Category: Defence

  • John Healey – 2024 Statement on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    John Healey – 2024 Statement on Foreign Affairs and Defence

    The statement made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, in the House of Commons on 18 July 2024.

    May I say how great it is to see you in the Chair for this debate, albeit in a temporary role? And may I say, through you, that the Foreign Secretary wanted to be here for the debate, but he and the Prime Minister are hosting the leaders of over 40 European countries at the European Political Community meeting at Blenheim palace today—it is an important day for our country. He will look forward to following the debate as soon as he returns.

    I congratulate all 315 re-elected and returning Members of this House, and welcome in particular all Members who were elected for the first time. Savour that special feeling when you first walk into this Chamber and sit on these green Benches. Remember it; respect it. Our constituents have given each of us their confidence; they have given us the mandate to serve them and the country.

    Two week ago, I stood at my local constituency election count in a sports hall in Rotherham. It is the honour of my life to stand at this Dispatch Box today as the Defence Secretary—as part of the new Government at the start of this new era for Britain. The last time that I spoke at this Dispatch Box was a week before the election in 2010, as a housing Minister dealing with planning reform. Even then, I warned that

    “there are fundamental flaws in the Conservatives’ proposed planning regime”.

    However, my main argument on that day focused on accountability. I said:

    “accountability is a central tenet”—[Official Report, 29 March 2010; Vol. 503, c. 611.]

    of public life, serious decisions and good government. Having re-entered Government, I feel that just as fiercely as I did 14 years ago. What we do, what we say and how we conduct ourselves in Government matters. We must always be accountable in this House, to the public and to Parliament. By doing that, we will help to regain trust in Government and return politics to public service.

    I pay tribute to my predecessors, Grant Shapps and Ben Wallace, whom I shadowed for over four years from the Opposition Benches. The House will now miss them both in differing ways. They served as Defence Secretaries during what the Chief of the Defence Staff has described as the most extraordinary time for defence in his career. That responsibility now passes to me. I am grateful to have the support of such a stand-out ministerial team: the Minister for Defence Procurement and Industry, my right hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool Garston (Maria Eagle); the Minister for the Armed Forces, my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth Sutton and Devonport (Luke Pollard); the Minister for Veterans and People, my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham Selly Oak (Al Carns); and Lord Coaker in the other place.

    The first duty of any Government is to defend the country and keep our citizens safe. That is why I pay tribute, on behalf of the House, to the men and women who serve in Britain’s armed forces, many of whom are overseas on deployment right now. They are rightly respected worldwide for their bravery and their professionalism. We thank them for what they do to keep us all safe, as we thank those out of uniform in UK defence. They will have this new Government’s fullest support to do their job in defending this country

    That is why at the NATO summit in Washington last week, the Prime Minister confirmed the Government’s unshakeable commitment to NATO, and our total commitment to spending 2.5% of GDP on defence. It is why the Prime Minister launched this week a first-of-its-kind strategic defence review. And it is why we announced in the King’s Speech legislation to create a new armed forces commissioner to improve service life.

    bI wish the right hon. Gentleman, who was a committed parliamentarian in his shadow role, all the best in his new role, to which he brings great depth and seriousness. He has just described the strategic review and outlined the ambition to get to 2.5% of GDP. If that strategic review recommends more than 2.5%, will the Government still enact it in full?

    John Healey

    We have launched the strategic defence review, which was a manifesto commitment. It will be conducted within the framework set out in our manifesto, with the determination to complete it within the first year and to raise defence spending to 2.5% of GDP as soon as we can. The country has not spent at that level since I last stood at the Dispatch Box back in 2010 under the then Labour Government.

    I welcome to their roles the new shadow Defence Secretary, the hon. Member for South Suffolk (James Cartlidge), and the Liberal Democrat spokesperson on defence, the hon. Member for Honiton and Sidmouth (Richard Foord), who cannot be here for the debate—the hon. Member for Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross (Jamie Stone) is ably standing in for him, and we look forward to hearing what he has to say. I also welcome the SNP spokesperson on defence, the hon. Member for Angus and Perthshire Glens (Dave Doogan). As Defence Secretary, I want to take the politics out of national security. I say to the House: I will always look to work with you—putting country first, party second. I have offered the shadow Defence Secretary access to intelligence briefings, and will do so for other relevant Members. The new strategic defence review will brief and welcome submissions from other parties across this House.

