

    Jeremy Hunt

    When the Prime Minister and I came into office, inflation was 11%, but the latest figures show it is now 4%—more than meeting our pledge last year to halve it. Today’s forecasts from the OBR show it falling below the 2% target in just a few months’ time, nearly a whole year earlier than forecast in the autumn statement.

    That did not happen by accident. Whatever the pressures, and whatever the politics, a Conservative Government, working with the Bank of England, will always put sound money first. We also understand that tackling inflation, while necessary, is painful. It means higher interest rates and a period of lower growth, so we have given the average household £3,400 in cost of living support over the past two years. Doing so makes economic as well as moral sense. The OBR predicted real household disposable income per person would fall by 2% in the past year; instead, after that support, it is on track to rise by 0.8%.

    Today, I take further steps to help families with cost of living pressures, starting with measures to help the poorest families. We have already abolished higher charges for electricity paid by those on prepayment meters, increased the local housing allowance and raised benefits by double the expected inflation. Today, I focus on those falling into debt. Nearly 1 million households on universal credit take out budgeting advance loans to pay for more expensive emergencies such as boiler repairs or help getting a job. To help make such loans more affordable, I have decided to increase the repayment period for new loans from 12 months to 24 months.

    For some people—[Interruption.] I thought Labour Members cared about people on the lowest incomes, but trust them not to want to hear about debt. For some people the best way to resolve debt is through a debt relief order, but getting one costs £90, which can deter the very people who need them most, so, having listened carefully to representations from Citizens Advice, I today relieve pressure on around 40,000 families every year by abolishing that £90 charge completely.

    Next, the household support fund. It was set up on a temporary basis and due to conclude at the end of this month. Having listened carefully to representations from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, the Trussell Trust, the right hon. Member for East Ham (Sir Stephen Timms), my right hon. Friend the Member for Suffolk Coastal (Dr Coffey) and my hon. Friends the Members for Colchester (Will Quince) and for Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner (David Simmonds) among others, I have decided that, with the battle against inflation still not over, now is not the time to stop the targeted help that it offers. We will therefore continue it at current levels for another six months.

    Next, I turn to a measure that will help businesses and households more broadly. In the autumn statement I froze alcohol duty until August of this year. Without any action today, it would have been due to rise by 3%. However, I have listened carefully to my right hon. Friends for Altrincham and Sale West (Sir Graham Brady) and for Vale of Glamorgan (Alun Cairns), and to my hon. Friend the Member for Moray (Douglas Ross), who is a formidable champion of the Scottish whisky industry. I also listened to Councillor John Tonks from Ash—a strong supporter of the wonderful Admiral pub—who pointed out the pressures facing the industry. Today, I have decided to extend the alcohol duty freeze until February 2025. That will benefit 38,000 pubs across the UK, on top of the £13,000 saving that a typical pub will get from the 75% business rates discount that I announced in the autumn. We value our hospitality industry. We are backing the great British pub.

    Another cost that families and businesses worry about is fuel. The shadow Chancellor complained about the freeze on fuel duty. Labour has opposed it at every opportunity. The Labour Mayor of London wants to punish motorists even more with his ultra low emission zone plans. However, lots of families and sole traders depend on their car. If I did nothing, fuel duty would increase by 13% this month, so instead I have listened to my right hon. Friend the Member for Witham (Priti Patel), my hon. Friends the Members for Stoke-on-Trent North (Jonathan Gullis) and for Dudley North (Marco Longhi) and others, as well as to The Sun newspaper’s “Keep it Down” campaign. I have as a result decided to maintain the 5p cut and freeze fuel duty for another 12 months. That will save the average car driver £50 next year and bring total savings since the 5p cut was introduced to around £250. Taken together with the alcohol duty freeze, that decision also reduces headline inflation by 0.2 percentage points in 2024-25, allowing us to make faster progress towards the Bank of England’s 2% target.

    There can be no solid growth without solid finances. An economy based on sound money does not pass its bills to the next generation. When it comes to borrowing, some believe that there is a trade-off between compassion and fiscal responsibility. They are wrong. It is only because we responsibly reduced the deficit by 80% between 2010 and 2019 that we could provide £370 billion to help businesses and families in the pandemic. Labour opposed our plans to reduce the deficit every single step of the way, but, to be fair, they were consistent. In coalition, the Lib Dems supported controlling spending, but now they say that they would prop up a party that will turn on the spending taps. It is the difference between no plan and no principles—and I am delighted that, for once, the right hon. Member for Kingston and Surbiton (Ed Davey) is here to hear that.

    Today, we say something different: there is nothing compassionate about running out of money. With the pandemic behind us, we must once again be responsible and build up our resilience to future shocks. That means bringing down borrowing so we can start to reduce our debt, and today’s figures confirm that is happening. Ahead of my first autumn statement in 2022, the OBR forecast that headline debt would rise to above 100% of GDP. Today, it says that it will fall in every year, to just 94% by 2028-29. According to the OBR, underlying debt—which excludes Bank of England debt—will be 91.7% in 2024-25, then 92.8%, 93.2% and 93.2%, before falling to 92.9% in 2028-29, with final year headroom against debt falling of £8.9 billion. Our underlying debt is therefore on track to fall as a share of GDP, meeting our fiscal rule, and we continue to have the second lowest level of Government debt in the G7, lower than that of Japan, France or the United States.

    We also meet our second fiscal rule—for public sector borrowing to be below 3% of GDP—three years early. Borrowing falls from 4.2% of GDP in 2023-24 to 3.1%, then 2.7%, 2.3%, 1.6%, and 1.2% in 2028-29. By the end of the forecast, borrowing is at its lowest level of GDP since 2001. None of that, of course, would be possible if Labour implemented its pledge to decarbonise the grid five years early, by 2030; by its own calculations, that costs £28 billion a year to do. Last month, after flip-flopping for months, Labour said that it is not going to spend the £28 billion after all, but will somehow meet its pledge. “Somehow” can only mean one thing: tax rises on working families. Same old Labour!

    Today, in contrast, a Conservative Government bring down taxes with borrowing broadly unchanged—in fact, borrowing is slightly lower than in the autumn statement. The fact that we are bringing borrowing down is of particular importance to one very special person: Sir Robert Stheeman is the outgoing chief executive of the Government’s Debt Management Office, and after 20 years of exceptional public service, he is in the Gallery. Thank you, Sir Robert.

    I now turn to growth. Just after I became Chancellor, the OBR expected GDP to fall by 1.4% in the following year; in fact it grew, albeit slowly. Now the OBR expects the economy to grow by 0.8% this year and 1.9% next year, which is 0.5% higher than its autumn forecast. After that, growth rises to 2.2%, 1.8%, and 1.7% in 2028. [Interruption.] Opposition Members do not want to hear this, but these are the facts. Since 2010, we have grown faster than Germany, France or Italy—the three largest European economies—and according to the International Monetary Fund, we will continue to grow faster than all three of them in the five years ahead. Surveys by Lloyds and Deloitte show that business confidence is returning. In other words, because we have turned the corner on inflation, we will soon turn the corner on growth.

    Today’s OBR forecasts also show that we have made good progress on the Prime Minister’s three economic priorities. Compared to when the three pledges were made, inflation has halved, debt is falling in line with our fiscal rules, and growth is fully 1.5 percentage points higher than predicted. [Interruption.] Labour Members do not have a growth plan, so they might as well listen to ours. As growth returns, our plan is for economic growth, not growth sustained through migration, but growth that raises wages and living standards for families—not just higher GDP, but higher GDP per head. That means sticking to our plan, with a Budget for long-term growth: more investment, more jobs, better public services and lower taxes.

    I start with investment. Economists say that stimulating investment is the most effective way to raise productivity, and therefore wages and living standards. Since 2010, we have been doing just that. Business—[Interruption.] Labour Members might want to listen to what I am about to say, because business investment has risen from an average of 9.3% of GDP under Labour to 9.9% under the Conservatives. This year, it will be 10.6% of GDP. That is £30 billion more business investment than if it had continued at Labour levels, and it is still going up.

    In the short period since the autumn statement, Nissan has announced that it will build two new electric car models in the UK. Microsoft and Google have announced data centres worth over £3 billion. Thanks to my right hon. Friend the Business Secretary, the global investment summit unlocked £30 billion of investment. In fact, since 2010, greenfield foreign direct investment has been higher here than anywhere else in Europe, and for the last three years the UK has had the third highest levels in the world after the United States and China—and we are not stopping there.

    In the autumn statement, I announced that we would introduce permanent full expensing, a £10 billion tax cut for businesses that gives the UK the most attractive investment tax regime of any large European or G7 country. It was welcomed by over 200 business leaders, with the CBI saying it was a game changer and the single most transformational thing we could do to fire up the British economy. Today, I take further steps to boost investment. Having listened to calls from the CBI, Make UK and the British Chambers of Commerce, we will shortly publish draft legislation for full expensing to apply to leased assets, a change I intend to bring in as soon as it is affordable.

    We will also help small businesses, which is something close to my heart. As well as the business rates support, and the work on prompt payments that I announced in the autumn, I will provide £200 million of funding to extend the recovery loan scheme as it transitions to the growth guarantee scheme, helping 11,000 small and medium-sized enterprises access the finance they need. Following representations from the Federation of Small Businesses, as well as my hon. Friends the Members for Loughborough (Jane Hunt), for Southend West (Anna Firth), and for Rother Valley (Alexander Stafford), I will reduce the administrative and financial impact of VAT by increasing the VAT registration threshold from £85,000 to £90,000 from 1 April—the first increase in seven years. That will bring tens of thousands of businesses out of paying VAT altogether, and encourage many more to invest and grow.

    I now move to measures to address historical under-investment in our nations and regions. Since we started levelling up in 2019, two thirds of all new salaried jobs created have been outside London and the south-east. We have announced 13 investment zones and 12 freeports, which continue to attract investment—including recently, thanks to the efforts of Mayor Ben Houchen, from the Pneuma Group, which is investing £15 million into the Tees Valley investment zone.

    Today, working with the Levelling-Up Secretary, I devolve further power to local leaders, who are best placed to promote growth in their areas. I can announce the north-east trailblazer devolution deal, which provides a package of support for the region potentially worth over £100 million. I will devolve powers to Buckinghamshire, Warwickshire and the most beautiful county in England, Surrey. I see the Leader of the Opposition smiling because, like me, he is a Surrey boy. I know he has been taking advice from Lord Mandelson, who yesterday rather uncharitably said he needed to “shed a few pounds”. Ordinary families will shed more than a few pounds if that lot get in. If he wants to join me on my marathon training, he is most welcome.

    Today, we continue to spread opportunity throughout the country by allocating £100 million of levelling-up funding to areas including High Peak, Dundee, Conwy, Erewash, Redditch and Coventry to support cultural projects in these communities. That is alongside support for capital projects across the country, including in Bingley. We are expanding the long-term plan for towns to 20 new places, including Darlington—home of the Treasury’s fantastic Darlington economic campus—Coleraine, Peterhead, Runcorn, Harlow, Eastbourne, Arbroath and Rhyl, providing each with £20 million of funding to invest in community regeneration over the next decade. We will provide £15 million in new funding to the West Midlands Combined Authority to support culture, heritage and investment projects, on the recommendation of our go-getting Mayor, Andy Street, and we will allocate £5 million to renovate hundreds of local village halls across England, so that they can remain at the heart of their communities.

    Because this is a Conservative and Unionist Government, we will also set aside funding to support the SaxaVord spaceport in Shetland and an agrifood launchpad in mid-Wales, and funding to support Northern Ireland’s businesses in expanding their global trade and investment opportunities. As a result of the decisions we take today, the Scottish Government will receive nearly £300 million in Barnett consequentials; there will be nearly £170 million for the Welsh Government and £100 million for the Northern Ireland Executive. [Interruption.] I do appreciate that a tax-cutting Budget is very uncomfortable for the biggest tax-raisers in the United Kingdom. We also want to level up opportunity across the generations, including by building more houses for young people, and we are on track to deliver over 1 million homes in this Parliament.

    Last week, the Levelling-Up Secretary allocated £188 million to supporting projects in Sheffield, Blackpool and Liverpool. Today I go further, allocating £242 million of investment to Barking Riverside and Canary Wharf, which together will build nearly 8,000 houses; Canary Wharf will also be transformed into a new hub for life science companies. We are launching a new £20 million community-led housing scheme that will support local communities in delivering the developments that they want and need. I am pleased to announce the next steps for Cambridge to reach its potential as the world’s leading scientific powerhouse. I confirm that there will be a long-term funding settlement for the future development corporation in Cambridge at the next spending review; there will be over £10 million invested in the coming year to unlock delivery of crucial local transport and health infrastructure.

    The final levelling-up measures I announce today support north Wales, of which I have many happy childhood memories. In Mold, following representations from my hon. Friend the Member for Vale of Clwyd (Dr Davies), we will help fund the renovation of Theatr Clywd. I can announce that this week, the Government have reached agreement on a £160 million deal with Hitachi to purchase the Wylfa site in Ynys Môn and the Oldbury site in south Gloucestershire. Ynys Môn has a vital role in delivering our nuclear ambitions, and no one should take more credit for today’s announcement than my tireless, tenacious and turbocharged hon. Friend the Member for Ynys Môn (Virginia Crosbie). More investment by large businesses, more support for small businesses, promoting investment in our nations and regions—all part of a Budget for long-term growth that sticks to our plan to deliver more jobs, better public services and lower taxes.

    I turn to one of the most powerful ways to attract investment: supporting our most innovative industries. Outside the US, we have the most respected universities, the biggest financial services sector and the largest tech ecosystem in Europe. We have double the artificial intelligence start-ups of anywhere else in Europe, double the venture capital investment, and a tech economy now double the size of Germany’s and three times the size of France’s. We are on track to become the world’s next silicon valley.

    In today’s Budget for long-term growth, I take further steps to attract investment to our technology-related industries. I want our brilliant tech entrepreneurs to not just start here, but stay here, including when the time comes for a stock market listing, so we will build on the Edinburgh and Mansion House reforms to unlock more pension fund capital. We will give new powers to the Pensions Regulator and the Financial Conduct Authority to ensure better value from defined contribution schemes by judging performance on overall returns, not cost.

    We will make sure that there are vehicles to make it easier for pension funds to invest in UK growth opportunities, so I am today publishing the names of the winners of the LIFTS—long-term investment for technology and science—competition. But I remain concerned that other markets, such as Australia, generate better returns for pension savers, with more effective investment strategies and more investment in high-quality domestic growth stocks. So I will introduce new requirements for defined-contribution and local government pension funds to disclose publicly their level of international and UK equity investments. I will then consider what further action should be taken if we are not on a positive trajectory towards international best practice.

    I also want to create opportunities for a new generation of retail investors to engage with public markets, so we will proceed with a retail sale for part of the Government’s remaining NatWest shares this summer, at the earliest opportunity, subject to supportive market conditions and value for money. We will continue to explore how savers could be allowed to take their pension pots with them when they change job. We will make it easier for people to save for the long term with a new British savings bond, delivered through National Savings and Investments, offering savers a guaranteed rate, fixed for three years.

    Today, following calls from over 200 representatives of the City and our high-growth sectors, I will reform the ISA system to encourage more people to invest in UK assets. After a consultation on its implementation, I will introduce a brand-new British ISA, which will allow an additional £5,000 annual investment for investments in UK equity, with all the tax advantages of other ISAs. That will be on top of existing ISA allowances and will ensure that British savers can benefit from the growth of the most promising UK businesses, as well as supporting those businesses with the capital to expand.

    I now turn to our other growth industries, starting with clean energy. We want nuclear to provide up to a quarter of our electricity by 2050. As part of that, I want the UK to lead the global race in developing cutting-edge nuclear technologies. I can therefore announce that Great British Nuclear will begin the next phase of the small modular reactor selection process, with companies now having until June to submit their initial tender responses. Our brilliant Secretary of State for Energy Security and Net Zero will also allocate up to £120 million more to the green industries growth accelerator, to build supply chains for new technology, ranging from offshore wind to carbon capture and storage. By January next year, as promised in the autumn statement, we will have a new, faster connections process to the grid up and running. In advanced manufacturing we have announced a further £270 million of investment into innovative new automotive and aerospace research and development projects, building the UK’s capabilities in zero-emission vehicle and clean aviation technologies.

    I now turn to our creative industries. We have become Europe’s largest film and TV production centre, with Idris Elba, Keira Knightley and Orlando Bloom all filming their latest productions here. Studio space in the UK has doubled over the last three years and, at the current rate of expansion, next year we will be second only to Hollywood globally. In the autumn statement I committed to providing more tax relief for visual effects in film and high-end TV. I can today confirm that we will increase the rate of tax credit by 5%, and remove the 80% cap for visual effects costs in the audio-visual expenditure credit. Having worked closely with the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, and listened carefully to representations from companies such as Pinewood, Warner Bros. and Sky Studios, we will provide eligible film studios in England with a 40% relief on their gross business rates until 2034. Having heard representations from the British film industry, Pact, and indeed the Prime Minister, we will introduce a new tax credit for UK independent films with a budget of less than £15 million. For our creative industries more broadly, we will provide £26 million of funding to our pre-eminent theatre, the National Theatre, to upgrade its stages.

    I particularly want to recognise the contribution of our creative industries and the tourism that comes from orchestras, museums, galleries and theatres. In the pandemic, we introduced higher 45% and 50% levels of tax relief, which were due to end in March 2025. They have been a lifeline for performing arts across the country. Today, in recognition of their vital importance to our national life, I can announce that I am making those tax reliefs permanent at 45% for touring and orchestral productions, and 40% for non-touring productions. Lord Lloyd Webber says that this will be a once-in-a-generation transformational change that will ensure Britain remains the global capital of creativity.

    I suspect that the new theatre reliefs may be of particular interest to the shadow Chancellor, who seems to fancy her thespian skills when it comes to acting like a Tory. The trouble is that we all know how her show ends: higher taxes, like every Labour Government in history—[Interruption.] I am delighted that Labour Members are cheering the fact that Labour Governments always put up taxes. They are right!