    I want us to forge a British defence strategy for the future, not just a defence strategy for the new Labour Government. No party has a monopoly on defence or on pride in our military. We in the Labour party have deep roots in defending this country. Throughout the last century, it was working men and women who served, and sometimes died, on the frontline fighting for Britain. It was Labour that established NATO and the nuclear deterrent. As his Majesty the King said yesterday, our commitment to both is “unshakeable.” We are a party with deep pride in forging international law and security: the Geneva conventions, the universal declaration of human rights, the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and the comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty were all signed by Labour Prime Ministers. We are a party with deep respect for the serving men and women of our armed forces. Theirs is the ultimate public service: they defend the country and are essential to our resilience at home. I know they will inspire me in the weeks, months and years ahead in this job.

    As the former Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak), said yesterday in the debate on the Address:

    “Every month in my previous job, I became more concerned about the threats to our country’s security.”—[Official Report, 17 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 51.]

    We know that these are serious times, with war in Europe, conflict in the middle east, growing Russian aggression and increasing global threats. We know, too, that there are serious problems. It was Ben Wallace who said to me in this Chamber last year that our armed forces had been “hollowed out and underfunded” over the past 14 years. Morale is at record lows, alongside dreadful military housing and a defence procurement system that the Public Accounts Committee has described as “broken” and wasting taxpayers’ money.

    Less than two weeks into this Government, we now see that those problems are much worse than we thought. Just today, new official figures that we have been able to release as scheduled show that forces families’ satisfaction has fallen to the lowest level ever reported. We cannot solve those problems all at once, but we are determined to fix them.

    Mr Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi (Slough) (Lab)

    My right hon. Friend is right to say that NATO is the cornerstone of our defence policy. We must also strengthen our role in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, but would he elaborate on how we will be extending our support and solidarity to Ukraine as it faces Russian aggression?

    John Healey

    My hon. Friend has served with distinction in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, a body that draws together well-informed, committed Members from all parties in this House. It is an important civilian bulwark in the NATO military alliance, and I thank him for that service. He intervened on me just as I was about to move to the topic of Ukraine, so I ask him to bear with me for two or three minutes; if I have not answered his questions by then, I would welcome another intervention.

    On Ukraine, I have been proud of UK leadership—proud that the UK and this House are united on Ukraine, because the defence of the UK starts in Ukraine. Ukraine is my first priority, and on my second day in this job, I was in Odessa. I spent the afternoon with President Zelensky and his team. We held our bilateral talks, we celebrated Ukraine’s navy day, and we also toured a military hospital, talking with injured Ukrainian servicemen. The Ukrainians, military and civilians alike, are fighting with huge courage. They have regained vast territory that was taken by Putin at first, and as a country without a navy, they have driven Russia’s fleet out of the western Black sea. They have opened up grain corridors and are now able to export almost as much as they did before Putin’s full-scale invasion in February 2022. However, Russia is far from a spent force, and if Putin wins, he will not stop at Ukraine.

    In opposition, we gave the Government our fullest support for all the military aid this country gave to Ukraine, and I trust this Opposition will do the same. The UK is united for Ukraine, and I want to work together to ensure we remain united for Ukraine. The Government are now stepping up support: with President Zelensky, I was able to say that we will speed up the delivery of the military aid already pledged. We will step up support through a new package of more ammunition, more anti-armour missiles, more de-mining vehicles and more artillery guns. At the NATO summit in Washington last week, the Prime Minister went further, confirming £3 billion a year to help Ukraine for as long as it takes.

    This King’s Speech shows the Government getting on with the job, just as we have in the first fortnight, with urgency and purpose. The Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary and I have all spoken with our counterparts from across the world. At the NATO 75 summit, we met leaders of all 32 NATO nations—it was a NATO summit bigger, stronger and more united than ever. At that summit, the Prime Minister and Chancellor Scholz of Germany announced an new

    “firm commitment to strike a deep UK-Germany defence agreement…without delay”,

    a first step towards resetting Britain’s relationships with European allies. Last weekend, I hosted the Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister of Australia at Sheffield Forgemasters, then at Wentworth Woodhouse in Rotherham, where I reaffirmed our commitment to AUKUS and to our Indo-Pacific partners. I have also had the privilege of meeting outstanding personnel in these first less than two weeks, including personnel at the permanent joint headquarters, RAF Northolt and NATO maritime command, alongside top-class civilian officials in the Ministry of Defence and other Government Departments.

    This week, the Foreign Secretary went to the middle east, pursuing our push for peace and an immediate ceasefire, and the Prime Minister launched the strategic defence review headed by Lord Robertson, General Barrons and Dr Fiona Hill. That review will be carried out at pace, ensure that we have a NATO-first defence strategy, and put people at the heart of Britain’s defence plans. I thank the reviewers for the work they will do in the weeks and months ahead. To end where I started, Britain is today hosting the European Political Community—a 47-strong grouping of European leaders—at Blenheim palace, discussing Russian aggression, European security and counter-migration action.

    Mr Dhesi

    Will my right hon. Friend give way on that point?

    John Healey

    I obviously did not answer my hon. Friend’s questions on Ukraine earlier on. I give way again.

    Mr Dhesi

    I thank my right hon. Friend for allowing me to intervene once again—he is being very generous with his time. He slightly touched on this point, but does he agree that the level of death and destruction and the loss of innocent lives in Gaza are intolerable, and that we must work to have an immediate ceasefire, an immediate release of hostages and urgent humanitarian aid into Gaza? Will my right hon. Friend outline what His Majesty’s Government are doing to bring that into effect?

    John Healey

    My hon. Friend is right: the scale of the conflict and, in particular, the deaths that we see in Gaza are not just intolerable, but agonising. When we think back, the terrorist attack launched on Israel in October was deeply shocking as well. I am proud that it was the Labour party that led the debate in Parliament in February, when this House agreed to push for an immediate ceasefire. I am proud of the way that we have led arguments for that ceasefire, but also of the way we worked in private in opposition—work that we are now picking up in government. My hon. Friend may not have heard me say this, but the Foreign Secretary has already been to the middle east to pursue what the Prime Minister, when he was Leader of the Opposition, declared at the end of October in a speech at Chatham House: that if we got into government, we would help lead a new push for peace. In the first fortnight, that is exactly what we have been doing.

    Jeremy Corbyn (Islington North) (Ind)

    I congratulate the Secretary of State on the appointment he has received; I know it is a position he has sought, and I wish him well. The conflict that is going on and the bombing in Gaza have already resulted in 40,000 deaths. Are the Government serious in pushing Israel to take part in an immediate ceasefire? Are they also prepared to suspend or stop all arms sales to Israel in order to save further lives?

    The Secretary of State also made a point in his speech about the need to adhere to international law. There are international court judgments at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court; are the Government going to support those judgments and ensure that they are carried out, whatever the political consequences? They require action to be taken internationally to bring a halt to this appalling conflict. Forty thousand are already dead, and the occupation continues. Surely there must be a way forward that stops the loss of life.

    John Healey

    The right hon. Member is no longer a member of the Labour party, but I know that he watches what we do and say very closely. He will know that from the outset, we have argued that international humanitarian law must apply in this conflict, and must apply equally to both sides. The answer to his first question is yes: this Government are serious about pursuing an immediate ceasefire, which is why the Foreign Secretary has already been out to Israel to press that case.

    On the question of arms sales to Israel, on the Foreign Secretary’s first day in post, through the established system that we use, he commissioned the British Government’s most up-to-date assessment of the degree to which any of our UK arms export licences may be facilitating a serious risk of a breach of international law. He has said clearly that he wants that process to be as swift and transparent as possible, and he is looking hard at exactly that issue. I hope that underlines the simple answer to the right hon. Member’s first question: yes, this Government are serious about a ceasefire, and about the application of international humanitarian law without fear or favour.

    Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP)

    First, I commend the Secretary of State for the role he played in opposition and the role he now plays in government. I think that each of us, on hearing the words of the Secretary of State, will be inspired and feel more confident about road forward. When it comes to the middle east, we are all aware of the influence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps in Iran, and we are aware of the axis of evil of Iran, North Korea, Russia and China. We are also aware that the IRGC supplies ammunition, finance and personnel to the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and terrorist groups right across Syria. When it comes to addressing that group and what it does across the world, can the Secretary of State today give the House an assurance that it is a priority for this Government to proscribe the IRGC and put it out of action?

    John Healey

    I can tell the hon. Gentleman that we are looking really hard, as he and this House would expect, at the growing threats that Iran poses not just as a state, but through its proxies and its growing alliances with other hostile nations. In many ways, he helps me supply an answer to a question that I have sometimes been asked over the last two days, which is: why have another strategic defence review now? The simple answer is exactly that: the threats are increasing and changing, the nature of warfare is changing and the growing importance of our alliances is becoming clearer. It is for that reason, a year after the last Government’s defence review, that this is imperative. We will pursue this properly and do it at pace, because that is what we need to do both to respond to the growing and changing threats we face and to take the decisions we must take on the capabilities we need to defend the country.

    I will wind up now so that other Members from all sides can speak. We were elected on a manifesto promising change. After less than two weeks, I hope that the House and the public see that the work of that change has begun to strengthen the foundations of this new mission-driven Government in making Britain better defended and making Britain democracy’s most reliable ally. The Prime Minister said in his speech in this House yesterday:

    “This Government have been elected to deliver nothing less than national renewal…and start the work of rebuilding our country—a determined rebuilding, a patient rebuilding, a calm rebuilding.”—[Official Report, 17 July 2024; Vol. 752, c. 54-55.]

    That is the task he has set me to lead with my Defence team, but there is so much more to do. I want defence to be central not just to the future security of Britain, but to the country’s success in this new era, bringing greater economic growth and wealth across the UK, reconnecting Britain in the world and forging a new partnership for Britain between Government, business and workers with their trade unions. Together we will make Britain more secure at home and strong abroad.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech at the NATO Summit Press Conference

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Speech at the NATO Summit Press Conference

    The speech made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 12 July 2024.

    Good evening thank you for being here, I really appreciate it. This is of course my first week as Prime Minister…

    But I’ve come here to Washington, three and half thousand miles from home…

    For a very simple reason.

    Because every policy we have in pursuit of our missions…

    Everything we’re going to do to improve people’s lives…

    All that we hold dear…

    Depends on our security.

    That is our first priority…

    It is always our first priority…

    I made that crystal clear to the British people in our campaign…

    And so I also came to this summit with a clear message.

    A message of enduring and unwavering commitment…

    To the NATO alliance.

    To Ukraine.

    To the collective security of our country, our continent, and our allies around the world.

    I’m proud to represent a party that was instrumental in creating NATO 75 years ago.

    It was Labour Prime Minister, Clement Attlee…

    And a Labour Foreign Secretary, Ernie Bevin…

    Who fought so hard to make this a reality.

    This is our history – and we’re proud of it…

    And I am determined to take that pride forward into the future.

    So have no doubt – we will match our words with action.

    We live in a new and dangerous era…

    One defined by volatility and insecurity.

    We face the generational threat of Russia…

    Aided by the likes of North Korea and Iran.

    Conflicts – rage across the Middle East and North Africa.

    The challenge of China.

    Terrorism.

    And international institutions, that should be at the heart of the response…

    Are being undermined.

    Our collective reaction to this moment, will shape the world for decades to come.

    So we must stand up for our interests.

    But we must also stand up for our values.

    Because it was that insight…

    That unity of interests and values…

    That guided Attlee and Truman in creating NATO 75 years ago.