    I want to mention our life sciences sector, where we will support research by medical charities into diseases such as cancer, dementia and epilepsy with an additional £45 million, including £3 million for Cancer Research UK. But I have long believed that we should be manufacturing medicines as well as developing them, so I can today also announce a brand-new investment by one of our greatest life science companies, AstraZeneca, led by mon ami the irrepressible Sir Pascal Soriot. AstraZeneca made its covid vaccine available to developing countries at cost, as a result saving over 6 million lives. Today, because of the Government’s support for the life sciences sector, it has announced plans to invest £650 million in the UK to expand its footprint on the Cambridge biomedical campus, and fund the building of a vaccine manufacturing hub in Speke in Liverpool. That is more investment and better jobs in every corner of the country in a long-term Budget for growth from a Conservative Government.

    One of the biggest barriers to investment is businesses not being able to hire the staff they need. The economy today has around 900,000 vacancies. It would be easy to fill them with higher migration, but with over 10 million adults of working age who are not in work, that would be economically and morally wrong. Those who can work should work, and I have tackled that issue in every Budget and autumn statement I have delivered. A year ago, I abolished the pensions lifetime allowance, which had pushed doctors and others to take early retirement. Ask any doctor what they think about Labour’s plans to bring it back and they will say, “Don’t go back to square one.” In the autumn, with the help of our superb Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, we announced the back to work plan, which will support 1 million adults with medical conditions and reduce the number of people assessed as not needing to work by two thirds.

    A year ago, I also announced the biggest ever expansion of childcare—[Interruption.] Just listen. Extending the 30-hour free childcare offer to all children of working parents from nine months. [Interruption.] We have not had a childcare plan from Labour, so Opposition Members might want to listen to ours. Our plan will mean an extra 60,000 parents enter the workforce in the next four years—a tremendous achievement for the Education Secretary, who I think is doing an effing good job. Today, following representations from many people, including the CBI, I announce measures to support the childcare sector to make the new investments it now needs to make. I am guaranteeing the rates that will be paid to childcare providers to deliver our landmark offer for children over nine months old for the next two years. That is more people in work and more jobs, sticking to our plan in a long-term Budget for growth.

    I now turn to public services. [Interruption.] I thought they were supposed to be interested in public services—[Interruption.] I can wait.

    Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Eleanor Laing)

    Order. A little bit of murmuring is normal, but I should not be able to hear what Members are saying over there. That is clearly out of order. Let us have some courtesy.

    Jeremy Hunt

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker.

    Good public services need a strong economy to pay for them, but a strong economy also needs good public services. In 2010, schools in the UK were behind Germany, France and Sweden in the OECD’s PISA—programme for international student assessment—education rankings for reading and maths. Now, after Conservative reforms, we are ahead of them. Burglaries and violent crime have halved in the last 14 years after we invested in 20,000 more police officers. Our armed forces remain the most professional and best-funded in Europe, with defence spending already more than 2% of GDP. We are providing more military support to Ukraine than nearly any other country, and our spending will rise to 2.5% as soon as economic conditions allow. The NHS is still recovering from the pandemic but has 42,000 more doctors and 71,000 more nurses than it did under Labour—that is 250 more doctors and 400 more nurses for every single month that we have been in office.

    Resources matter, of course, which is why, despite all the economic shocks we have faced, overall spending on public services has gone up since 2010—in the case of the NHS, by more than a third in real terms. Although spending has continued to rise every year, public sector productivity still remains below pre-pandemic levels by nearly 6%. This demonstrates that the way to improve public services is not always more money or more people; we also need to run them more efficiently. We need a more productive state, not a bigger state.

    In autumn 2022, I set day-to-day spending to increase by 1% a year in real terms over the next Parliament. Some say that is not enough and we should raise spending by more, and others say it is too much and we should cut it to improve efficiency—neither are right. It is not fair to ask taxpayers to pay for more when public service productivity has fallen; nor would it be wise to reduce that funding, given the pressures that public services face. So I am keeping the planned growth in day-to-day spending at 1% in real terms, but we are going to spend it better. [Interruption.] The Opposition do not have a plan for public services, as with everything else, so why not listen to ours?

    Today I am announcing a landmark public sector productivity plan that restarts public service reform and changes the Treasury’s traditional approach to public spending. I start with our biggest and most important public service: the NHS. One of my greatest privileges was to be Health Secretary. Thanks to the NHS, I have three gorgeous children, the oldest of whom has been patiently listening in the Gallery. The NHS is, rightly, the biggest reason most of us are proud to be British, but the systems that support its staff are often antiquated. Doctors, nurses and ward staff spend hours every day filling out forms when they could be looking after patients. [Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker (Dame Eleanor Laing)

    Order. I do not like to interrupt the Chancellor, but Mr Streeting, you are too close to me to be shouting that loudly. If you want to shout that loudly, you should go away and sit up there. I apologise for interrupting the Chancellor.

    Jeremy Hunt

    When patients do not show up or one member of a team is ill, operating theatres are left empty despite long waiting lists. When we published the NHS long-term workforce plan, I asked the NHS to put together a plan to transform its efficiency and productivity. I wanted better care for patients, more job satisfaction for staff and better value for taxpayers. Making changes on the scale we need is not cheap. The investment needed to modernise NHS IT systems so they are as good as the best in the world costs £3.4 billion, but it helps unlock £35 billion of savings—ten times that amount—so in today’s Budget for long-term growth, I have decided to fund the NHS productivity plan in full.

    With that new investment, we will slash the 13 million hours lost by doctors and nurses every year to outdated IT systems. We will cut down and potentially halve form filling by doctors by using artificial intelligence. We will digitise operating theatre processes, allowing the same number of consultants to do an extra 200,000 operations a year. We will fund improvements to help doctors read MRI and CT scans more accurately and quickly, speeding up results for 130,000 patients every year and saving thousands of lives, something that I know would have delighted my brother Charlie, who I recently lost to cancer.

    We will improve the NHS app so that it can be used to confirm and modify all appointments, reducing up to half a million missed appointments annually and improving patient choice. We will set up a new NHS staff app to make it easier to roster electronically and end the use of expensive off-framework agencies. As a result of this funding, all hospitals will use electronic patient records, making the NHS the largest digitally integrated healthcare system in the world. Today’s announcement doubles the amount the NHS is investing on digital transformation over three years.

    On top of this longer-term transformation, we will also help the NHS meet pressures in the coming year with an additional £2.5 billion. That will allow the NHS to continue its focus on reducing waiting times and brings the total increase in NHS funding since the start of the Parliament to 13% in real terms. The NHS was there for us in the pandemic, and today with nearly £6 billion of additional funding, a Conservative Government are there for the NHS.

    The head of the NHS, Amanda Pritchard today said that this investment shows that

    “the government continues to back the NHS”.

    She said that, as a result of the investment, the NHS can commit to delivering 1.9% annual productivity growth over the next Parliament, more than double the average productivity growth in public services between 2010 and 2019.

    But today is not just about the NHS. I want this groundbreaking agreement with the NHS to be a model for all our public services. Across education, the police, the courts and local government, I want to see more efficient, better-value and higher-quality public services, so today I can announce that in the next spending review, the Treasury will do things differently. We will prioritise proposals that deliver annual savings within five years equivalent to the total cost of the investment required, and today we make a start with some excellent proposals.

    Violence reduction units and hotspot policing have prevented an estimated 136,000 knife crimes and other violent offences, as well as over 3,000 hospital admissions. Every crime costs money, so we will provide £75 million to roll that model out in England and Wales. Police officers waste around eight hours a week on unnecessary admin. With higher productivity, we could free the equivalent of 20,000 police officers over a year. We will spend £230 million rolling out time-saving and money-saving technology that speeds up police response times by allowing people to report crimes by video call and, where appropriate, use drones as first responders.

    Too many legal cases, particularly in family law, should never go to court, and it would cost us less if they did not, so we will spend £170 million to fund non-court resolution, reduce reoffending and digitise the court process. Too many children in care end up being looked after by unregistered providers that are much more expensive, so we will invest £165 million over the next four years to reduce that cost by increasing the capacity of the children’s homes estate.

    Special educational need provision can be excellent when outsourced to independent sector schools, but also expensive, so we will invest £105 million over the next four years to build 15 new special free schools to create additional high-quality places and increase choice for parents. We will also put in place a plan to realise the tens of billions of savings recommended in an excellent speech by the head of the National Audit Office.

    The OBR says that a 5% increase in public sector productivity would be the equivalent of about £20 billion in extra funding. With these plans, we can deliver that and more. If we ensure that they are cash-releasing savings, as we are committed to doing, it will be possible to live with more constrained spending growth without cutting services valued by the public. So with the energy and drive of my talented Chief Secretary to the Treasury, we launch our public sector productivity plan in today’s Budget for long-term growth: more investment, more jobs, better public services and—one more thing—lower taxes.

    Keeping taxes down matters to Conservatives in a way that it never can for Labour. We believe that in a free society the money people earn does not belong to the Government; it belongs to them, and if we want to encourage hard work, we should let people keep as much of their own money as possible. Conservatives look around the world at economies in North America and Asia and notice that countries with lower taxes generally have higher growth. Economists argue about cause and correlation, but we know that lower-taxed economies have more energy, more dynamism and more innovation. We know that is Britain’s future, too.

    Before I explain how we will bring down taxes, I will start with some measures to make our system simpler and fairer. To discourage non-smokers from taking up vaping, we are today confirming the introduction of an excise duty on vaping products from October 2026 and publishing a consultation on its design. Because vapes can also play a positive role in helping people quit smoking, we will introduce a one-off increase in tobacco duty at the same time to maintain the financial incentive to choose vaping over smoking. I will make a one-off adjustment to rates of air passenger duty on non-economy flights only to account for high inflation in recent years, and I will provide HMRC with the resources it needs to ensure that everyone pays the tax they owe, leading to an increase in revenue collected of over £4.5 billion across the forecast period.

    Next, I turn to property taxation. In recent months, following tenacious representation from my hon. Friends the Members for St Austell and Newquay (Steve Double), for North Devon (Selaine Saxby), for Cities of London and Westminster (Nickie Aiken), for Torbay (Kevin Foster) and for Truro and Falmouth (Cherilyn Mackrory), I have been looking closely at our furnished holiday lettings tax regime. I am concerned that that regime is creating a distortion meaning that not enough properties are available for long-term rental by local people. So to make the tax system work better for local communities, I am going to abolish the furnished holiday lettings regime.

    I have also been looking at the stamp duty relief for people who purchase more than one dwelling in a single transaction, known as multiple dwellings relief. I see the deputy leader of the Labour party, the right hon. Member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Angela Rayner), paying close attention, given her multiple dwellings—[Interruption.] She—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. Too much excitement. We have not actually heard—because we cannot hear—what the Chancellor is trying to say. [Interruption.] Okay, I can hear who is shouting, and they will not get to speak later.

    Jeremy Hunt

    I am sorry to disappoint the right hon. Member, but multiple dwellings relief was not actually designed for her; it was intended—[Interruption.]. It was intended to support investment in the private rented sector, but an external evaluation found no strong evidence that it had done so, and that it was being regularly abused, so I am going to abolish it.

    Finally, as part of our look at property taxation in this Budget, both the Treasury and the OBR have looked at the costs associated with our current levels of capital gains tax on property and concluded that if we reduced the higher 28% rate that exists for residential property, we would in fact increase revenues because there would be more transactions. For the first time in history, both the Treasury and the OBR have discovered their inner Laffer curve. So today I will reduce the higher rate of property capital gains tax from 28% to 24%—that really is for you, Angela. [Laughter.] I now—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. I have had enough from Opposition Members and I am definitely not having it from Government Members.

    Jeremy Hunt

    I now turn to oil and gas. Unlike the Labour party, we want to encourage investment in the North sea, so we will retain generous investment allowances for the sector. Following representations from my hon. Friend the Member for Banff and Buchan (David Duguid), we will also legislate in the Finance Bill to abolish the energy profits levy should market prices fall to their historical norm for a sustained period of time. But because the increase in energy prices caused by the Ukraine war is expected to last longer, so too will the sector’s windfall profits, so I will extend the sunset on the energy profits levy for an additional year to 2029, raising £1.5 billion.

    Next, I turn to the taxes paid by those who are resident in the UK but not domiciled here for tax purposes. [Hon. Members: “Ah!”] This is a category of people known as non-doms. Nigel Lawson wanted to end the non-dom regime in his great tax reforming Budget of 1988, which is where I suspect the Labour party got the idea from. I, too, have always believed that provided we protect the UK’s attractiveness to international investors, those with the broadest shoulders should pay their fair share. After looking at the issue over many months, I have concluded that we can indeed introduce a system that both is fairer and remains competitive with other countries, so the Government will abolish the current tax system for non-doms, get rid of the outdated concept of domicile—[Interruption.] I aim to please all parts of the House in all my Budgets. We will replace—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. This is impossible. [Interruption.] Order. Could you please shout more quietly? [Laughter.]

    Jeremy Hunt

    We will replace the non-dom regime with a modern, simpler and fairer residency-based system. From April 2025, new arrivals to the UK will not be required to pay any tax on foreign income and gains for their first four years of UK residency: a more generous regime than at present, and one of the most attractive offers in Europe. But, after four years, those who continue to live in the UK will pay the same tax as other UK residents.

    Recognising the contribution of many of these individuals to our economy, we will put in place transitional arrangements for those benefiting from the current regime. That will include a two-year period in which individuals will be encouraged to bring wealth earned overseas to the UK, so it can be spent and invested here—a measure that will attract onshore an additional £15 billion of foreign income and generate more than £1 billion of extra tax.

    Overall, abolishing non-dom status will raise £2.7 billion a year by the end of the forecast period. The Opposition planned to use that money for spending increases, but today a Conservative Government make a different choice. We use that revenue to help cut taxes on working families. Many of those families depend on child benefit, but the way that we treat child benefit in the tax system is confusing and unfair. It is a lifeline for many parents because it helps with the additional costs associated with having children. When it works, it is good for children, good for parents, and good for the economy because it helps people into work.

    We currently withdraw child benefit when one parent earns over £50,000 a year. That means that two parents earning £49,000 a year receive the benefit in full, but a household earning a lot less than that does not if just one parent earns over £50,000. Today I set out plans to end that unfairness. Doing so requires significant reform to the tax system, including allowing HMRC to collect household-level information. We will therefore consult on moving the high-income child benefit charge to a household-based system, to be introduced by April 2026. But because that is not a quick fix, I make two changes today to make the current system fairer.

    Following representations from my hon. Friends the Members for Penistone and Stocksbridge (Miriam Cates), for Carshalton and Wallington (Elliot Colburn), for Bassetlaw (Brendan Clarke-Smith) and for West Worcestershire (Harriett Baldwin), along with many others, I confirm that from this April, the high-income child benefit charge threshold will be raised from £50,000 to £60,000. We will raise the top of the taper at which it is withdrawn to £80,000. That means that no one earning under £60,000 will pay the charge, taking 170,000 families out of paying it altogether. Because of the higher taper and threshold, nearly half a million families with children will save an average of £1,300 next year. According to the OBR, this change will see an increase in hours among those already working to the equivalent of 10,000 more people entering the workforce. More investment, more jobs, better public services and lower tax.

    There is one further set of changes that I want to make today. The way we tax people’s income is particularly unfair. Those who get their income from having a job pay two types of tax: national insurance contributions and income tax. Those who get it from other sources pay only one. This double taxation of work is unfair. The result is a complicated system that penalises work instead of encouraging it. If we are to build a high-wage, high-skill economy not dependent on migration and to encourage people not in work to come back to work, we need a simpler, fairer tax system that makes work pay. That is why I cut national insurance contributions in the autumn. By reducing the penalty on work, the OBR said that that tax cut would lead to the equivalent of 94,000 more people in work. In other words, it would fill more than one in 10 vacancies throughout the economy. Lower taxes, more jobs and higher growth.

    Today, because of the progress that we have made in bringing down inflation, because of the additional investment flowing into the economy, because we have a plan for better and more efficient public services, and because we have asked those with the broadest shoulders to pay a bit more—[Interruption.]

    Madam Deputy Speaker

    Order. Mr Perkins—[Interruption.] I can manage, thank you very much. I have heard you five times. I have let you get away with it, but that is enough. One more strike and you’re out.

    Jeremy Hunt

    I know how hard it is for the Opposition to listen to arguments for lower taxes. That is the difference.

    Because we have asked those with the broadest shoulders to pay a bit more, today I go further. From 6 April, employee national insurance will be cut by another 2p, from 10% to 8%, and self-employed national insurance will be cut from 8% to 6%. That means an additional £450 a year for the average employee, or £350 for someone who is self-employed. When combined with the autumn reductions, it means 27 million employees will get an average tax cut of £900 a year, and 2 million of the self-employed will get a tax cut averaging £650. Those changes will make our system simpler and fairer, and will grow our economy by rewarding work. The OBR says that, when combined with the autumn reduction, our national insurance cuts will mean the equivalent of 200,000 more people in work—filling one in five vacancies, and adding 0.4% to GDP and 0.4% to GDP per head.

    This is the second fiscal event in which we have reduced employee and self-employed national insurance. We have cut it by one third in six months without increasing borrowing and without cutting spending on public services. That means that the average earner in the UK now has the lowest effective personal tax rate since 1975. Their effective taxes are now lower than in America, France, Germany or any G7 country. Because Conservatives believe that making work pay is of the most fundamental importance, and because we believe that the double taxation of work is unfair, our long-term ambition is to end this unfairness. When it is responsible, when it can be achieved without increasing borrowing and when it can be delivered without compromising high-quality public services, we will continue to cut national insurance as we have done today, so that we truly make work pay.

    We stick to our plan with a Budget for long-term growth. It delivers more investment, more jobs, better public services and lower taxes. However, dynamism in an economy does not come from Ministers in Whitehall but from the grit and determination of people who take risks, work hard and innovate—not Government policies but people power. It is to unleash people power that today we put this country back on a path to lower taxes: a plan to grow the economy versus no plan; a plan for better public services versus no plan; a plan to make work pay versus no plan. Growth up, jobs up and taxes down. I commend this statement to the House.

  • Bim Afolami – 2024 Speech at Bloomberg

    Bim Afolami – 2024 Speech at Bloomberg

    The speech made by Bim Afolami, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, on 25 January 2024.

    This building and indeed this city, but this building in particular, reflects the UK’s commitment to openness, competitiveness and innovation in financial services and the significant role that financial services can play in growing our broader economy, and there’s been a great deal of talk in recent months about this.

    Since 2010, the British economy has seen the third fastest growth in the G7 faster than France, Germany, Italy, Japan. It is clear that our long-term underlying growth rate needs to rise in order for us to deliver prosperity, lower taxes and more effective public services.