    We must mobilise what Bevin called…

    Our “collective moral and material force.”

    Because our values are not a point of weakness, as Putin may think…

    They are the source of our strength.

    NATO has become the most successful alliance in history…

    Precisely because democracy, freedom and the rule of law…

    were hardwired into the NATO Charter.

    And that is the legacy we inherit today…

    An inheritance not just of an institution…

    But of a duty and of service.

    And it is our duty now…

    To take these fundamental principles…

    And adapt them to meet the test of our times.

    That starts in Ukraine.

    Together with our allies today…

    We have reaffirmed our unshakeable support…

    For Ukraine’s ultimate victory.

    Our determination – to deliver justice for the awful crimes that Russia has committed.

    You will have all seen the scenes this week in Kyiv…

    Russia using some of the deadliest weapons in its arsenal…

    On innocent children.

    Striking a hospital.

    When I went to Kyiv, I saw for myself the devastation and inhumanity of Russian aggression.

    I went to Bucha, just outside Kyiv and spoke to some of the people there

    who described to me and pointed to me on the road

    Where they had picked up the bodies of their friends

    their family members

    who had been killed, many of them handcuffed

    And had to transport them to find graves for them

    It’s In shopping trollies, they told me, that is the only way they could move those bodies

    And that had a profound effect on me as they dug those graves – mass graves – of people who had been shot and left on their own.

    The alternative to Ukraine’s victory is unthinkable.

    Not only an afront to our values…

    A green light to aggressors everywhere.

    And the fate of Ukraine is a cause that unites Britain.

    And that is why we will deliver…

    £3 billion worth of support to Ukraine each year… for as long as it takes.

    We will speed up our delivery of military aid.

    And together with our NATO allies…

    We have pledged €40 billion of support to Ukraine every year…

    We’ve established a new body to coordinate that support…

    Agreed to ramp up industrial production…

    And confirmed Ukraine’s irreversible path to full NATO membership.

    As I told President Zelensky today…

    NATO will be stronger with Ukraine as a member.

    And because of the generational threat from Russia, that demands a generational response…

    So we will increase NATO’s focus on future threats around the world…

    With Britain playing its full role.

    We will continue to put our armed forces at NATO’s disposal…

    Maintain our presence in Estonia and Poland…

    Lead the land arm of the Allied Response Force this year…

    And maintain and modernise our nuclear deterrent.

    Today, this alliance is stronger than ever.

    23 members are now spending 2% of their GDP on defence.

    But in light of the grave threats to our security, we must go further.

    So we will conduct a Strategic Defence Review…

    To strengthen our armed forces…

    And protect our national security.

    And we will set out a clear path to spending 2.5% of our GDP on defence.

    And I say with candour to all our allies…

    We must understand that this is now essential.

    This is a defensive alliance.

    We do not seek conflict.

    But we know that the best way to avoid it is to prepare for it…

    And to lead.

    Britain belongs on the world stage…

    So I am determined…

    To reset our relationship with Europe…

    Return to leadership on climate change…

    And engage more deeply with the global south.

    Because whether the challenges we face are military…

    Or global challenges like climate change, cyber and energy security…

    We will meet them head on.

    Stand – shoulder-to-shoulder with our friends and allies.

    Because history shows – we are stronger when we do.

    This morning I laid a wreath…

    At the Tomb of the Unknown Solider at Arlington Cemetery.

    It was an incredibly moving moment, just being there, seeing the very, very many graves

    And that wreath laying

    To honour the sacrifice made by so many Americans…

    Side by side with British troops…

    In defence of our freedom.

    It is a reminder of our unbreakable bond with the United States.

    A bond which I reaffirmed here with President Biden.

    And a reminder…

    That we must honour the service and sacrifice of our veterans…

    With the decisions that we take today.

    So we meet this moment with a new resolve…

    Determined to renew Britain’s place on the world stage…

    Proud of what we have to offer…

    Confident, not just in the value of our strength…

    But in the strength of our values.

    Britain was at the heart of creating NATO 75 years ago.

    And our commitment remains unshakeable…

    The foundation of our security and prosperity for many years to come.

    Thank you.

  • John Healey – 2024 Statement on the Armed Forces Review

    John Healey – 2024 Statement on the Armed Forces Review

    The statement made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 16 July 2024.

    At the start of a new era for Britain, we need a new era for defence. Hollowed-out armed forces, procurement waste and neglected morale cannot continue. Meanwhile, we need to be clear eyed about the threats we face, with the world becoming more volatile and technology changing the nature of warfare.

    In response, our armed forces need to be better ready to fight, more integrated and more innovative. We need clearer accountability, faster delivery, less waste and better value for money.

    The Review will ensure that Defence is central to the future security of Britain and to its economic growth and prosperity.

    This new era requires a new type of review that moves at pace. The Prime Minister and I will therefore draw on both external military, industrial and foreign policy experts, and those from inside Government, to help set the path for Britain’s defence for the next decade. Together, we will make Britain secure at home and strong abroad.

  • Keir Starmer – 2024 Statement on the Armed Forces Review

    Keir Starmer – 2024 Statement on the Armed Forces Review

    The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 16 July 2024.

    We live in a more dangerous and volatile world. My government will forge a new clear-eyed approach to our national defences, equipping us to tackle international threats head-on while keeping the British people safe and secure.

    I promised the British people I would deliver the change needed to take our country forward, and I promised action not words. That’s why one of my first acts since taking office is to launch our Strategic Defence Review. We will make sure our hollowed out armed forces are bolstered and respected, that defence spending is responsibly increased, and that our country has the capabilities needed to ensure the UK’s resilience for the long term.

  • John Healey – 2024 Speech to Defence Staff

    John Healey – 2024 Speech to Defence Staff

    The speech made by John Healey, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 5 July 2024.

    Thank you for that welcome. It is for me an honour to be asked by the Prime Minister to serve in this role and to have the chance to work with you all in the months and years ahead.

    The work you do is vital and we are proud of the professionalism and your dedication to serving this nation, both in uniform and out. So thank you for everything that you do.

    You will have my fullest support as your Defence Secretary.

    We know these are serious times – war in Europe, conflict in the Middle East, growing Russian aggression, increasing global threats.

    We know there are serious problems – with our Armed Forces hollowed out and under funded for 14 years.

    And this government now is totally committed to 2.5% of Defence spending, to NATO, to the nuclear deterrent and to support for Ukraine.

    The country has new leadership. This Ministry has new leadership. Our mission is to make Britain secure at home and strong abroad, with the guiding principle of one Defence. Because it isn’t just those who serve in uniform who defend this country, it’s those of you who serve in the Civil Service, who work on the production line, who staff the research labs, who develop software – and I want to see Defence at the heart both of the future security of this country, and the future success of this country.

    And that means an Armed Forces well-equipped and ready to fight, a skilled, scalable industrial base, a stronger relationship with allies, a more influential MOD, a public that understands and better supports, those who are willing to serve – those whose service is the ultimate form of public service.

    And I do have to tell you I am more interested in results than photo opportunities. And I look forward to learning from your experience and hearing your ideas about how we can develop one Defence.

    I will rely on your experience, your honesty. I’ll rely on your dedication to solve the problems, in delivering the government’s defence plans.

    And I know I will also be inspired by what you do.

    And as Keir Starmer said in Downing Street, we will be a government that respects all. So we will have an Armed Forces and Civil Service, drawing on all the talents. We’ll have a culture that values all, and we’ll have zero tolerance for any abuse, in the military or the Civil Service.

    We must forge one Defence, one mission: to make Britain secure at home and strong abroad.

    And to all of you, I and the ministerial team, look forward so much to that opportunity to work with you, to deliver just that for our country.

    Thank you very much indeed.

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Statement on Leaving D-Day Event for Party Political Reasons

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Statement on Leaving D-Day Event for Party Political Reasons

    The statement made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, on 7 June 2024.

    The 80th anniversary of D-Day has been a profound moment to honour the brave men and women who put their lives on the line to protect our values, our freedom and our democracy.