    And it’s right then, that our long-term plan for this country’s growth is our commitment to openness, competitiveness and innovation writ large.

    That’s why we’re cutting taxes, to ensure hard work is rewarded, and to allow businesses to take long, firm decisions and investment in R&D.

    That’s why we’ll continue to reduce our national debt, to fight inflation and deliver affordable mortgages for working people.

    That’s why, through investment, we will ensure that our supply of homegrown, clean, affordable power is matched by home grown teachers, doctors and nurses.

    Because since the beginning of 2023, we’ve seen real progress. Inflation and borrowing costs have fallen with inflation more than halving, our economy has bounced back, outperforming the forecasters, outperforming many of our European neighbours, and our national debt continues to fall.

    I know that all of you, not just in Bloomberg, will continue to monitor our progress closely. But today I want to focus on the role that our capital markets can play in building our economy for the future. Rising to our economic challenges and achieving Britain’s economic potential.

    Well, the first thing we should say is, well, what are we talking about? What are capital markets? Why do they matter? They play a key role in our economy because by allocating capital, facilitating investment, growth and job creation, they create investor returns. And those investors are not just international conglomerates. They’re British businesses. They are British people. And all of this drive’s activity across the economy.

    London in particular, is an international powerhouse with a foreign exchange market three times the size of the American one. The derivatives market 50% bigger than the American one, all of which helps to make us a global hub for investment.

    Now, I have, this Chancellor, this government, we’re not the first to recognise the potential of capital markets to grow the British economy in the 1980s, Nigel Lawson’s reforms, the Big Bang suspect, so to speak, unlocked the UK’s capital markets.

    However, in recent years they have lost some of the dynamism for which they became well known in that generation. We in this country have not been immune to the global shift away from public equities to private equity.

    According to a recent paper by McKinsey, total private market assets under management have grown at an annual rate of nearly 20% since 2017, which was the first year I was elected to parliament.

    But between 2015 and 2020, London accounted for only 5% of global IPOs, and the number of listed companies in the UK has fallen by about 40% from as recently as 2008, the year of the financial crisis. Now those, I’m sure you agree, are sobering figures. And we take that on, and we know that we need to change them. But to change them, we must first understand what’s driving them.

    A large part of this story is the success of New York across the pond. Over the past five years, the FTSE 100 increased by 12%, while the S&P 500 increased by 81%. Nasdaq has been very successful in attracting new listings, especially big tech firms. There, American home grown American tech firms like Apple, Meta and Alphabet.

    And interestingly, if you remove the seven big tech companies from the S&P 500, the gap in performance is not anything like as wide as one thinks. Indeed, at one point in time, and this is quite an interesting fact, at one point in time, Apple alone out valued the entire FTSE 100. And we are also seeing greater competition from smaller EU exchanges such as Amsterdam.

    It’s true however, there has been a broader trend over the past decade or so of a change in British investor behaviour, with domestic British investors shifting away from investing in UK equities and moving beyond our shores. Why has that happened?

    My thinking after speaking with I don’t know how many people in the last few weeks a month since taking this job. Is that our approach to capital markets must carefully balance appropriate regulation with investors’ appetite for risk. And our post 2008 approach has focused too much on the former and not enough on the latter. In part that reflects the culture mindset of the government and our regulators.

    Now, as many of you may know, I’ve spent some time in this office and beforehand making the case for the importance, the importance of risk in our society. And I pushed against the modern trend across the whole Western world. It’s not just Britain. Pushed against the modern trend to seek to eliminate all risk, which has only accelerated after the Covid pandemic.

    Now, look, this is an understandable, but it’s a deeply damaging instinct. We have to move faster. Yes, with speed limits and controls. But accepting that innovation and growth cannot come and an entirely risk free environment.

    As I argued in my remarks to the FT banking summit, which was, I think, the first public statement I made in this post. There is no point us in the UK having the safest graveyard.

    Through a journey of root and branch reform. We need to move from a risk off to a risk on outlook, to move from a complacent incumbent mindset to an insurgent one, whilst recognising the challenges that we face because it’s only through measured and purposeful risk taking that we can deliver progress, economic growth and a capital markets renaissance.

    Here’s what we’ve already achieved. Here’s what we’ve already done. First step on our reform journey was to properly diagnose the problem that started in earnest in 2020, the end of 2020 with my very good friend Lord Hill. The UK Listings Review, which built consensus across government and the industry on how to boost IPOs and capital raising on UK markets.

    Then 2021 Mansion House, our then Chancellor, now Prime Minister mapped out our destination and he said he wanted a more open, competitive, technologically advanced financial services sector. And he launched the Wholesale Markets Review to consider how we could use our newfound regulatory freedoms to make UK markets more competitive. So having diagnosed the problem, next came our solutions.

    Reforms progressed across all areas in our legislation and regulatory regimes, but also in the culture and mindset of government and regulators. On the legal and regulatory front, we have passed a huge act, the new Financial Markets and Services Act 2023. This delivered the Wholesale Market Review’s most urgent changes, and as a result, firms can now trade in the most liquid market and get the best price for investors.

    We’ve also set statutory growth and competitiveness objectives for our regulators, established the new Regulatory Complaints Commissioner, Rachel Kent, who is here in the front row. So, she is, to ensure that regulators are fully accountable to market participants as well as accountable to consumers. And we’ve worked hand in hand with industry to carefully review every single aspect of our rulebook.

    Now, this issue is very close to my heart. As the former chair of the Regulatory Reform Group in Parliament, which I set up. I’ve long been a critic of the accountability gaps in our regulatory system and the disproportionately anti-growth mindset of many regulators.

    However. As my thinking has evolved over time, I’ve come to understand the responsibility that politicians have, not just regulators. Politicians from all parties. We as politicians must take a lot more responsibility for this. We created the system and incentives that the regulators operate in, whilst often blaming them for not acting fast enough on an issue of consumer harm, and then staying silent when industry complains about an ever more complex and costly rulebook.

    This culture of risk aversion has been very present in politics as much as it has been present in the regulatory state, and this must change. So be in no doubt. While I’m closely monitoring how the new system breaks down and closely monitoring how our regulators take on this growth and competitiveness objective that we have given them.

    I will act and we will act further if we don’t see a sensible shift in our regulators toward more pro-growth mindset. At the same time, I want to lead a cultural shift within our politics and within our politicians. More immediately, we are taking forward a host of new initiatives like the Digital Security Sandbox, which will test the use of distributed ledger technology in trading and settlement. That’s just one of the huge range of reforms coming up stream. The results of these reforms is that after three and a half years, we are now within sight of making the UK’s public markets match fit again.

    But you and I know we must go further to fully deliver on the promise of our capital markets. The regulatory and legal reforms are a necessary but not sufficient condition. So let me tell you about the steps that we are taking now to go further, because we’re supporting companies through every stage of their investment life cycle.

    First, we will ensure that companies can scale up effectively so that they are primed and ready for listing. To do this, we are establishing a world first, a new class of exchange, which will allow private companies to raise capital on an intermittent basis.

    Now, the private intermittent securities and capital exchange system. And this came across my desk and I said, guys, this isn’t going to work. I don’t even understand what that is. So, what I did was I played around with the acronyms with the words, and we’re going to call it Pisces. Pisces for short will be established before the end of this year.

    The Pisces platform will give private companies better access to UK capital markets, break down the artificial regulatory cliff edge that exists between the public and private markets. This development will allow us to take advantage of the structural shift that I was discussing earlier to private markets, rather than suffer from.

    Secondly, we want to ensure that when companies choose to list, when they do that, the process of doing so is as frictionless as possible. And as I’ve now taken the UK’s new prospectus legislation through Parliament in recent days, the FCA can now complete their entire rewrite of the prospectus regimes rulebook to deliver on the recommendations from the Lord Hill reforms and indeed the Mark Austin reviews. This will boost the operating environment for our capital markets in two principal ways.

    First, by increasing the pool of investors in participating capital raises and enabling firms to raise larger sums of capital more quickly and more easily.

    Finally, we want to ensure that once listed companies are matched with the best investors for their offering, we will achieve this by taking forward Rachel Kent’s Investment Research Review recommendations.

    We aim to revive the research market, which has been damaged in recent years, by delivering more efficient and accurate pricing, in particular for small and medium sized businesses, whilst attracting a more diverse range of investors, including retail investors.

    And I’m not going to have any more time to list some of our wider initiatives, like Charlie Gatlin’s Accelerator Settlement Taskforce, which will upgrade our back office operations for the 21st century by moving from a T2 to a T1 settlement, or our form of Solvency II which were released 100 billion pounds of investment into our economy.

    But given present company that, of course, seeking a balance of risk and reward, I’m prepared to make a bet with you about our future delivery of these reforms and then make a bet with you. This is dangerous. The Mansion House 2024 will mark substantial progress in all three of the investment lifecycle stages that I’ve set out today.

    First, the FCA’s new listing rules will consolidate our dual segment structure into a simpler single listing segment. And that would have narrowed the gap with our international competitors. I am confident that as part of this transition, the FCA will engage with firms who want their IP to benefit from our new regime, ensuring that the UK IPO pipeline is ready for action.

    Secondly, we will be well on our way by Mansion House midway through this year to delivering the regulatory framework for Pisces by the end of 2024.

    And finally by taking forward Rachel Kent’s IRR recommendations, the Investment Research Review recommendations, we will allow much more investment research to be produced in this country on smaller, mid-cap British businesses giving more information to investors, particularly retail investors.

    Now, why am I so confident in this agenda? Well, partly that’s just because that’s an occupational hazard of being politicians. But in all seriousness, I’m confident in this agenda. I’m saying it to all of you today because it’s underpinned by our commitment to where I started to openness, competitiveness, growth, dynamism, innovation in financial services. That is not for financial services. It is for the British economy as a whole.

    Now, I know, or at least I hope very strongly that the people in this room share those values. When they are properly applied, they will have an impact far beyond financial markets. After all, the Big Bang improved the lives of millions across this country. And I’m confident that when we have delivered our capital markets renaissance, those will too. Thank you.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2023 Speech on the Economy

    Rishi Sunak – 2023 Speech on the Economy

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, in Enfield on 20 November 2023.

    I’m here today to talk about the central purpose of our economic policy:

    To give you the opportunity to build a wealthier, more secure life for you and your family.

    We should not be apologetic about that.

    About the nobility of aspiration, the rewards of hard work, the dreams we have for ourselves and our children:

    Owning our own home.

    Starting a business.

    A healthy, happy retirement.

    And leaving our children a more comfortable life.

    But I know that right now, that dream feels out of reach for too many.

    So the most urgent choice our country faces, is how we change that.

    [Please note: Political content redacted here]
    Our approach is different.

    One that gets inflation down and keeps it down.

    One that believes the private sector grows the economy…

    …and where government has a role, it must be limited.

    One that believes in cutting taxes – but doing so carefully and sustainably.

    And one that is ambitious about the unprecedented opportunities for this country…

    …from the new wave of technology. Our approach starts with controlling inflation.

    High inflation eats away at your pay packet.

    It makes mortgages more expensive and stops you getting on the housing ladder.

    It makes pensions and savings worth less.

    In other words, inflation is a tax.

    And it erodes that dream of a wealthier, more secure life that we want for everyone.

    And that’s why we’ve provided unprecedented support for people’s energy bills and the cost of living.

    And it’s why at the start of this year, I committed to halve inflation.

    Back then, inflation was around 11%.

    And now, in October, the Office for National Statistics confirmed it fell to 4.6%.

    Now I’m not saying the job is done.

    But it does mean we have met our commitment to halve inflation.

    Prices are no longer rising as quickly.

    Energy bills have fallen significantly.

    And for many, wages are now rising faster than prices.

    And it shows something else:

    That when we make a major economic commitment, we will deliver it.

    It would’ve been far easier to give into the strikes with inflationary pay rises…

    …or any number of calls for higher spending and borrowing.

    But we held firm.

    And with inflation halved, we can now look forward…

    …towards the future economy that we want to build.

    As we do so, the country faces a critical choice about how we grow the economy.

    Do we continue with the big government, high spending, high borrowing, and high taxes, that were necessary through the pandemic?

    Or, as we believe, should we change our approach, and grow the economy through the dynamism of the private sector?

    Nothing shows the difference between those two visions more than the people asking you to believe in them.

    I’ve spent most of my career working and investing in businesses, large and small.

    The Chancellor spent his life before politics starting and running businesses.

    That’s where we learnt about the economy.

    My approach is rooted in what I learned growing up, working in Mum’s pharmacy.

    She worked so hard – we all worked so hard – not just because that was where our living came from.

    But because it was ours; we owned it; we all had a stake in its success.

    If we worked hard and took pride in our work and provided a good service, then business would improve.

    If we didn’t, it wouldn’t.

    The economy is about people, free to pursue their own ideas, in their own interests, in their own way.

    To support themselves and their families through the dignity of their own work.

    I’m not saying government has no role.

    My record is not that of a market fundamentalist.

    When a crisis hits, governments must intervene – just as we I did with furlough.

    The state must step in where the private sector won’t.

    Not least to provide high quality public services like the NHS…

    Or to improve public health with our plan to create a smoke-free generation…

    Or to invest in our future growth, with infrastructure, skills, and the incredible opportunities of science and technology.

    And in a world where Putin is willing to weaponise energy…

    …and we face the strategic challenge of a more assertive China…

    …we must be smarter about protecting our economic security.

    But our opponents are profoundly wrong to argue…

    …that the shocks we’ve seen in the last few years, or the need to transition to Net Zero…

    …mean we should borrow £28 billion a year, and permanently have bigger government.

    We should be as clear-eyed about government failure as we are about market failure.

    So the bar to intervene in people’s lives should be high.

    Because history tells us that if it’s not, the inevitable conclusion is…

    …higher spending, higher borrowing, higher mortgage rates, and higher taxes.

    Greater regulation and intervention, stifling people’s energy and initiative.

    Less trade, meaning less choice and higher prices.

    And economic power concentrated in the hands of a small government elite…

    …allowing more influence for vested interests and the trade unions.

    This is a recipe for stagnation, not growth.

    And it would take our country backwards, not forwards.

    So we choose a different path to deliver growth.

    Where we back people and businesses.

    Where the state is there for you during the bad times but gets out of the way during the good.

    And where the path to prosperity lies not in ever more government intervention…

    …but in creating the conditions for businesses to thrive.

    And so to grow the economy, we will take five long-term decisions.

    Reducing debt.

    Cutting tax and rewarding hard work.

    Building domestic, sustainable energy.

    Backing British business.

    And delivering world-class education.

    The first long-term decision is to reduce our debt…

    …to keep inflation falling and get mortgage rates down to affordable levels.

    Without financial security, we can’t do anything to support families and workers when they need it most.

    When Covid struck, we could only act because our public finances were in good shape…

    …thanks to the difficult but responsible decisions we’ve taken over the last decade.

    I’ll always be proud of being the Chancellor who protected nine million jobs…

    …in a moment of danger, fear, and uncertainty, people turned to this government…

    …and did not find us wanting.

    I’m proud of the support we provided to the NHS, with record levels of funding.

    I’m proud too, of helping households pay their energy bills when Putin cut off the gas.

    But the only way to give people the peace of mind that government will be there in future crises…

    …is to pay down our debts now.

    And if we don’t, we’re just leaving our children to pay the bill.

    Last September was a stark reminder why this matters so much.

    The country was rocked by a financial crisis caused, in part, because investors didn’t believe the UK had a plan to control our debt.

    That’s why the Chancellor and I have taken difficult decisions to control our debt.

    That wasn’t the easy thing to do – but it was the right thing to do for our country.

    And that’s what leadership means.

    It takes political courage to take the difficult but right decisions for the long-term.

    I will do what is necessary to get our debt down and provide financial security. The second decision we’re taking is to cut tax and reward hard work.

    Now I want to cut taxes.

    I believe in cutting taxes.

    What clearer expression could there be of my governing philosophy than the belief…

    …that people, and not governments, make the best decisions about their own money?

    But doing that responsibly is hard.

    We must avoid doing anything that puts at risk our progress in controlling inflation.

    And no matter how much we might want them to, history shows that tax cuts don’t automatically pay for themselves.

    And I can’t click my fingers and suddenly wish away all the reasons that taxes had to increase in the first place.

    Partly, because of Covid and Putin’s war in Ukraine.

    And partly because we want to support people to live in dignity in retirement…

    …with a decent pension and good healthcare – which will cost more as the population ages.

    But my argument has never been that we shouldn’t cut taxes.

    It’s been that we could only cut taxes once we’ve controlled inflation and debt.

    First cut inflation, then cut taxes.

    And that’s why I made the promise to halve inflation.

    And the official statistics show, that promise has now been met.

    So, now that inflation is halved…

    And our growth is stronger, meaning revenues are higher…

    …we can begin the next phase, and turn our attention to cutting tax.

    We will do this in a serious, responsible way…

    …based on fiscal rules to deliver sound money…

    …and alongside the independent forecasts of the Office for Budget Responsibility.

    And we can’t do everything all at once.

    It will take discipline and we need to prioritise.

    But over time, we can and we will cut taxes.

    Rewarding hard work also means reforming our welfare system.

    We believe in the inherent dignity of a good job.

    And we believe that work – not welfare – is the best route out of poverty.

    Yet right now, around two million people of working age are not working at all.

    That is a national scandal and an enormous waste of human potential.

    So, we must do more to support those who can work, to do so.

    And we will clamp down on welfare fraudsters.

    Because the system must be fair for the taxpayers who fund it.

    And by doing all of this…

    By getting people off welfare and into work…

    …we can better support those genuinely in need of a safety net.

    That is what a compassionate, welfare system looks like.

    Our third long-term decision is to build domestic, sustainable energy.

    Energy security is national security.

    It underpins everything in our economy so there can be no plan for growth without it.

    And the transition to net zero will create whole new sectors…

    …and hundreds of thousands of good, well-paid jobs right across the country.

    Yet there is almost no better example of how British politics has failed in recent decades…

    …than our inability to develop a serious strategy for energy.

    We’re now correcting those mistakes, with new nuclear power plants.

    Record investment in renewables.

    And upgrades to our electricity grid infrastructure.

    But there is no path to energy security…

    …and indeed no credible path to net zero…

    …without secure supplies of oil and gas.

    Never again can we allow our energy security to be compromised.

    I believe British energy will deliver British energy security.

    Now I deeply believe that when you ask most people about climate change, they want to do the right thing.

    And I’m proud that since 1990, Britain has reduced our emissions faster than any other major economy.

    But it can’t be right to impose such significant costs on working people…

    …especially those already struggling to make ends meet.

    And to interfere so much in people’s lives without a properly informed national debate.

    Instead of following the path of ideological zeal, reaching Net Zero no matter what the cost.

    Or to build new supplies of domestic, sustainable energy…

    …to grow the economy and cut the cost of Net Zero for working people.

    The fourth decision we’re taking is to back British businesses to invest, innovate, and trade.

    Now that might sound obvious or uncontroversial.

    We want to support businesses to invest, innovate and grow through lower taxes and simpler regulation…

    …and where we provide support, it should be targeted and strategic.

    So yes, we’re investing in roads, railways, broadband and mobile networks, right across the country.

    Yes, we’re delivering one of the biggest ever transport upgrades for the north and midlands, in Network North.

    And yes, we’re delivering the right homes in the right places to support the labour market.

    But growth is all about getting the private sector to invest, too.

    That’s why the Chancellor is cutting taxes directly on investment.

    It’s why we’re cutting taxes to encourage innovation…

    …because new ideas and ways of doing things are the most important ways to raise our productivity.

    And it’s why we’re seizing the freedom and flexibility of Brexit.

    We’ve already cut Brussels red tape to save small businesses a billion pounds a year.

    We’re creating more agile regulation to support innovation and competition…

    …particularly in growth sectors like financial services, life sciences, and agri-tech.

    And we’re building new trade deals with the fastest growing regions in the world, like CPTPP.

    So this is our message to business:

    The Chancellor and I spent most of our careers in business.

    We understand, we care, we get it, and we’re acting to make this the best country in the world to do business.

    Now, our final long-term decision is about delivering world-class education…

    …so young people have the skills they need to get good jobs.

    Education is about opportunity.

    About giving people the knowledge and skills to get on in life and fulfil their aspirations.

    And about preparing the country for the profound transformation technologies like AI will bring.

    I’m incredibly proud of our record since 2010.

    Higher standards; more choice for parents; more powers for teachers.

    And the result?

    State schools in some of the most deprived parts of our country are now producing some of the best results.

    And we are doing more.

    Our new qualification, the Advanced British Standard will:

    For the first time, put technical education on an equal footing with academic courses.

    Dramatically increase time spent in the classroom.

    Teach Maths and English to every child through to 18, with extra help for those struggling most.

    And give students the chance to study a much broader range of subjects.

    We know that brilliant teachers make for a brilliant education, so we’re going to back them.

    We’ve doubled the grants for new teachers in key subjects to £30,000 over five years…

    …and for the first time extended those grants to colleges as well as schools.

    To conclude, the first time many of you saw me was during Covid, when I stood up at a Press Conference to announce the furlough scheme.

    From that moment until today, whether you like me or not…

    …I hope you know that when it comes to the economy…

    …when it comes to your job, your family, your incomes…

    …I’ll always take the right decisions for our country.

    I promised you we would halve inflation.

    We took the difficult decisions and have delivered on that promise.

    Now you can trust me when I say we can start to responsibly cut taxes.

    And we will now move to the next phase of our plan, to grow our economy by…

    Reducing debt;

    Cutting tax and rewarding hard work;

    Building domestic, sustainable energy;

    Backing British business;

    And delivering world-class education.

    You can trust me to take the right long-term decisions and that’s how we’ll build a brighter future for our children.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Autumn Statement

    Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Autumn Statement

    The speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the House of Commons on 22 November 2023.

    Mr Speaker. After a global pandemic and energy crisis, we have taken difficult decisions to put our economy back on track. We have supported families with rising bills, cut borrowing and halved inflation.

    Rather than a recession, the economy has grown. Rather than falling as predicted, real incomes have risen. Our plan for the British economy is working. But the work is not done. Under this Prime Minister we take decisions for the long term.

    In today’s Autumn Statement for Growth our choice is not big government, high spending and high tax because we know that leads to less growth, not more. Instead we reduce debt, cut taxes and reward work. We deliver world class education. We build domestic sustainable energy.

    And we back British business with 110 growth measures – don’t worry, I’m not going to go through them all – but in summary they…

    …remove planning red tape

    …speed up access to the national grid

    …support entrepreneurs raising capital

    …get behind our fastest growing industries

    …unlock foreign direct investment

    …boost productivity

    …reform welfare

    …level up opportunity to every corner of the country

    …and cut business taxes.

    The Office for Budget Responsibility say that the combined impact of these measures will raise business investment, get more people into work, reduce inflation next year and increase GDP. A dynamic economy depends on the energy and enterprise of people more than any diktats or decisions by ministers.

    So, today’s measures do not just remove barriers to investment, they reward effort and work.  I will go through the measures in three parts.

    In the first, I will use updated OBR forecasts to show the progress we are making against the Prime Minister’s economic priorities.

    The second part sets out growth measures to back British business.

    Finally, I conclude with measures to make work pay.

    Progress on the Prime Minster’s priorities

    Before I start with the forecasts, I want to express my horror at the murderous attack on Israeli citizens on October 7th and the subsequent loss of life on both sides. I will remember for the rest of my life – as I know many other hon members will – being taken to Auschwitz by the Rabbi Barry Marcus and the remarkable Holocaust Educational Trust. But I am deeply concerned about the rise of antisemitism in our country. So, I am announcing up to £7m over the next three years for organisations like the Holocaust Educational Trust to tackle antisemitism in schools and universities. I will also repeat the £3m uplift to the Community Security Trust.

    When it comes to anti-Semitism and all forms of racism, we must never allow the clock to be turned back.

    I now move on to the OBR’s economic and fiscal forecasts, and I thank Richard Hughes and his team for their sterling work in preparing them. Three of my Rt Hon Friend the Prime Minister’s five pledges at the start of the year were economic: to halve inflation, grow the economy and reduce debt. Today I can report to the House that we are delivering on all three.

    Inflation

    Let’s start with inflation. When the Prime Minister and I took office, inflation was at 11.1%. Last week, it fell to 4.6%. We promised to halve inflation and we have halved it. Core inflation is now lower than in nearly half of the economies in the EU.  And the OBR say headline inflation will fall to 2.8% by the end of 2024, before falling to the 2% target in 2025.

    I will not take risks with inflation, and the OBR confirm that the measures I take today make inflation lower next year than it would otherwise have been. I thank the Independent Bank of England Monetary Policy Committee for their crucial role in bringing down inflation.  We will continue to back them to do whatever it takes until the job is done. But as we do, we will continue to support families in difficulty.

    Today I add four further measures to help with the cost of living. Firstly, for those on the lowest incomes. I understand the concerns some have about the effect on work incentives of matching benefit increases to inflation.

    I know there has been some speculation that we would increase benefits next year by the lower October figure for inflation. But cost of living pressures remain at their most acute for the poorest families. So instead, the government has decided to increase Universal Credit and other benefits from next April by 6.7% in line with September’s inflation figure, an average increase of £470 for 5.5m households next year.  Vital support to those on the very lowest incomes.

    Second, because rent can constitute more than half the living costs of private renters on the lowest incomes, I have listened closely to many colleagues as well as the Institute for Fiscal Studies, the Resolution Foundation, Citizens Advice UK and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation who said unfreezing the Local Housing Allowance was an ‘urgent priority’.

    I will therefore increase the Local Housing Allowance rate to the 30th percentile of local market rents. This will give 1.6 million households an average of £800 of support next year.

    Third, although I am going to increase duty on hand-rolling tobacco by an additional 10% above the tobacco duty escalator, I know that for many people going to the pub has become more expensive. I have listened closely to the persuasive arguments on alcohol duties from my Honourable Friend for Moray and my Rt Hon Friend for Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweeddale, fierce champions of the Scotch whisky industry. I’ve also listened to defenders of the great British pint such as my Rt Honourable Friends for the Vale of Glamorgan and Buckingham; in my constituency to Councillor Jane Austin who is a big supporter of the Jolly Farmer pub in Bramley; and indeed to The Sun newspaper. So, as well as confirming our Brexit Pubs Guarantee, which means duty on a pint is always lower than in the shops, I have decided to freeze all alcohol duty until August 1st next year. That means no increase in duty on beer, cider, wine or spirits.

    Finally, pensioners. The triple lock has helped lift 250,000 older people out of poverty since it was instituted in 2011 and been a lifeline for many during a period of high inflation.  There have been reports that we would uprate it by a lower amount to smooth out the effect of high public sector bonuses in July, but that would have been particularly difficult for one million pensioners whose only income is from the state.

    So instead, today we honour our commitment to the triple lock in full. From April 2024, we will increase the full new state pension by 8.5% to £221.20 a week, worth up to £900 more a year. That is one of the largest ever cash increases to the state pension – showing this government will always back our pensioners.

    Including today’s measures, our total commitment to easing cost of living pressures has risen to £104 billion. That includes paying around half the cost of the average energy bill since last October and amounts to an average of £3700 per household.

    We are able to do that only because we reduced the deficit by 80% ahead of the pandemic.

    Borrowing and debt

    Next, I turn to my Rt Hon Friend the Prime Minister’s pledge to reduce debt.  Before I took difficult decisions at last year’s Autumn Statement, debt was predicted to rise to almost 100% of GDP by the end of the forecast. Since then, the economy has outperformed expectations and I have taken difficult decisions to reduce borrowing. As a result, headline debt is now predicted to be 94% of GDP by the end of the forecast. The OBR today forecast underlying debt will be 91.6% of GDP next year, 92.7% in 2024-25, 93.2% in 2026-27, before declining in the final two years of the forecast to 92.8% in 2028-29. That is lower in every year compared to forecasts in the Spring. We therefore meet our fiscal rule to have underlying debt falling as a percentage of GDP in the final year of the forecast, with double the headroom compared to the OBR’s March forecast.

    And we continue to have the second lowest government debt in the G7 – lower than the United States, Canada, France, Italy or Japan.

    I turn to borrowing. According to the OBR, borrowing is lower this year and next, and on average across the forecast by £0.7 billion every year compared to the Spring Budget forecasts.  It falls from 4.5% of GDP in 2023-24, to 3.0%, 2.7%, 2.3%, 1.6% and 1.1% in 2028-29. That means we also meet our second fiscal rule – that public sector borrowing must be below 3% of GDP – not just by the final year, but in almost every year of the forecast. Some of this improvement is from higher tax receipts from a stronger economy, but we also maintain a disciplined approach to public spending.

    As I set out in the Spring Budget, resource spending will increase by 1% a year from 2025-26 in real terms and we are sustaining the record 2020 increase in capital spending in cash terms until the end of the forecast. Within this, we will meet our NATO commitment to spend 2% of our GDP on defence, critical at a time of global threats to the international order most notably from Putin’s evil war in Ukraine. We also support a group of people to whom we owe our freedom: our brave veterans. I will extend National Insurance relief for employers of eligible veterans for a further year and provide £10m to support the Veterans’ Places, Pathways and People programme. We have shown that we are prepared to increase funding for vital public services, with record numbers of police officers, doctors, nurses and teachers. We are nearly doubling the numbers of doctors and nurses we train, having given the NHS its first ever long-term workforce plan, as I promised to do a year ago. We are also tackling the greatest single preventable cause of mortality the NHS has to deal with by bringing forward plans for a smokefree generation. But alongside extra funding and support, we need to see reform. We need a more productive state not a bigger one.

    That is why I want the public sector to increase productivity growth by at least half a percent a year, the level at which the size of our state starts to reduce as a proportion of GDP. I have already announced plans to cap and reduce the size of the Civil Service to pre-pandemic levels. Today I pay tribute to the excellent former Chief Secretary to the Treasury, the Rt Hon Member for Salisbury, who started our Public Sector Productivity Programme.  It will now be pursued by his formidable successor, the Rt Hon Member for Sevenoaks who has already been with me to meet police, fire and ambulance personnel to understand where bureaucracy is holding them back. Through this vital work we will ensure that over time the growth in public spending is lower than the growth in the economy whilst always protecting the services the public value. I will also provide HMRC with the resources they need to ensure everyone pays the tax they owe, raising an additional £5 billion across the forecast period.

    Growth

    My Rt Hon Friend the Prime Minister also promised to grow the economy. Since 2010, we have presided over faster growth than many of our major competitors including Spain, Italy, France, Germany or Japan. But all of us have faced a pandemic and energy shock. As a result, last autumn the OBR forecast a recession in which the economy was expected to shrink by 1.4% in 2023.  Instead, it grew – in fact it has grown faster than the Euro area. Revised numbers from the ONS now say the economy is 1.8% larger than pre-pandemic.

    And looking ahead, the OBR expects the economy to grow by 0.6% this year and 0.7% next year. After that, growth rises to 1.4% in 2025, then 1.9% in 2026, 2% in 2027 and 1.7% in 2028. If we want those numbers to be higher, we need higher productivity.  The private sector is more productive in countries like the United States, Germany and France because it invests more – on average 2 percentage points more of GDP every year. The 110 measures I take today help close that gap by boosting business investment by £20 billion a year. They unlock investment with supply side reforms that back British business in the following areas.

    Growth measures

    Skills

    First, skills. No economy can prosper without investing in the potential of its people.  Despite strong opposition, we took the difficult decisions to reform our schools. England’s 9-10-year-olds are now the 4th best readers in the world and since 2015 our 15–16-year-olds have risen 7 places in the OECD rankings for maths, thanks not least to the efforts of the brilliant Rt Hon Member for Bognor Regis and Littlehampton. But 9 million adults in England still have low basic literacy or numeracy skills. Last month the Prime Minister set out the new Advanced British Standard to ensure all school leavers reach minimum standards in maths and English.

    So following engagement with Make UK and others, I am announcing funding of £50m over the next two years to pilot ways to increase the number of apprentices in engineering and other key growth sectors.

    Infrastructure, housing and planning

    Next, planning. It takes too long to approve infrastructure projects and business planning applications. Many businesses say they would be willing to pay more if they knew their application would be approved faster. So, from next year, working with the Communities Secretary, I will reform the system to allow local authorities to recover the full costs of major business planning applications in return for being required to meet guaranteed faster timelines. If they fail, fees will be refunded automatically with the application being processed free of charge.

    A prompt service or your money back – just as would be the case in the private sector.

    Many planning applications are for housebuilding so today we take further decisions to unlock the building of more homes. We will invest £110m over this year and next to deliver high quality nutrient mitigation schemes, unlocking 40,000 homes. We will invest £32m to bust the planning backlog and develop fantastic new housing quarters in Cambridge, London and Leeds which will lead to many thousands of additional dwellings. We will allocate £450m to the Local Authority Housing Fund to deliver 2400 new homes. And we will consult on a new Permitted Development Right to allow any house to be converted into two flats provided the exterior remains unaffected.

    It is also taking too long for clean energy businesses to access the electricity grid. So, after talking to businesses such as National Grid, Octopus Energy and SSE, we today publish our full response to the Winser review and Connections Action Plan. These measures will cut grid access delays by 90% and offer up to £10,000 off electricity bills over 10 years for those living closest to new transmission infrastructure. Taken together these planning and grid reforms are estimated to accelerate around £90 billion of additional business investment over the next 10 years.

    FDI

    Next, foreign direct investment. I am extremely grateful to Lord Harrington for his excellent report on how to increase foreign direct investment. We accept all his headline recommendations. In particular, we will put in place a concierge service for large international investors modelled on the best such services offered by our competitors and will increase funding for the Office for Investment to deliver it.

    Pension fund reforms

    I now turn to pension fund reforms that will increase the flow of capital going to our most promising growth companies in a way that also improves outcomes for savers. I will take forward my Mansion House reforms starting with measures to consolidate the industry. By 2030, the majority of workplace DC savers will have their pension pots managed in schemes of over £30 billion and by 2040 all local government pension funds will be invested in pools of £200 billion or more.

    I will support the establishment of investment vehicles for pension funds to use including through the LIFTS competition, a new Growth Fund run by the British Business Bank and opening the PPF as an investment vehicle for smaller DB pension schemes.

    I will also consult on giving savers a legal right to require a new employer to pay pension contributions into their existing pension pot if they choose, meaning people can move to having one pension pot for life. These reforms could help unlock an extra £75 billion of financing for high growth companies by 2030 and provide an extra £1000 a year in retirement for an average earner saving from 18.

    Alongside this, I am also progressing further capital market reforms to boost the attractiveness of our markets, and the UK one of the most attractive places to start, grow and list a company. As part of this I will explore options for a Natwest retail share offer in the next 12 months subject to supportive market conditions and achieving value for money. It’s time to get Sid investing again.

    Innovation industries

    Next, I move on to measures to support our most innovative industries. In the last decade we have grown to become…

    …the third largest technology sector in the world, double the size of Germany and three times the size of France

    …the biggest life sciences industry in Europe

    …Europe’s third largest generator of renewable electricity after Germany or Norway

    … and the eighth largest manufacturer in the world

    When it comes to tech, we know that AI will be at the heart of any future growth. I want to make sure our universities, scientists and start-ups can access the compute power they need.

    So, building on the success of the supercomputing centres in Edinburgh and Bristol, I will invest a further £500m over the next two years to fund further innovation centres to help make us an AI powerhouse. Our creative industries already support Europe’s largest film and TV sector. This year’s all-Californian blockbuster Barbie was filmed in the constituency of the Hon Member for Watford, where the sun always shines. I know that even more could be invested in visual effects if we increased the generosity of the film and high-end TV tax credits, so I will today launch a call for evidence on how to make that happen. British-discovered vaccines and treatments saved more lives across the world during the pandemic than those from any other country and I’m incredibly proud of our Life Sciences industry. To further support research and development, I am creating a new simplified R&D tax relief, combining the existing R&D Expenditure Credit and SME schemes.

    I will also reduce the rate at which loss-making companies are taxed within the merged scheme from 25% to 19% and lower the threshold for the additional support for R&D intensive loss-making SMEs that I announced in Spring, to 30%, benefiting a further 5,000 SMEs.  And because 2028 marks the centenary of the invention of penicillin by Alexander Fleming I am giving £5m to Imperial College and Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust to set up a Fleming Centre to inspire the next generation of world-changing innovations.

    For our advanced manufacturing and green energy sectors, international investors say the biggest thing we can do is to announce a longer-term strategy for their industries.

    So, with the Secretaries of State for Business and Trade and Energy Security and Net Zero, I am today publishing those plans. I confirm that we will make available £4.5 billion of support over the 5 years to 2030 to attract investment into strategic manufacturing sectors.