    This anniversary should be about those who made the ultimate sacrifice for our country. The last thing I want is for the commemorations to be overshadowed by politics.

    I care deeply about veterans and have been honoured to represent the UK at a number of events in Portsmouth and France over the past two days and to meet those who fought so bravely.

    After the conclusion of the British event in Normandy, I returned back to the UK. On reflection, it was a mistake not to stay in France longer – and I apologise.”

  • Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    Rishi Sunak – 2024 Defence Speech Made in Warsaw

    The speech made by Rishi Sunak, the Prime Minister, in Warsaw on 23 April 2024.

    My first duty as Prime Minister is the security of the British people.

    And fulfilling that profound responsibility is only possible because of you.

    Just ten days ago, I gave the order for the RAF to join an international effort…

    …intercepting a barrage of Iranian missiles headed towards Israel.

    Those pilots, like you, and like every generation of British service men and women before you…

    …were willing to put their own safety over the line…

    …for the security of others and the defence of our liberties and our values.

    From your Regiment’s service in Iraq and Afghanistan…

    …to your current role here in Poland, protecting NATO’s eastern flank…

    …you have made those sacrifices in the service of our country.

    I am truly humbled by your courage and professionalism.

    And on behalf of a proud and grateful nation, let me simply say: thank you.

    But I haven’t just brought you together today to express my gratitude.

    I want to talk to you about how we equip you to do your duty…

    …in an increasingly dangerous world.

    We have entered a period of history in which competition between countries has sharpened profoundly.

    An axis of authoritarian states with different values to ours…

    …like Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China…

    …are increasingly assertive.

    The danger they pose is not new.

    But what is new is that these countries – or their proxies…

    …are causing more instability, more quickly, in more places at once.

    And they’re increasingly acting together…

    …making common cause in an attempt to reshape the world order.

    Now I know there are some people who will think these are faraway problems.

    But they are not.

    They pose real risks to the United Kingdom’s security and prosperity.

    Russia has already poisoned people on British soil with chemical weapons.

    Caused energy bills to soar.

    Weaponised migration.

    And sent technology to Iran in exchange for weapons, like the Shaheed drones…

    …that I saw myself are wreaking such devastation on Ukraine.

    Iran themselves have threatened to kill and kidnap people within our borders for exercising their right to free speech.

    And used proxies like the Houthis, to attack British ships in the Red Sea…

    …disrupting supplies of crucial goods to our high streets.

    North Korea, too, is supplying munitions and artillery to Russia…

    …and their hackers have targeted British businesses and the NHS.

    And Chinese state-affiliated actors have conducted malicious cyber campaigns…

    …against British MPs.

    China itself is engaged in a huge military modernisation programme.

    Potential flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific…

    …could have an impact on the global economy far larger even than Covid.

    And China is increasingly working with others to try and reshape the world…

    …including their so-called ‘unlimited partnership’ with Russia.

    So the new assertiveness of these authoritarian states far from our shores must concern us.

    Because they are increasingly acting together…

    …against the fundamental values that we all hold dear…

    …of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law.

    Now, we must not overstate the danger.

    We’re not on the brink of war.

    And nor do we seek it.

    And people should feel reassured…

    …that the UK’s armed forces are some of the most professional…

    …well-trained, well-equipped, and battle-ready in the world.

    And I’m incredibly proud of all they’ve achieved.

    From patrolling the Arctic Circle as part of the Joint Expeditionary Force…

    …to the campaign against Daesh in the deserts of Iraq and Syria.

    From protecting the freedom of navigation in the Red Sea…

    …to policing the skies above Eastern Europe.

    And just look at the investments we’ve made in the last decade.

    £40 billion in the British Army…

    …who proudly provide one of NATO’s strategic reserves…

    …with 16,000 troops deployed to Europe this year.

    The Royal Air Force, equipped with new Typhoons, Chinooks, F35s…

    …with the GCAP programme delivering new fighter jets with Japan and Italy.

    The Royal Navy is a carrier navy once again…

    …with 22 new ships and submarines on the way…

    …and the historic AUKUS partnership building the most advanced nuclear-powered subs the world has ever known.