    That includes support of £2 billion for zero emission investments in the automotive sector, something that has been warmly welcomed by Nissan and Toyota; £975m for aerospace, building on decades of success from firms like Airbus and Rolls Royce; and £520m for life sciences to build on the strength of world-class British pharma companies like AstraZeneca and GSK.  We will also provide £960m for the new Green Industries Growth Accelerator focused on offshore wind, electricity networks, nuclear, CCUS and hydrogen. These targeted investments will ensure the UK remains competitive in sectors where we are already leaders and innovative in areas where we are not. Taken together across our fastest-growing innovation sectors, this support alone will attract an estimated £2 billion of additional investment every year over the next decade.

    Levelling up

    One of the reasons we support our manufacturing and clean energy sectors is they help to level up growth across the United Kingdom, so I now turn to further levelling up measures.  In the Spring, I announced that we would deliver 12 new Investment Zones – 12 mini-Canary Wharfs – where government, industry and research institutes collaborate across the UK.  Since then, the Exchequer Secretary – the Hon Member for Grantham and Stamford – has done outstanding work across government to bring this vision to fruition. Following tenacious representations by the Hon Member for Ynys Mon and the unstoppable Mayor of Tees Valley, I have today decided to extend the financial incentives for Investment Zones and tax reliefs for Freeports from 5 years to 10 years. I will also set up a new £150m Investment Opportunity Fund to catalyse investment into the programme.

    On Monday, I confirmed a new Investment Zone in West Yorkshire. Today having listened to representations from the West Midlands salesman-in-Chief, Andy Street, as well as the Hon Member for Mansfield and the Hon Member for Bury North I am also announcing three further Investment Zones focused on advanced manufacturing in the West Midlands, East Midlands and Greater Manchester. Together, local partners expect these will help catalyse over £3.4 billion of private investment and 65,000 new jobs.

    And having listened to the Hon Member for Wrexham and the Hon Member for Clwyd South, I can announce a second Investment Zone in Wales in the fantastic region of Wrexham and Flintshire, which I will visit tomorrow. We are publishing new devolution deals with four areas including Hull and East Yorkshire and offering devolved powers to even more county areas.

    On Monday we saw the announcement of £1 billion of funding through Round 3 of the Levelling Up Fund, supporting projects following the campaigning efforts of the Members for Keighley, Dewsbury, Doncaster, Scunthorpe …and of course, Mr Speaker, Chorley.

    I can also confirm we will proceed with over £50m of funding for high-quality regeneration projects in communities such as Bolsover, Monmouthshire, Warrington, and Eden Valley all of which have particularly effective local MPs as their champions.

    And I’m announcing £80m for new Levelling Up Partnerships in Scotland, £500,000 to support the Hay Festival in Wales and £3m of additional funding to support the successful Tackling Paramilitarism programme in Northern Ireland.

    Small businesses

    Next small business. I ran my own one for 14 years and have always known that every big business was a small business once. The Federation of Small Businesses say that the biggest thing I could do to help their members is end the scourge of late payments. The Procurement Act we have passed means that the 30-day payment terms which are already set for public sector contracts will automatically apply throughout the sub-contract supply chain.

    But from April 2024 I will also introduce a condition that any company bidding for large government contracts should demonstrate they pay their own invoices within an average of 55 days, which will reduce progressively to 30 days. Any small business will also tell you the biggest frustration is the tax you pay before making a penny of profit – not least business rates. This government has already taken a third of properties out of rates completely through Small Business Rates Relief. We have frozen the tax rate for the last three years at a cost of £14.5 billion. We have removed downwards caps from Transitional Relief.

    And for retail, hospitality and leisure businesses we have introduced a one year 75% discount on business rates up to £110,000. These measures have saved the average independent shop over £20,000. It is not possible to continue with temporary support measures forever. But whilst the standard multiplier, which applies to high-value properties, will rise in line with inflation, I have today decided that we will freeze the small business multiplier for a further year. And following extensive discussions with the FSB and many colleagues in the House, I have also decided to extend the 75% business rates discount for Retail Hospitality and Leisure businesses for another year. This will save the average independent pub over £12,800 next year and at a cost of £4.3 billion, it is a large tax cut which recognises the role of pubs and high street shops in our communities. I thank the Members for Stockton South, Barrow and Furness and East Devon for their tenacious campaigning on this issue.

    Finally, I turn to the smallest of all businesses – those run by the self-employed. These are the people who literally kept our country running during the pandemic. The plumbers who fixed our boilers in lockdowns. The delivery drivers who brought us our shopping. The farmers who kept food on our plates. As part of our plans to grow the economy I want to reform and simplify the taxes paid by the self-employed. So today I am announcing a major reform of one of those taxes. It is one most people haven’t heard of, but it is a big deal for those who have to pay it. Class 2 National Insurance is a flat rate compulsory charge, currently £3.45 a week, paid by self-employed people earning more than £12,570 which gives state pension entitlement. Today, after careful consideration and in recognition of the contribution made by self-employed people to our country, I can announce we are abolishing Class 2 National Insurance altogether, saving the average self-employed person £192 a year.

    Access to entitlements and credits will be maintained in full and those who choose to pay voluntarily will still be able to do so.  But this change simplifies and cuts tax for nearly 2 million self-employed people whilst protecting the interests of those on the lowest pay. Because we value their work, I’m also taking one further step for the self-employed. They also pay Class 4 National Insurance at 9% on all earnings between £12,570 and £50,270. Today, I have decided to cut that tax by 1 percentage point to 8% from April. Taken together with the abolition of the compulsory Class 2 Charge, these reforms will save around 2 million self-employed people an average of £350 a year from April.

    Mr Speaker, we are backing small business by freezing their business rates, extending retail, hospitality and leisure relief, abolishing compulsory Class 2 National Insurance payments and reducing Class 4 National Insurance by one percentage point in today’s Autumn Statement for growth. Small businesses work so hard for us, so tis government is working hard for them.

    Full expensing

    I turn now to my final measure to back British business, Mr Speaker. Since 2010, we have seen the second highest growth in investment of any G7 country.  However, if we are to raise productivity, we need to increase business investment further. In 2021, my Rt Hon Friend the Prime Minister introduced the super-deduction for large businesses to further stimulate business investment, and this Spring, I introduced “full expensing” for three years.

    This means that for every million pounds a company invests, they get £250,000 off their tax bill in the very same year.

    The CBI, Make UK, Energy UK and 200 other business leaders from companies including BT Open Reach, Siemens and Bosch have said making this measure permanent would the “single most transformational” thing I could do for business investment and growth. The Centre for Policy Studies say it would ‘maximise business investment, boost productivity and deliver higher levels of GDP.’ But because it costs £11 billion a year, I made clear that I would only do so when it was affordable. Well, with inflation halved… borrowing down… and debt falling, today I deliver on that promise. I will today make full expensing permanent. That is the largest business tax cut in modern British history. It means we have not just the lowest headline corporation tax rate in the G7 but its most generous capital allowances.

    The OBR say it will increase annual investment by around £3 billion a year and a total of £14 billion over the forecast period. The way to back British business is to increase the incentives to invest.  We do that today by introducing one of the most generous tax reliefs anywhere in the world, a huge boost to British competitiveness in an Autumn Statement for Growth. Skills, planning and infrastructure reform, pension fund reform, support for innovation industries, levelling up, backing small business and full expensing… Taken together, the overall impact of today’s growth measures will be to increase business investment in the UK economy by around £20 billion a year within a decade, nearly 1% of GDP at today’s level. That is the biggest ever boost for business investment in modern times, a decisive step towards closing the productivity gap with other major economies and the most effective way we can raise wages and living standards for every family in the country.

    Work

    As well as backing business, you need to back the people without whose effort no businesses can succeed. The entrepreneur taking risks. The builder working weekends. The nurse working nights. And the jobseeker leaving benefits behind. I therefore conclude with three further supply-side reforms designed to improve the incentives to work in a modern, dynamic economy.

    Welfare

    I begin with welfare, and I start by thanking the outstanding Work and Pensions Secretary for his help in developing these reforms. He builds on the work of my Rt Hon Friend for Chingford and Woodford Green who introduced Universal Credit. Those reforms helped to reduce unemployment, which has fallen by over one million.  But post-pandemic we still have over seven million adults of working age, excluding students, who are not working despite nearly one million vacancies in the economy. Many can and want to work – but our system makes that too hard.

    In the Spring Budget I introduced 30 hours of free childcare for working parents of 1- & 2-year-olds. That plan, still opposed by the party opposite, starts rolling out in April. It will help tens of thousands of parents return to work without having to worry about damaging their career prospects.

    Today we focus on helping those with sickness or disability and the long term unemployed. Every year we sign off over 100,000 people onto benefits with no requirement to look for work because of sickness or disability. That waste of potential is wrong economically and wrong morally. So, with the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, last week I announced our Back to Work Plan. We will reform the Fit Note process so that treatment rather than time off work becomes the default. We will reform the Work Capability Assessment to reflect greater flexibility and availability of home working after the pandemic. And we will spend £1.3 billion over the next five years to help nearly 700,000 people with health conditions find jobs. Over 180,000 more people will be helped through the Universal Support Programme and nearly 500,000 more people will be offered treatment for mental health conditions and employment support.

    Over the forecast period, the OBR judge these measures will more than halve the net flow of people who are signed off work with no work search requirements. At the same time, we will provide a further £1.3 billion of funding to offer extra help to the 300,000 people who have been unemployed for over a year without having sickness or a disability.

    But we will ask for something in return. If after 18 months of intensive support jobseekers have not found a job, we will roll out a programme requiring them to take part in a mandatory work placement to increase their skills and improve their employability. And if they choose not to engage with the work search process for six months, we will close their case and stop their benefits. Taken together with the labour supply measures I announced in the Spring, the OBR say we will increase the number of people in work by around 200,000 at the end of the forecast period, permanently increasing the size of the economy. We should unlock the potential we have right here at home, which we do with the biggest set of welfare reforms in a decade in today’s Autumn Statement for Growth.

    Ending low pay

    Mr Speaker, if we are to incentivise work, we must also tackle low pay. People who get up early, put in the hours and work hard for their families deserve to be paid fairly. Since 2010, those on the minimum wage – now the National Living Wage – have seen their hourly wage go up from £5.80/hour to £10.42/hour. That’s a real terms increase of more than 20%. Because we’ve also doubled the threshold at which you pay tax or national insurance, their after-tax income has gone up not by 20% but by 25% – more than any other income group.

    Today, I confirm we will go further and accept the Low Pay Commission recommendation to increase the National Living Wage by 9.8% to £11.44 an hour.

    That is the largest ever cash increase in the National Living Wage, worth up to £1800 for a full-time worker. Since the National Living Wage has been introduced, the proportion of people on low pay, defined as earning less than two thirds of national median hourly income, has halved. But at the new rate of £11.44 an hour it delivers our manifesto commitment to eliminate low pay altogether. That means by next year someone working full time on the National Living Wage will see their real take-home after-tax pay go up not by 25% but by 30% compared to 2010. The best way to tackle poverty is through work. By reforming the welfare system, reducing workless households and tackling low pay we have helped lift 1.7 million people out of absolute poverty since 2010 because a central part of our plan for growth is to make work pay.

    Tax

    And so I move to the final supply side measure in today’s Autumn Statement for Growth. Because of the difficult decisions we have taken in the last year, today’s OBR forecast shows that…

    …borrowing will be lower than forecast in the Spring …

    … debt as a proportion of GDP will be lower than forecast in the Spring…

    … inflation will continue to fall…

    …and our fiscal headroom has doubled.

    I said we would cut taxes when we could – but only responsibly and only in a way that did not fuel inflation. The OBR today confirm I can deliver a package which does just that. For businesses, I have today delivered the biggest business tax cut in modern British history with the most competitive investment allowances of any large economy.

    For the self-employed, I have simplified and reformed their taxes by abolishing the compulsory Class 2 charge and cutting Class 4 National Insurance. But high employment taxes on 27 million people working in the public and private sectors also disincentivise the hard work we should be encouraging. On top of income tax at 20%, they pay 12% National Insurance on earnings between £12,570 and £50,270 – that’s a 32% marginal tax rate. If we want people to get up early in the morning, if we want people to work nights, if we want an economy where people go the extra mile and work hard then we need to recognise that their hard work benefits all of us. So today, Mr Speaker, I am going to cut the main 12% rate of employee National Insurance.

    If I cut it by 1 percentage point to 11%, that would be an extra £225 in the pockets of the average worker every year. But instead, I’m going to go further and cut the main rate of Employee National insurance by 2 percentage points from 12% to 10%. This change will help 27 million people. It means someone on the average salary of £35,000 will save over £450. For the average nurse, it is a saving of over £520 and for the typical police officer it is a saving of over £630 every single year. Mr Speaker, I would normally bring in a measure like this for the start of the new tax year in April, but instead tomorrow I’m introducing urgent legislation to bring it in from January 6th, so that people can see the benefit in their payslips at the start of the new year.

    The OBR say reducing a tax on work means more people in work – and today’s measures ON JUDT National Insurance will lead to the equivalent of 94,000 more full-time employees in our economy. Because lower tax means higher growth.

    We cut taxes to help bigger businesses invest. We cut taxes to help smaller businesses grow. We cut taxes for the self-employed who keep our country running.

    And from January, we cut taxes for 27 million working people whose hard work drives our economy forward.

    Conclusion

    Mr Speaker, the best universities, the cleverest scientists and the smartest entrepreneurs have given us Europe’s most innovative economy. We can be the most prosperous too.

    In the face of global challenges, we have halved inflation, reduced our debt and grown our economy. As a country we are sticking to a plan that is working. This Autumn Statement for Growth will attract £20 billion additional business investment a year in the next decade…

    … bring tens of thousands more people into work

    … and support our fastest growing industries.

    In a package which leaves borrowing lower…

    … debt lower…

    … and keeps inflation falling…

    We are delivering…

    … the biggest business tax cut in modern British history…

    … the largest ever cut to employee and self-employed National Insurance…

    … and the biggest package of tax cuts to be implemented since the 1980s.

    An Autumn Statement for a country that has turned a corner.

    An Autumn Statement for Growth, which I commend to the House.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Speech to Conservative Party Conference

    The speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in Manchester on 2 October 2023.

    Good afternoon.

    The last time I spoke at Conference was as Foreign Secretary five years ago. After that I thought my time in government was over. So, it’s great to see the PM getting the over 50s back into meaningful work.

    I do, however, have some very youthful under 50s in my ministerial team so thank you John Glen, Andrew Griffith, Vicky Atkins, Gareth Davies, JoJo Penn, Mark Fletcher, Paul Howell, Anthony Mangall and Andrew Stephenson for their brilliant work.

    And it’s great to be in Manchester. Since 2010 this great region has seen unemployment halve, nearly 200,000 more jobs and six new tech unicorns. Labour mayors talk up the problems but it’s Conservatives who chalk up the jobs.

    Now, our friends at the Office for National Statistics have recently changed their mind about the size of the British economy.

    They had been saying we were the worst performing large European economy since the pandemic.

    But we weren’t the worst.

    We were one of the best.

    Since the pandemic we’ve recovered better than France or Germany.

    We’ve grown faster than both of them since we left the single market.

    And since 2010 we’ve grown faster than France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Austria, Finland, the Netherlands, and Japan…

    …so to all the pessimists and declinists who’ve been talking us down, we say this: don’t bet against Britain – it’s been tried before and it never works.

    Conference it’s nice to set the record straight. But Rishi Sunak and I care more about the future than the past. And our plan’s very simple.

    We’re going to make Britain a global leader in the industries of the future – the world’s next Silicon Valley.

    And it’s already happening.

    Last year we became only the third trillion dollar tech economy in the world.

    Our tech sector is now double the size of Germany’s and three times France.

    British-discovered vaccines and treatments saved seven million lives across the world in the pandemic – more than from any other country.

    We do more offshore wind than anywhere in Europe.

    We’ve got three huge electric car factories being built.

    We’re Europe’s biggest film and TV production centre – and next time I want to see Barbie wearing a Union Jack because that too was filmed in Britain.

    My Mansion House reforms are part of that because they’ll help fast growing companies source billions of pounds of extra capital. We don’t just want them to start here, we want them stay here because as we become a science superpower there’s nowhere better to be.

    All this happens not from quick fixes but long term decisions. Which is what you get with Rishi Sunak.

    We Conservatives know if you get the economy right, everything else comes right too.

    So right now we’re focused on bringing down inflation.

    Nothing hurts families more when it comes to the weekly shop, heating bills or pump prices – which is why the Prime Minister has pledged to halve it.

    And we’re getting there. It was over 11%. It’s now down by 40%.

    The plan is working – and now we must see it through just as Margaret Thatcher did many years ago.

    Conference, when we halve inflation, that’s not a one percent income tax cut, it’s a 5% boost to incomes compared to if it stayed the same.

    But just as we’re succeeding, what’s Labour planning? Some £28bn a year of new borrowing.

    The Institute for Fiscal Studies say borrowing on that scale risks fuelling inflation and keeping interest rates higher.

    Labour can change the fiscal rules, they can dress it up as ‘responsible,’ but if they increase borrowing, they increase debt and that means higher taxes, higher mortgages and higher inflation for families…

    …that’s not an economic policy, it’s an economic illusion.

    And it underlines the elemental choice in British politics, the choice behind all other choices.

    Sound money under the Conservatives or run out of money under Labour. Never again Conference, never again.

    Conservatives will always protect public services, but we’re also honest about the taxes that pay for them.

    After a once in a century pandemic and the biggest energy crisis in a generation, the level of tax is too high.

    We were right to protect jobs and families – and thanks to Rishi’s furlough scheme we recovered faster from the pandemic than others. But with an ageing population and a war in Europe, public spending is still growing faster than the economy.

    Some say that is inevitable. The Institute for Fiscal Studies said last week it’s likely to be a ‘decisive and permanent shift to a higher tax economy’. Conference they are wrong.

    We need a more productive state not a bigger state.

    If we increase public sector productivity growth by just half a percent, we can stabilise public spending as a proportion of GDP. Increase it by more and we can bring the tax burden down.

    Half a percent.

    For those of us with private sector backgrounds that doesn’t seem too much, does it? In the public sector, I’m telling you, it’s harder – but we are up for the challenge.

    So I’ve commissioned my deputy, John Glen, to restart the process of public service reform.

    He wants to know why teachers say more than half of their time is not actually teaching.

    …why police officers complain they spend longer filling out forms than catching criminals.

    …and why doctors and nurses say they spend up to half their time not with patients but on admin.

    Of course we need modern working practices and better IT. But the Treasury too needs to change its focus from short term cost control to long term cost reduction.

    And we’re going to start with the Civil Service.

    We have the best civil servants in the world – and they saved many lives in the pandemic by working night and day.

    But even after that pandemic is over, we still have 66,000 more civil servants than before.

    New policies should not always mean new people.

    So today I’m freezing the expansion of the civil service and putting in place a plan to reduce its numbers to pre-pandemic levels.

    This will save £1 billion next year.

    And I won’t lift the freeze until we have a proper plan not just for the civil service but for all public sector productivity improvements.

    That means, amongst other things, changing our approach to equality and diversity initiatives. Smashing glass ceilings is everyone’s job – not a box to be ticked by hiring a diversity manager.

    But I’m going to surprise you with one equality and diversity initiative of my own, trust me you’ll like this one: nobody should have their bank account closed because someone else decides they’re not politically correct. We’ll tighten the law to stop people being debanked for the wrong political views.

    The Lib Dems are wrong to want to overturn a democratic Brexit vote. But they still need a cashpoint to withdraw their euros.

    The SNP are wrong to ignore a democratic vote for the Union. But they still need a bank account to pay for their motorhomes.

    And even Keir Starmer, who’s wrong on just about everything, needs his trade union cash so he can too have a bank account… just never the keys to Downing Street.

    There’s somewhere else where we need to rethink the way the state works: our welfare system.

    I’m proud to live in a country where, as Churchill said, there’s a ladder everyone can climb but also a safety net below which no one falls.

    That safety net is paid from tax. And that social contract depends on fairness to those in work alongside compassion to those who are not.

    That means work must pay… and we’re making sure it does. From last year, for the first time ever, you can earn £1,000 a month without paying a penny of tax or national insurance.

    But despite that even when companies are struggling to find of workers, around 100,000 people are leaving the labour market every year for a life on benefits.

    Mel Stride gets this 100% which is why he’s replacing the Work Capability Assessment.

    And we’re going to look at the way the sanctions regime works. It isn’t fair that someone who refuses to look seriously for a job gets the same as someone trying their best.

    Now Labour have pledged to end sanctions. Have they learned nothing? When they left office we had more children in workless households than nearly anywhere in Europe. Since then, those households are down by a million – and Conference we are never ever going back.

    So to make sure work continues to pay, today I take a step forwards towards completing another great Conservative reform, the National Living Wage.

    Since we introduced it, nearly two million people have been lifted from absolute poverty after housing costs.

    Not by tax credits or benefits but by removing the barriers to work. Boosting salaries, cutting tax… making work pay.

    We promised in our manifesto to raise the National Living Wage to two thirds of median income – ending low pay in this country.

    At the moment it is £10.42 an hour and we’re waiting for the Low Pay Commission to tell us next year’s recommendation.

    But I confirm today, whatever that recommendation, we will increase the National Living Wage to at least £11 an hour next year.

    That’s a pay rise for 2 million workers.

    And the wages of the lowest paid over £9,000 higher than they were in 2010 – because if you work hard a Conservative government will always have your back.

    It’s easy to support higher growth, better public services and lower taxes.

    Harder to make it happen.

    In Britain today there’s only one party prepared to make those difficult decisions.

    Our party.

    And our Prime Minister.

    Whose diligence and tenacity have given us the Windsor Framework, the Atlantic Declaration, the Trans-Pacific Trade Deal and the NHS Workforce Plan.

    Whose own life story shows just what’s possible with education, aspiration and hard work.

    His story… and our story.

    More growth.

    More jobs.

    More doctors.

    More nurses.

    Better schools.

    Less poverty.

    Less crime.

    Conference it’s time to roll up our sleeves…

    …take on the declinists;

    …and watch the British economy prove the doubters wrong.

    Thank you.

  • Liz Truss – 2023 Speech at the Institute for Government

    Liz Truss – 2023 Speech at the Institute for Government

    The speech made by Liz Truss, the former Prime Minister, in London on 18 September 2023.

    It’s great to be here at the Institute for Government today. I’m having a rather more relaxing September than I did last year. And you might well ask, Why am I back talking about the same topic? But it’s one year ago that I launched my government and our economic policy. And I’m speaking here today, not because I want to relive the events of last year. I certainly don’t. It’s not because I’m keen to be back in Downing Street. I’m certainly not. It’s because one year after saying that economic growth was the central issue for our country. Since then, we’ve heard a lot of people say that right across the political spectrum. That still is not agreement, or what has caused the problems of a lack of economic growth, but also what on earth we’re going to do about them.

    And I think these issues are only getting more urgent. The reality is that over time, we’re not bringing in as much money as a country. We have the highest debt interest payments in the developed world. And according to the Growth Commission, the average person in the UK is now £9,100 worse off than the average person in the United States.  I believe the reason that we have this problem is 25 years of economic consensus that has led to a period of stagnation and I believe that we need to shatter that economic consensus if we’re to avoid worse problems in the future.

    The fact is the British public know that the consensus isn’t working, Lord Ashcroft’s poll on the state we’re in released on 4th September. revealed that 72% of people in Britain agree that Britain is broken, people are getting poorer, nothing seems to work. We need big changes to the way the country is run, whichever party is a government. And yet despite the dissatisfaction the poll also reveals that people don’t agree on why we’ve got the problems and what the fundamental cause of the malaise in which we’re living is.

    Now there are some people who claim that this is a crisis of capitalism, that we’ve had too much free markets, but quite the opposite is true. The fact is that since Labour was elected in 1997, we have moved towards being a more corporatist social democracy than we were in the 70s, in the 80s and the 90s. State spending now accounts for 46% of GDP, higher than it was in every year in Britain except for 1975 and up from 34.8% in the year 2000. No other European country has seen this level of growth in state spending, apart from Greece and Spain.

    There’s also a growing burden of regulation. The cost of regulations introduced in 2022 alone is 10 billion pounds according to the government, and I believe that is an underestimate in the sectors that are key arteries of the economy, whether it’s energy, housing and banking, there is less competition or more government involvement than there was 25 years ago. The government still owns a 40% stake in NatWest. The cost of energy in Britain are twice what they are in the United States, and we have a severe shortage of housing.

    The cost of welfare and pensions has ballooned by 50% in real terms, since the turn of the millennium, and even on an income of 50,000 pounds, it’s still possible to claim Universal Credit. Our tax system has become more complicated, with many facing high marginal tax rates when they seek to earn more income. Somebody earning 100,000 pounds with a student loan faces a marginal tax rate of 71%. We’ve had cheap money for over a decade, with nearly 900 billion pounds pumped into the system by the Bank of England through quantitative easing in an era of the near zero interest rates, something that’s completely unprecedented in 300 years of UK central banking. So how on earth did we get to this situation? Well, my view is that after the successful monetary policy, and supply side reforms of the 1980s, and the winning of the Cold War by the West, we were all optimistic and upbeat about our future and we took our eye off the ball.

    Free market economists went off to lucrative jobs in the city, allowing academic institutions and think tanks to be captured by the left. Demand management crept back in alongside Neo-Keynesian dominated monetary policy. And we Conservatives allowed the debate to be framed and led by the left whether it was the anti capitalist arguments of the Occupy movement, whether it was the diversity policies, or whether it was the statist environmental solutions.

    We’ve all got to admit that it’s the left that made the running. And we’ve seen that regardless of which government has been in power, from the energy price gap to the 2050 climate change target to the ESG agenda in companies. There’s been a cultural shift across both business and the public sector. Towards a lot more left wing policies. And despite the long record of failure of industrial policy, it’s back in vogue again, people are talking about it. And at the heart of this was the basic belief by politicians that the good times would go on forever. The discussion was about sharing the proceeds of growth. It was about general well-being and happiness rather than GDP. The only question seemed to be how we will get to redistribute the pie. Not about growing the pie in the first place. But the problem is that 25 years later, we have seen a growing size and scope of the state. And that growing size and scope of the state has slowed down economic growth itself.

    Levels of tax and regulation, are now too high to generate the amount of economic activity we need to help people’s incomes get bigger and to fund government services and that means our economy is now stagnating people talk about the productivity puzzle, but it’s really not a puzzle.

    If there’s not enough incentive to go out and set up a business to take risks to compete, or even work. That’s a problem. People are delaying starting a family because housing is too expensive. And the cost of bringing up children is so high. Public Sector productivity is woeful, and millionaires are voting with their feet. The UK is third after Russia and China for the departure of high net worth individuals. And despite all of the evidence that these incentives have a major impact. There’s been a fatalistic consensus that these levels of growth in Britain are inevitable. And the economic models of the Treasury and the OBR reflect that they’re overly static and short term missed.

    They underestimate the effect the tax and regulation have on people’s behaviour. And they tend to focus on one or two or at most five years of the effects of policy. I call this approach abacus economics. The failure to factor in the dynamic effects of policy stalls out risks and problems for the future. So what we see is parts of the country that need investment don’t get it because the emphasis is on saving time or money now, rather than creating the conditions for growth in the future. We see energy projects being cancelled, because the costings are based on yesterday’s energy prices, not on future energy security. And the Treasury is always allergic to giving up its levers of control, and so objects to more local decision making a more low tax zones.

    This pattern of high spending, high tax and high regulation and low growth isn’t just taking place in the United Kingdom. It is taking place across Western Europe and across the United States, particularly the coastal states. And when we look at the counter examples of high growth in places like Poland, the Baltic states or Florida and Texas, they’re largely places with low regulation and low taxes in Poland Corporation taxes 19% and income taxes are extremely flat. And yet despite all this evidence, the global left wants to double down on this strategy for statism and in fact, they appear to be meeting at the moment in Canada.

    That is what Bidenomics is, it’s about injecting more top down subsidies, increasing debt and trying to reduce competition by levelling up taxes across the West. More regulation through the Environment Protection Agency amongst others. And to fund this federal spending is at 40% More than pre-COVID levels. And it’s set to go up even more this year. Soon the United States will be spending more money financing its debt than it spends on its entire defence budget.

    And Wall Street has just clocked on to this. Just recently they downgraded US debt which is meant to be the safest in the world. And despite the fact that it’s very clear that the West cargo on borrowing forever. The Labour Party have said that they want to copy and paste Biden’s policies onto the UK statute book. They’re calling their version of Biden’s policies. The green prosperity plan is not a green prosperity plan.

    It’s a green de-growth plan. And it’s just a new name for the failed subsidies and high taxes of the past. Real economic security would mean incentives. So oil and gas producers want to come to the North Sea. And so people want to invest in the United Kingdom. And above all, real security means controlling public spending.

    Now last autumn, I sought to take on this consensus and try and get the British economy on a better trajectory through a three pronged approach of targeted tax freezes and reductions, supply side reform and holding down public spending. It was clear that interest rates were going to go up and they would go up further. We’d had artificially low rates for too long, and they were rising across the world.

    Therefore, in order to dampen inflation, and stave off a recession, the only tool we had at our disposal was doing all we could to fix the supply side of the economy and increase our productive capacity. As far as I was concerned.

    This was an urgent task. And the growth plan which subsequently became known as the mini budget, sought to do this through targeted tax cuts supply side reform and spending restraint. I felt we needed to reform our tax system with mothers to make it more business friendly, and to make the UK a more attractive place to invest.

    We needed to reverse the impending hike in corporation tax. We needed to cut the top rate of income tax to show that Britain was open to talent reforming IR35 would cut red tape for small businesses and return to VAT free shopping would make our cities more attractive.

    Independent calculations suggested that cutting the higher rate of income tax and the tourist tax would have increased rather than decreased revenues within five years. Those are calculations by the CEBR. So when people describe my policies as unfunded tax cuts, that is not an accurate description. In fact, quite the opposite of being unfunded these tax cuts could have include increased funding for our public services. The OBR also say for the cost of freezing corporation tax was much less than the Treasury suggested. Their costing of the measures was £25 billion over five years, not £45 billion and regrettably, the static models used by the OBR failed to acknowledge this.

    The second part of the plan was supply side reform, with some of the biggest constraints to growth in the UK economy, being in energy housing and the labour market. On energy there was a risk of household bills going up to 6000 pounds due to decades of short term US energy policy that have failed to ensure our security. That’s what we introduced the energy price guarantee, while we work to open up fracking and the North Sea to make the UK energy independent.

    Again, including by abolishing the windfall tax, again due to static costing, the cost of this was vastly overestimated. It will actually cost 27 billion pounds, less than half the £55 billion forecast by the OBR in the autumn of 2022. On planning we instituted Canary Wharf style investment zones with planning freedoms and tax breaks for a decade that would help drive new jobs and opportunities in left behind areas. And we sought to make property ownership a reality for young people again, by reducing costs on developing the get passed on to renters and buyers. Whether it be through planning reform, reduced regulation, or speeding up planning decision. We also wanted to cut red tape on childcare to make it more affordable for families.

    The third part of the plan was about public spending restraint. Now we were deliberately careful about discussing public spending, given the very difficult politics of it. What I tried to do as prime minister was navigate between the economic reality and what realistically we could get support for in Parliament. Having been chief secretary I know it’s very difficult to cut spending in year and it’s often counterproductive. In the past, we’ve cut things like capital, and then it’s come back to bite us later. Therefore, what I tried to do was change the trajectory of spending by holding spending down now in an inflationary environment, not reopening.

    The Spending Review represents a tough approach. I also wanted as was widely publicised at the time to increase welfare benefits by wages, not prices. These two measures would have meant that compared to what we are spending now, we would have saved 35.5 billion over two years. 18.4 billion in 2023 24 and 17 billion in 2025. But even these modest savings did not command the support of the Conservative parliamentary party. And it’s a very serious issue for us who wants to see smaller government that currently making significant changes to spending simply doesn’t have enough political support.

    So those were the three key parts of the plan: targeted tax reductions, supply side reform and public spending restraint. Of course, the growth plan was a starting point, a signal of direction further changes were needed, given the scale of the challenge we face. CEBR analysis at the time suggests that if those policies have been kept in place, GDP growth would be 2% higher than otherwise by 2030. And investment would have been up 10% and could have been even stronger. These impacts are even greater in the long term. The 20 year GDP impact is normally three to four times bigger.

    I think we can see from the evidence on the ground, the impact the policies would have had. Investment would not have faltered in the North Sea were it not for the windfall tax. We would have got moving on fracking and lower energy bills would have been on the horizon. A more competitive rate of corporation tax would have persuaded the likes of AstraZeneca to locate in the UK and there would have been more duty free shoppers and a boom in the number of self employed.

    The policies are welcomed by business groups and voters like them as well. And since last year, virtually all of the policies in the mini budget have been called for 38 councils want to proceed with full fat investments aims, city firms are demanding more freedom to invest. Companies have called for lower corporation tax. There’s an entire campaign in the Daily Mail for tax free shopping and the self employed want IR35 reforms. So why didn’t it happen? Why didn’t these policies which people wanted and would have resulted in economic growth not happen? Well, the reality is it was the reaction. So although I did get rid of the health and social care levy a new tax which would have no doubt expanded over time.

    Unfortunately, most of the policies weren’t implemented. And they weren’t implemented because there was a reaction from the political and economic establishment, which fed into the markets, markets that were already destabilised by the Bank of England slowness. to hike interest rates and the failure to regulate LDIs. And I was effectively forced into a policy reversal under threat of a UK meltdown.

    Now some people say we were in too much of a rush. And it’s certainly true that I didn’t just try to fatten the pig on market day. I tried to rear the pig, fatten the pig and slaughter the pig on market day. I confess to that. But the reason we were in a rush is because voters had voted for change. They voted for change in 2016 and they voted for change again in 2019. And I wanted to deliver that change, and I knew we had limited time. I knew with the level of resistance or the lack of preparation, that things weren’t going to be perfect.

    However, given the situation the UK was in, it was important to take action and not to do nothing. Because I went into politics to get things done, not to do public relations. And to all the people who said that, if we’d spent more time rolling the pitch or we’d done things in a different way. Or we delayed things, we would have been able to deliver our programme. I asked them to look at what has happened since. By October the seventh through the OBR was already leaking their calculations that there was a 70 billion pound hole in the budget.

    These numbers of course subsequently proved wrong. But the leak would have made delivery of the corporation tax freeze untenable. And since last year, no major supply side reforms or tax cuts have been allowed to happen. Whether it’s on financial services, childcare planning, or on the environment. In fact, 150 Conservative MPs have written to the prime minister saying there should be no change in net zero legislation.

    So although there’s no doubt that the communication could have been better, and the operation better honed I think we all have to acknowledge in the room that this wasn’t just a process problem. There was unquestionably a reaction to the policies themselves. And the fact is that supply side economics and a belief that the size of the state needs to be reduced are ideas that no longer command widespread support and understanding. The anti-growth coalition is now a powerful force, comprising the economic and political elite, corporatist parts of the media, and even a section of the Conservative parliamentary party. The policies I advocate simply are not fashionable on the London dinner party circuit.

    In fact, what is interesting is when you look at the polling evidence, the people who want change and support these policies are less likely to be comfortably off in London and the Southeast. The law of Ashcroft poll shows very clearly, those who want to see lower taxes and smaller government and who are tougher on welfare tend to live in less affluent areas. Many of those are people who started voting Conservative in 2019. And, in addition to that, there are some of the policies I advocate that just don’t have very much public support at all. such as cutting the tax top tax rate, building more homes, of getting or getting rid of process when building infrastructure projects. But frankly, we need to find a way of doing these things. Otherwise, we’re not going to get the prosperity and the opportunity that people want.

    And we can see that policies I advocated working right now, in places like Texas, Florida and the Czech Republic. Even Germany, is now cutting corporate taxes and reducing regulation. If the situation was urgent last year, it’s even more urgent now. The UK is in a serious and precarious position and there is a real risk of a downward spiral. The national debt was £525 billion in 2005. By 2022, it had quintupled to £2.5 trillion, and it’s set to hit £3 trillion within three to four years.

    I believe we can get out of this. But the only way to get out of the debt spiral is to get a grip on public spending while implementing policies to grow the economy. I urge the government to be bold and to set out a clear vision of how the UK can get to sustained 3% annual growth within a decade. This should set out a clear tenure trajectory for reducing the size of the state as a proportion of our economy through a combination of growth and spending control. We should aim to get that ratio we achieved at the turn of the millennium. Before Blair and Brown turned on the spending taps and excess regulation made us uncompetitive and we need to give people hope that things can get better. We need to spell out what 3% growth would mean in terms of improved standard of living and opportunities for an average family. A new car or holiday abroad, more support for your children.

    And ministers need to go out and explain the why as well as the how we need to make the case for free market economics and omit the state has got too big, partly as a result of excess spending during COVID. We need to show an enterprise economy is good for everyone. Conservatives can’t just assume people have read Milton Friedman. We need to spell out our philosophy and that would contrast with Labour’s lack of ideas or force them to defend the stale economic consensus started under Blair and Brown.

    Now in order to deliver this, there’s going to be big change required. We need a new supply side revolution, the supply side revolution in the 1980s was all about taking a long productive industry and the unions, which held the whip hand over the elected government of today of the day. The supply side revolution now has to take on the burden of regulation and an overlarge over powerful bureaucracy which has the whip hand over the elected government. This supply side revolution has to encompass changes to tax regulation and the size of the state. The government needs to take on the OBR over the impact of tax policy, and we need to see much more sophisticated levels of analysis from the Treasury about long term economic growth. This needs a wide variety of thinkers, including monetarists and supply siders. We can’t afford to be uncompetitive internationally. We need corporation tax back at 19%. And we should also refuse to implement the OECD minimum tax agreement which I previously labelled a cartel of complacency.

    It won’t be implemented in the US and even if it was it would make the entire West uncompetitive. We also need to reduce marginal tax rates to make it worthwhile to work at every income level. Further changes like abolishing the tourist tax, abolishing the windfall tax and sorting out IR 35 needs to be made. We also need to get a grip on the ballooning welfare and pensions bill.

    This means slowing the rates of increased benefits and tougher work. Requirements. It means raising the retirement age further. And as a party we have to deal with a difficult issue of the increasing costs of pensions. The current trajectory is not sustainable. We need more competition and less corporatism in key sectors of the economy like energy and finance. I favour a single utilities regulator to get rid of the Balkanization and capture that we’ve seen under organisations like off water and OFGEM.

    The government needs to divest its shares in banks and withdraw from micromanagement in sectors like transport. And in the energy sector, we need to get on with fracking and abolish the windfall tax in the housing market that should be tax breaks in return for having new developments in homes in your area, a much simpler zoning process and speeded up infrastructure projects. That’s what the original investment zones I proposed are about we should diverge properly from the EU. So we can increase competitiveness in areas like financial services. And finally, we should as many other Western countries already doing delay implementing net-zero commitments such as the ban on new petrol and diesel vehicles from 2030. Other environmental regulations which are hiking the cost of living, like enforcing the replacement of gas and oil boilers should also be abandoned. Ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion, there is a growing consensus that we need to grow. But although people will the ends, they don’t necessarily will the means.

    In order to grow, we need to change and that starts with acknowledging that we have a problem. It means abandoning the stale economic consensus. It means politicians doing the right thing even if it’s unpopular. This will not be easy, but it will be worth doing. With determination to turn things around, we can make Britain grow again. Thank you.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Mansion House Speech

    Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Mansion House Speech

    The speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, at the Mansion House in London on 10 July 2023.

    My Lord Mayor, Governor, Ladies and Gentlemen – it is an honour to be with you at the Mansion House tonight.

    While some may be distracted by events in Windsor, we all know that Walbrook is the place to be this evening.

    Thank you to the City of London Corporation for hosting us so generously. It is a privilege to follow the Lord Mayor’s excellent address and to give my first Mansion House speech as Chancellor.

    Tonight, I want to talk about long term reforms to our competitiveness, but let me start with the immediate challenge of tackling inflation.

    Following the pandemic and energy shock, like other countries, the UK faces difficult challenges.

    It has shown itself more resilient than many predicted, but that resilience is itself one of the reasons for higher inflation.

    In a cost-of-living crisis, that leads to great concern for many families who see the cost of their weekly food shop or the price of petrol go up.

    But with the levers of fiscal and monetary policy, wholesale food and energy prices falling and a government that has made the battle against inflation its number one priority, there is nothing insurmountable in the current situation.

    Let me be clear again tonight. Working with the Bank, we will do what is necessary for as long as necessary to tackle inflation persistence and bring it back to the 2% target.

    Delivering sound money is our number one focus. That means taking responsible decisions on public finances, including public sector pay, because more borrowing is itself inflationary.

    It means recognising that bringing down inflation puts more money into people’s pockets than any tax cut.

    And it means recognising that there can be no sustainable growth without eliminating the inflation that deters investment and erodes consumer confidence.

    Tackling inflation therefore unlocks the Prime Minister’s two other economic priorities – growing our economy and reducing debt – but because it is a prerequisite for both, it must come first.

    As we tackle inflation, we must always remember our responsibilities to those struggling the most, so I am therefore grateful to our banks and mortgage lenders for their help in developing last month’s Mortgage Charter.

    I agree with the Governor that margin recovery benefits no one if it feeds inflation.

    And I will continue to work with regulators to make sure the needs of families are prioritised in a tough period.

    This evening, though, I want to look further ahead.

    I want to lay out our plans to enable our financial services sector to increase returns for pensioners, improve outcomes for investors and unlock capital for our growth businesses.

    We start from a position of strength.

    The financial and related professional services industry employs over 2.5 million people. Although two thirds of them are outside the South-East, it has made London the world’s second largest financial centre and one of the most dynamic cities on the planet.

    It generates more than £100 billion in tax revenue, paying for half the cost of running the NHS.

    A strong City needs a successful economy, and a strong economy needs a successful City.

    Recent challenges have led to some lose hope and even peddling a declinist narrative.

    They are profoundly wrong.

    I am proud that since 2010, we have one million more businesses and one million fewer unemployed.

    And we’ve grown faster than France, Italy, Japan or Germany.

    In the last decade we have become Europe’s largest life science sector, Europe’s largest technology sector, its biggest film and TV sector and its second largest clean energy sector.

    But as we emerge from our current challenges, the Prime Minister and I have big ambitions for the British economy.

    We want to be the world’s next Silicon Valley and a science superpower, embracing new technologies like AI in a way that brings together the skills of our financiers, entrepreneurs and scientists to make our country a force for good in the world.

    That means making sure our financial services sector, traditionally so nimble and agile, has the right architecture to provide the best possible security for investors as well as capital for businesses, and the best talent right here in the UK to make that happen.

    The structures put in place after the financial crisis have served us well and financial stability will always be our top priority.

    But we can further improve the functioning of capital markets, so this evening I set out the government’s Mansion House reforms.

    They build on the Edinburgh Reforms I announced in December and the vision for financial services which the now Prime Minister spoke about here in 2021 of an open, sustainable, innovative and globally competitive sector.

    Firstly, I am announcing a series of measures to boost returns and improve outcomes for pension fund holders whilst increasing funding liquidity for high-growth companies.

    Second, I will set out ways to incentivise companies to start and grow in the UK by strengthening our position as a listings destination.

    And finally, we will reform and simplify our financial services rulebook to ensure we have the most growth-friendly regulation possible without compromising our commitment to stability.

    Pensions

    I begin with pensions.

    The UK has the largest pension market in Europe, worth over £2.5 trillion. It plays a critical role in providing safe retirement income as part of the social contract between generations.

    Government policy, such as autoenrollment, has strengthened it but so too has confidence in the expertise of our financial institutions to manage investments wisely.

    However, currently we have a perverse situation in which UK institutional investors are not investing as much in UK high-growth companies as their international counterparts.

    At the same time on their current trajectory, some defined contribution schemes may not provide the returns their pension fund holders expect or need.

    Whilst many defined benefit funds are in surplus, their returns are lower than some international peers and some are still underfunded.

    So alongside our outstanding Economic Secretary Andrew Griffith and brilliant Pensions Minister Laura Trott I have engaged with some of our largest pension schemes, insurers, asset managers and experts to put together tonight’s Mansion House reforms. I am also immensely grateful to Sir Jon Symonds and Sir Steve Webb for their advice on how to construct this package. And I’m also very grateful to Gwyneth Nurse and her brilliant team in the Treasury. Gwyneth is of course the real Chancellor as we Official Chancellors come and go.

    Tonight I lay out the direction of travel. Sometimes consultations will be necessary, but all final decisions will be made ahead of the Autumn Statement later this year.

    And as we make those decisions, I will be guided by three golden rules.

    Firstly everything we do we will seek to secure the best possible outcomes for pension savers, with any changes to investment structures putting their needs first and foremost.

    Secondly we will always prioritise a strong and diversified gilt market. It will be an evolutionary not revolutionary change to our pensions market. Those who invest in our gilts are helping to fund vital public services and any changes must recognise the important role they play.

    The third golden rule is that the decisions we take must always strengthen the UK’s competitive position as a leading financial centre able to fund, through the wealth it creates, our precious public services.

    I start with Defined Contribution pension schemes, which in the UK now invest under 1% in unlisted equity, compared to between 5 and 6% in Australia.

    Today I am pleased to announce that the Lord Mayor and I joined the CEOs of many of our largest DC pension schemes – namely Aviva, Scottish Widows, L&G, Aegon, Phoenix, Nest, Smart Pension, M&G & Mercer – for the formal signing of the “Mansion House Compact”.

    The Compact – which is a great personal triumph for the Lord Mayor – commits these DC funds, which represent around two-thirds of the UK’s entire DC workplace market, to the objective of allocating at least 5% of their default funds to unlisted equities by 2030.

    If the rest of the UK’s DC market follows suit, this could unlock up to £50 billion of investment into high growth companies by that time.

    Secondly, we know funds can only optimise returns from a balanced portfolio if they have the scale to do so. We will therefore facilitate a programme of DC consolidation, to ensure that funds are able to maintain a diverse portfolio of bonds, equity and unlisted assets and deliver the best possible returns for savers.

    Tomorrow, the Department for Work and Pensions will publish its joint consultation response with the Pensions Regulator and the FCA on the Value For Money framework, clarifying that investment decisions should be made on the basis of long-term returns and not simply cost.

    Pension schemes which are not achieving the best possible outcome for their members will face being wound up by the Pensions Regulator. We will also set out a roadmap to encourage Collective DC funds, a new type of pension fund which we believe holds great promise for the future.

    Third, we need to ensure that all schemes have access to a wide range of investment vehicles that enable them to invest quickly and effectively in unlisted high growth companies.

    We have launched the LIFTS competition, and will consider closely the bids that have already started to come in for up to £250 million of government support.

    Alongside that, we will explore the case for government to play a greater role in establishing investment vehicles, building on the skills and expertise of the British Business Bank’s commercial arm which has helped to mobilise £15bn of capital into over 20,000 companies.

    Ahead of Autumn Statement, we will test options to open those investment opportunities in high-growth companies to pension funds as a way of crowding in more investment.

    I now move on to Defined Benefit schemes which number over 5000 and operate under a different regulatory regime. Their landscape is also too fragmented.

    I recognise the important role played by insurers offering buy-out schemes, which will continue to be an essential part of the way we improve security for pension members in this market.

    But in addition, we will set out our plans on introducing a permanent superfund regulatory regime to provide sponsoring employers and trustees with a new scaled-up way of managing DB liabilities.

    Having engaged closely with a range of experts, we will launch a call for evidence tomorrow on the role of the PPF and the part DB schemes play in productive investment – whilst always being mindful of the second golden rule to protect the sound functioning and effectiveness of the gilt market.

    Fifth, we will look at the culture of investment decisions and improve the understanding of pension trustees’ fiduciary duty across both DB and DC schemes. DWP and HMT will jointly launch a call for evidence to explore how we can overcome barriers and ensure a focus on good saver outcomes.

    And finally, government must lead by example, so we will consult on accelerating the consolidation of Local Government Pension Scheme assets, with a deadline of March 2025 for all LGPS funds to transfer their assets into local government pension pools and ensure greater transparency on investments.

    To make sure we are delivering the maximum benefits of scale, we will invite views on barriers to achieving better investment returns across the LGPS as well as setting a direction that each asset pool should exceed £50 billion of assets.

    We will also consult on an ambition to double the existing local government pension scheme allocations in private equity to 10%, which could unlock a further £25 billion by 2030.

    Today’s announcements could have a real and significant impact on people across the country.

    For an average earner who starts saving at 18, these measures could increase the size of their pension pot by 12% over their career – that’s worth over £1,000 more a year in retirement.

    At the same time this package has the potential to unlock an additional £75 billion of financing for growth by 2030, finally addressing the shortage of scale up capital holding back so many of our most promising companies.

    Increasing borrowing through £28 billion a year of unfunded spending commitments, as some are suggesting, would entrench inflation and push up interest rates.

    These reforms, conversely, unlock capital from the private sector delivering growth not by subsidy, but by increasing support for entrepreneurs and investors who take risks to create long term value.

    Listings

    I now move onto listings. The UK has the largest stock market in Europe and in 2021 attracted the most global IPOs of any stock market outside the US.

    But between 1997 and 2019, there was a 44% decline in the number of domestic listed companies in the UK, part of a wider trend across western markets, with the US and France seeing even steeper falls.

    I want the world’s fastest growing companies to grow and list right here, making LSE not just Europe’s NASDAQ but much more. As David Schwimmer and Julia Hoggett say, we want it to be the global capital for capital.

    So today we are publishing draft legislation on prospectus reforms, delivering another milestone of Lord Hill’s UK Listing Review. This will create a more effective regime than its EU predecessor, giving companies the flexibility to raise larger sums from investors more quickly.

    The government welcomes Rachel Kent’s excellent Investment Research Review published today and has accepted all recommendations made to it. We therefore welcome the FCA’s commitment to start immediate engagement with the market to inform any rule changes on removing the requirement to unbundle research costs by the first half of next year. This will ensure we are better able to fund quality research into the new Silicon Valley sectors.

    Last week, we abolished protectionist rules inherited from our time in the EU such as the Share Trading Obligation and Double Volume Cap so UK businesses can now access the best and most liquid markets anywhere in the world.

    And, in a highly innovative step which represents a global first, we will establish a pioneering new “intermittent trading venue” that will improve private companies access to capital markets before they publicly list. This will be up and running before the end of 2024, and put the UK at the forefront of capital market innovation.

    Smart regulation

    Finally, behind all those plans must sit a financial services sector ready to innovate faster with regulators willing to support them as they do.

    We have one of the most robust regulatory regimes and some of the best regulators in the world. Brexit gives us the autonomy to put their skills to even better use as we seek to become leaders in the industries of the future.

    So I am delighted that we have just last month passed into law the landmark Financial Services and Markets Act, which will ensure our regulators have an appropriate focus on growth and competitiveness alongside their wider responsibilities.

    The Act also unlocks wholesale reform of our approach to regulation and today I can announce that we are commencing repeal of almost 100 pieces of unnecessary retained EU law, further simplifying our rulebook whilst retaining our high regulatory standards.

    Alongside this, last month I was delighted to sign the new UK-EU financial services Memorandum of Understanding as we build a new relationship with our European partners.

    We are working closely with the Bank of England to reflect on lessons from recent events to ensure the UK has the best possible arrangements in place to improve continuity of access to deposits when a bank fails even if it is not a systemically important one.

    And I want to make sure we remain at the forefront of payments technology. So I am launching an independent review into the future of payments – led by Joe Garner – to help deliver the next generation of world class retail payments, including looking at mobile payments.

    We are laying new legislation to give regulators the powers they need to reform rules on innovative payments and fintech services, and, together with the Bank of England, we are exploring potential designs for the digital pound should we decide to introduce it.

    Conclusion

    My Lord Mayor, Governor, Ladies and Gentlemen.

    Pension industry and listings reforms, backed by smart regulation, to unlock better returns for savers and more growth capital for businesses.

    That is what today’s Mansion House reforms deliver.

    British growth driven by British financial firepower, providing higher living standards and better funded public services.

    With cooperation between government, regulators and business closer than ever…

    … we will deliver not just more competitive financial services but a more innovative economy.

    More money for savers.

    More funding for our high-growth companies.

    And more investment to grow our economy.

    That is the vision I have set out today – let’s deliver it together.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Speech to the Centre for Policy Studies

    Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Speech to the Centre for Policy Studies

    The speech made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 12 June 2023.

    Introduction

    It is a pleasure to be with you this evening and a privilege to deliver this speech for an organisation founded 49 years ago.

    Over that time the CPS can be proud of the profound impact it has had on the way we think about freedom and enterprise.

    And I am delighted – as Chancellor – that even though you will soon reach the ripe old age of 50, there is absolutely no prospect of you taking early retirement, something impossible to imagine under the energetic leadership of Lord Spencer and Rob Colvile.

    Today, I want to talk about one of the government’s five priorities – growing our economy – which alongside reducing inflation and bringing down debt, is central to our economic mission.

    Because just as when the CPS was founded, it is growth that will prove declinists wrong, unleash prosperity through enterprise and give families confidence in their prospects.

    Rob himself pointed this out in his excellent essay, “the morality of growth” when he said:

    “If there is one thing that we all need to do – it is to remind people ceaselessly of the importance of growth.”

    Productivity and growth

    Growth is critical for many reasons.

    It is the way we increase people’s living standards.

    It is the way we increase opportunity with high wage, high skilled jobs based on the innovation that will define this century.

    And it is the way we make sure our private sector is not strangled by an ever-expanding state.

    According to the OBR’s long-term forecasts for the public finances from the end of this decade, our economy’s long term trend growth rate is 1.6% but public spending – even excluding debt interest – will grow by 2% a year.

    So every year, the OBR’s projections suggest that the size of our state will be growing by nearly half a percent more than the size of the economy.

    Now we are not the only ones facing this dilemma. OECD projections say Germany, Italy and Japan will have even lower growth over the next 25 years, with France about the same and the US only marginally ahead. Many of those countries have even steeper demographic challenges than we face and all face pressure to increase the burden on taxpayers.

    You don’t need brilliant Treasury analysts to tell you the consequence of a state growing faster than the economy: higher borrowing, higher taxes or a combination of the two.

    The OBR’s analysis suggests that without any action, the result of these demographic pressures could be a public sector debt of 217% of GDP by 2071, more than double the current proportion.

    I think it is wrong – morally and economically – to pass on that level of debt to future generations.

    Others might look to tax as the solution to this problem.

    But to keep up with projected spending pressures that would mean increasing annual tax revenues by £200 billion by 2071 in today’s money, or to think of it more simply at least doubling the basic rate of income tax and main rate of employee National Insurance.

    I reject that prospect, because that is the path to socialism: less freedom, less enterprise and less prosperity.

    But to borrow an extra £28 billion would have exactly the same impact.

    Higher inflation would lead to higher interest rates and higher debt repayments.

    Rachel Reeves herself said such an approach would spook the markets.

    It would be an illusory dash for growth which would increase the burden on taxpayers, shake confidence in the UK and pass on unsustainable debt to future generations.

    So we need to find a smarter way out of the challenge faced by so many advanced economies.

    Tackling inflation relentlessly must be the immediate priority. High growth needs businesses and investment and consumer confidence, none of those are possible with inflation.

    High growth needs low inflation.

    But tackling inflation is the starting point not the end point.

    Higher living standards means growth in GDP per head, not just growth in GDP. That means growth driven by increases in productivity.

    If we were as productive as Germany, our GDP per head would be £6,000 higher per annum. If it reached US levels, it would be £8,000 a year higher.

    In my Bloomberg speech in January I identified the four pillars necessary to achieve productivity-rich growth. I called them the four ‘E’s: Education, Enterprise, Employment and Everywhere. Education, so we tap into people’s talents by investing more in skills; building an Enterprise economy by reducing the burden of tax and regulation; removing the barriers to Employment so businesses can recruit; and spreading growth Everywhere so all parts of the country are levelled up.

    Now the productivity challenge applies to both the public and the private sector.

    If we increase our productivity growth in the public sector by 0.5% a year, we stabilise the proportion of GDP consumed by the state by closing the gap between anticipated growth and anticipated spending up to 2050.[1]

    And if we replicate that productivity growth in the private sector we start to increase living standards as well.

    That would mean a boost not just to GDP, but GDP per capita. It would mean increasing tax revenues without increasing tax rates.

    And it would put us on a sustainable path to lower taxes.

    It is also the route through which union reforms, privatisations and support for competition delivered lasting growth and productivity.

    Public sector productivity

    Let’s start with the public sector. It is the sector over which governments have the most direct control – and that matters because, excluding benefit system transfers, it accounts for about 20% of our national output.

    The long-term pressures, whether an ageing population or the need for stronger armed forces, won’t change.

    But the way we meet those pressures can change. We can be much, much more efficient.

    We start, I am afraid to say from a low base. Public sector output is 5.7% lower than pre-pandemic compared to private sector output which is 1.3% higher.

    What does that tell you? Our innovators, job creators, entrepreneurs and risk takers have bounced back but the public sector is still feelings the effects of a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic.

    But now, with that pandemic behind us, we need a renewed focus on public sector reform.

    Patricia Hewitt’s review into how we significantly reduce the number of top down-targets in the NHS made a series of recommendations to help empower local leaders, something I am pleased the NHS has already started to take forward.

    A recent review by the National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC) has already identified that 443,000 officer hours are spent filling in forms and dealing with unnecessary administrative tasks.

    And it was recently highlighted that 10,000 public sector workers are focused predominantly on equality, diversity and inclusion initiatives, with nearly 800 of those in local councils alone.

    Breaking down barriers for disadvantaged groups should be everyone’s responsibility not something you tick a box to achieve at further cost to taxpayers.

    So I have asked John Glen, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury, to lead a major public sector productivity programme across all government departments which we will report on in the Autumn.

    He will assess how we can increase public sector productivity growth, both in the short and long term, and look at what it would take to deliver that additional 0.5% every year that would stop the state growing ever bigger as a proportion of our output.

    We also need to be better at measuring productivity.

    The UK is one of the few countries to include public sector output measures as well as input data in its productivity statistics, which is a good start. But we can still do better.

    Crime, for example, is down approximately 50% since 2010, great achievement. That excluded fraud and computer misuse (which wasn’t measured then.) But it barely makes a dent on their policing productivity figures because our productivity figures don’t capture crime outcomes.

    Likewise on defence we measure what we spend, but not how safe that makes us.

    And where we do measure outputs and the quality of delivery, mainly in the NHS, we count the number of hospital treatments but not the value of preventative care, even though that saves lives and reduces cost.

    So I have asked the National Statistician to review how we can improve the way we measure public sector productivity which he has agreed to do.

    I want this to be the most ambitious public sector productivity review ever undertaken by a government, with the Treasury acting as an enabler of reform. So we will spend time getting this right.

    But if we do, the rewards are clear.

    More innovation in the NHS, building on the success, for example, of the new surgical hubs that reduce waiting times and will give us 1 million extra procedures by 2024-25.

    More innovation in our education system, building on the success of places like Oak Academy which has helped deliver over 150 million online classes.

    And more innovation across our public services by harnessing the potential of AI to boost public sector productivity, building on cutting edge initiatives like the NHS AI lab and the Foundational Model Taskforce.

    More innovation. Better public services. Less pressure on the public purse. A growth mindset that delivers more for less not just more for more.

    Private sector productivity

    Nor will we limit our ambitions to public sector productivity. When it comes to the private sector we can only enable reform rather than direct it, but we will play our part.

    That’s why in my Bloomberg speech I announced the four pillars of our productivity plan: Education, Enterprise, Employment and Everywhere.

    On education we have a huge skills programme in place already, including an expansion of apprenticeships, T levels and boot camps. Sir Michael Barber is advising me and the Education Secretary of where we need to go even further on the implementation of our reform programme.

    For an enterprise economy we need more business investment, so we introduced full expensing of capital allowances in the budget, long championed by the CPS and making us the only major European country to do so. We are following this up by looking closely at the way our pension funds operate to consider avenues for reform.

    On employment we know businesses need to be able to recruit the labour they need. So in the budget we set out one of the most comprehensive ever plans to address labour shortages including cutting the cost of childcare by up to 60% for many families and abolishing the lifetime allowance on pensions.

    Finally to make sure we level up the benefits of growth to everywhere in the UK, we are launching 12 investment zones in left-behind areas, mini-Canary Wharfs which will bring clusters of fastest growing industries to areas where they are most needed.

    It has long been thought that emerging economies should be investment-led but advanced economies consumption-led. But if we are to emerge from the low growth trap facing Western economies we should re-examine that orthodoxy because increasing investment is one of the biggest ways we can raise productivity in both the public and private sectors.

    Conclusion

    So I finish where I started: meeting Rob’s challenge to explain to the country why growth is so important.

    Growth gives hope to young people about their prospects.

    It gives security to older people about the public services they need.

    It gives reassurance to taxpayers about the burden they are being asked to bear.

    But it needs productivity. A relentless focus on efficiency and innovation across both the public and private sectors.

    A dynamic, high growth future is ours for the taking – and productivity will be at the heart of it.

    Thank you.

  • Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Comments at the IMF Article IV Press Conference

    Jeremy Hunt – 2023 Comments at the IMF Article IV Press Conference

    The comments made by Jeremy Hunt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 23 May 2023.

    Intro

    Thank you, Kristalina, for being here today. It’s a pleasure to welcome you to London for the first in-person Article IV mission since 2018.

    I welcome the publication of your statement today, which provides a timely, independent assessment of the UK economy from the IMF.

    The backdrop for your visit is one of challenge and opportunity.

    Since the Fund’s last assessment of the UK economy in February 2022, our world and our economy has been challenged fundamentally by Putin’s illegal war in Ukraine, and the whole continent is feeling the knock-on effects.

    And so since becoming Chancellor, my central mission has been to restore macroeconomic stability and deliver our priorities to halve inflation, grow our economy and get debt falling.

    Today, the IMF’s assessment shows that we are on the right track.

    Macroeconomic Outlook

    Their report forecasts growth of 0.4% in 2023 – a 0.7 percentage point upgrade versus their April forecast.

    That is even higher than the Bank of England’s forecast – published last week – for 0.25% growth in 2023.

    The IMF say that we have acted decisively to fight inflation, which will “substantially” reduce to around 5% by the end of the year.

    And the IMF say that our approach to fiscal policy will help to significantly reduce the deficit over the forecast – by 3% of GDP between 22/23 and 27/28.

    Together, these forecasts demonstrate that we are on the right path, but the job is not done yet.

    Growth Measures

    Growing our economy is one of this government’s top priorities.

    I was pleased to see that the IMF agree with the need for “ambitious evidence-based structural reforms” to support growth because that is exactly what we are delivering.

    At Spring Budget, I announced measures to grow the economy focusing around four key areas – Employment, Education, Enterprise, and Everywhere.

    The OBR judged these policies – including a major expansion of childcare support – will result in 110,000 more individuals in the labour market by 2027-28, directly increasing employment by 0.3% and GDP by 0.2%.

    The OBR also say that full expensing would boost business investment by almost 3.5% in 2024-25 and 2025-26.

    Today the IMF say that the supply-side measures in the Budget “should have a positive effect on medium-term growth” and we will continue this work in the months ahead.

    Fiscal Policy

    But despite this positive news, I know that high inflation and energy prices – issues shared internationally – remain key challenges.

    People are worried about the cost of living, which is why I announced the extension of the Energy Price Guarantee in the Spring; why we are delivering cost of living payments to more than 7 million households; and why we are freezing fuel duty to keep more money in people’s pockets.

    Like the government, the IMF recognise inflation is a major challenge for the UK economy and affirm that we are taking the right strategy to support the Bank of England in their efforts to combat inflation.

    And I know the IMF agree that we have among the best macroeconomic institutions and frameworks anywhere in the world to respond to these challenges.

    Reducing Uncertainty and Promoting Long-term Growth

    Finally, I am pleased the IMF have recognised our work to reduce uncertainty for households and businesses in the face of some of the biggest challenges we face.

    That includes agreeing the Windsor Framework which the IMF say will “favourably impact business investment” …

    … setting the conditions for long-term growth, with world-leading ambitions and legal frameworks for our net-zero goals…

    … and ensuring that our banking sector remains well capitalised and resilient to shocks.

    Final Remarks

    We are working hard every day to grow our economy and deliver on this government’s priorities, and the IMF today show we are doing just that.

    Thank you, Kristalina, to you and your team for your work.

    I will now hand over to you.

  • Andrew Griffith – 2023 Speech to the Innovate Finance Global Summit

    Andrew Griffith – 2023 Speech to the Innovate Finance Global Summit

    The speech made by Andrew Griffith, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, on 17 April 2023.

    Good morning, everyone.

    Let me start by thanking Innovate Finance for inviting me and for organising such a fantastic conference.

    As ever, you really are kicking off UK Fintech Week in style.

    And it’s wonderful to be in this beautiful space – Guildhall – a venue constructed in the fifteenth century. It is a reminder of the proud and storied history of the financial services industry in this country.

    As Economic Secretary, my objective is to ensure that the UK is the most innovative, most international and most business-friendly economy anywhere in the world.

    I want the UK to prioritise growth, risk taking and wealth creation and to celebrate it for the moral good that it is.

    And as we chart our way forward with the ability of being able to make our own rules for the first time in decades, it has never been more important that financial services are at the heart of those efforts.

    That is certainly the objective that the Chancellor, the Prime Minister and I all share for the sector.

    Innovation – all of you in the dynamic fintech community – has a huge role to play.

    Bank accounts, payment services, the ability to borrow, save into a pension or other investments, buying insurance, or the provision of tools to understand finances better or to shop around offer enormous benefits to their users.

    They create ladders of opportunity, the ability to transfer wealth over a lifetime, the chance to provide for our old age or they can shield us from some of the adverse events that life can throw at us.

    Whilst I am proud to have many large and longstanding firms in the sector, it is rare that legacy firms have the ability to innovate at the pace required to make the most of changing technologies and keep us internationally competitive.

    Our Fin Tech community is vital for the economy in improving productivity, creating choice, and reaching into new under-served segments of the market.

    Which is why I am glad that as a location for Fin Techs to base themselves, on many fronts the UK is leading the way.

    Indeed, the sector continues to go from strength to strength.

    Data from Fintech Labs shows that almost half of Europe’s fintech unicorns are based here in the UK.

    And Innovate Finance found that last year, the sector attracted more investment than the next thirteen European countries combined.

    Our own commitment to supporting UK fintech is reflected in the actions we took, working with the Bank of England, to facilitate the private sector sale of the UK arm of Silicon Valley Bank to HSBC last month.

    I know many of you in this room were directly affected by the collapse of SVB and I am glad that we were able to act decisively to secure an outcome which protected your capital and ensured continuity of banking services.

    Throughout that intense period, I and other Ministers were accessible and constantly communicating with the sector.

    Government isn’t perfect but I hope that when the chips were down we demonstrated the benefits of being a sovereign nation with the agility to make its own decisions fast.

    But that is just the start.

    Our belief in this sector is also evident in the proactive steps we are taking to ensure that you continue to thrive in the years ahead.

    Importantly, the Government will reflect on the submissions to the Payment Services Call for Evidence and introduce an agile regulatory framework for payments and e-money that promotes growth and supports an internationally competitive payments sector.

    We’re also fostering innovation by making the UK a safe jurisdiction for cryptoasset activity.

    We set out plans in our wide-ranging consultation published in February, and we want to pro-actively support the use of distributed leger technology and tokenisation where it makes sense.

    At the same time, I was pleased to launch the Treasury’s joint consultation with the Bank of England, on how to move forwards with a sovereign or central bank digital pound.

    Private wholesale digital currencies are likely to come to market first and we are already creating the legislation to enable those which are fiat backed and used for settlement in the current Financial Services Bill going through Parliament right now.

    And we have the upcoming Financial Market Infrastructure Sandbox, which will help industry adopt and scale digital solutions that could radically change the way markets operate. That will be up and running this year.

    CFIT

    One of the most important steps we have taken to support financial innovation over the past two years has been implementing Ron Kalifa’s fintech review.

    Since being appointed, I have upped the pace of delivery and a few weeks ago we launched the new Centre for Finance, Innovation, and Technology – CFIT – in Leeds, a city where fintech adds £710 million to the local economy.

    CFIT is backed by £5 million of Treasury seed funding, along with an additional £500,000 from our partners at the City of London Corporation.

    It’s central task is to bring together industry players – entrepreneurs, policymakers, investors, and academics – into coalitions to address some of the trickiest challenges facing the sector.

    I am delighted to announce today that CFIT’s first coalition will look at Open Finance and how unlocking financial data can benefit SMEs and consumers.

    Everyone in this room understands how data can radically empower individuals and businesses alike.

    McKinsey estimate that opening up financial data could boost UK GDP by a useful 1.5% by 2030 so CFIT has my full support as they go after that opportunity.

    Open Banking

    Open finance would obviously be the next development beyond the existing Open Banking ecosystem, which is one of the most dynamic and exciting anywhere in the world.

    There are over 7 million regular active users of Open Banking in the UK and over a billion successful API calls every month. It’s spawned thousands of new businesses and products.

    Those who are close to it, know that this is a key moment for the Open Banking regulatory regime.

    We’ve done a lot of work over the last year through the Joint Regulatory Oversight Committee to set out the next steps to ensure Open Banking continues to go from strength to strength.

    This morning, the Committee set out its recommendations, with a vision of a data sharing market which is competitive and scalable for the long term.

    To achieve this, we will move Open Banking on to a sustainable regulatory framework, which the Government intends to develop through the Data Protection and Digital Identity Bill which has its second reading in Parliament today.

    Open Banking will also transition to a new entity, with a broad-based, equitable funding model and high standards of corporate governance. Today we set out how we plan to get this transition started this year.

    But we can’t spend all our time and energy on governance models.

    So we also set out an ambitious roadmap of actions for the next few years, again starting immediately. By Q3 this year, there will be tangible progress across the board, on key themes such as mitigating the risks of financial crime and promoting new services, including variable recurring payments.

    Let me be clear as I know some folk have been worried: this will be the year of delivery on the next generation of Open Banking.

    Our plan is ambitious but achievable, and I am committed to maintaining our country’s leadership in this field. We won’t rest on our laurels, and I want to encourage all of you to work with me to build on the success that Open Banking has been so far.

    Artificial Intelligence

    If data is one limb that has the potential to transform the financial services sector, the application of artificial intelligence is the other.

    Although there are already many deployments and uses in the financial sector, my belief is that we are barely getting started.

    AI can help firms to identify and prevent fraudulent transactions, detecting suspicious patterns in real time.

    By analysing data on market trends, customer behaviour, and other factors, AI algorithms can identify potential risks and provide recommendations for risk mitigation strategies.

    It can help investment managers to make more informed decisions, driving better returns for savers.

    And AI can power new customer service features, such as chatbots, which can deliver personalised support quickly and efficiently.

    This technology has immense potential to transform the financial services sector.

    And that is why the Government recently published its White Paper on AI which details our plans to make the UK the most trusted and pro-innovation system for AI governance in the world.

    This builds on our recent £900 million investment to build an exascale supercomputer and to establish a new AI Research Resource. These will provide significant compute capacity that many in this room may wish to take advantage of.

    Launch of the UK Fintech Census

    But even as we support the fintech community here in the UK, it is vital that we help our firms to expand internationally.

    That’s why my final announcement today is the launch of the UK Fintech Census, in collaboration with the City of London Corporation and Innovate Finance.

    It is designed to tailor our support for you as we make the most of the UK’s access to international markets.

    When you think about it, no other country on earth combines a seat on the Permanent Council of the UN with membership of NATO and AUKUS, a trade deal with the EU, accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership and being a founder member of the Commonwealth.

    The Census aims to help you make the most of these opportunities by seeking your feedback on three simple points:

    What international markets do you want to break into?

    What are the main challenges that you face?; and

    What further support and services would you like to see?

    The Census opens today and will run for five weeks, aiming to reach all 2,500 fintechs in the UK.

    And, in order to make it a useful and actionable data set, we will repeat the Census annually.

    Conclusion

    In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen I hope you are as excited about the opportunities as I am for you.

    UK fintech is in a great place today.

    But it’s our job, as a Government, to ensure that that success continues and we reach new heights… a mission to which, I assure you, we are utterly committed.

    I am a do-er by nature: I have worked in disruptive businesses for most of my life and I want to deliver concrete actions that help this sector to thrive.

    You’re already effective at telling us what you think – and I challenge myself and the team on a daily basis what more we can do to help.

    So please let’s keep working well together so that at next year’s Global Summit – and many more to follow – we’ll all be able to look back on many more fantastic years for UK fintech.

    Thank you very much.