    And we’ve launched a new national endeavour to invigorate and invest more in our nuclear deterrent.

    And all of this is combined with our outstanding diplomatic network…

    …development expertise, law enforcement and intelligence agencies…

    …and our support for allies – above all the £12bn we’ve provided to Ukraine.

    So I’m proud of our record on defence.

    And confident in our ability to deter our adversaries.

    …and ensure the security of the United Kingdom.

    But in a world that’s the most dangerous…

    …it’s been since the end of the Cold War…

    …we cannot – and must not – be complacent.

    As Churchill said, in 1934:

    “To urge the preparation of defence is not to assert the imminence of war.

    On the contrary, if war were imminent…

    …preparations for defence would be too late.”

    I believe we must do more…

    …to defend our country, our interests, and our values.

    So today, I’m announcing…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence for a generation.

    We will increase defence spending to a new baseline of 2.5% of GDP, by 2030.

    That starts today.

    And rises steadily in each and every year.

    Over the next six years, we’ll invest an additional £75bn in our defence.

    And it will be fully funded with no increase in borrowing or debt.

    So this is not some vague aspiration for the future.

    We have a clear plan for what we’ll spend, when we’ll spend it, and how we pay for it.

    A plan that makes the United Kingdom by far the largest defence power in Europe – and second largest in NATO.

    Today is a landmark moment in the defence of the United Kingdom.

    This is a generational investment in British security and British prosperity.

    It makes us safer at home and stronger abroad.

    Now we have three immediate priorities for this new investment.

    First, we will put the UK’s own defence industry on a war footing.

    One of the central lessons of the war in Ukraine…

    …is that we need deeper stockpiles of munitions…

    …and for industry to be able to replenish them more quickly.

    So today, we’re giving £10bn in munitions to give industry long-term funding certainty…

    …backed by long-term contracts…

    …so they can produce more, be readier to surge capacity…

    …and move to ‘always on’ production, when required.

    From surface-to-air-missiles made in Bolton…

    …to anti-tank weapons in Belfast…

    …we will replenish our stockpiles…

    …all while supporting British jobs right across the Union.

    But it’s not just about investing more – we must invest better.

    For too long, too much of our defence procurement…

    …has been over-complex, over-budget, and over-time.

    So we are making radical reforms to our procurement model…

    …to make sure this new investment delivers value for money.

    And to encourage private sector investment into defence production…

    …I can also announce today that we’re going to put beyond doubt that defence investment…

    …does count towards environmental, social and governance assessments.

    There is nothing more ethical than defending our way of life from those who threaten it.

    Now all of this will put us at the forefront of the global defence industry…

    …allow us to hugely ramp up defence production…

    …and give our armed forces the capability they need to keep us safe.

    But as in so many areas of our lives, technology is changing the face of war.

    So our second immediate priority is innovation and new technology.

    We need to innovate and adapt faster than our adversaries…

    …in space and cyberspace just as much as land, sea, and air.

    Look at Ukraine.

    Many aspects of the war would be familiar to a soldier from WWI or II

    Yet others would be unimaginably different.

    Like the fact that cheap, high-tech, autonomous drones could disable large parts of Russia’s Black Sea fleet.

    The good news is that innovation is already one of our greatest strengths.

    The UK’s own Dragonfire laser directed energy weapon…

    …costs only £10 a shot…

    …yet is accurate enough to hit a £1 coin from a kilometre away.

    And today we’re going further.

    We will increase defence R&D to at minimum to 5% of the defence budget.

    Invest far more in autonomous drones.

    And we will set up a new Defence Innovation Agency.

    So that for the first time, decisions about defence innovation…

    …will be brought together in a single, strategic agency…

    …that will be freed from red tape …

    …and work with the private sector on emerging new technologies.

    Now third, we must support Ukraine for the long term.

    Since the Cold War ended, the freedom of our continent has been based on a simple idea:

    That it is for people to decide the fate of their countries, not foreign armies.

    But allow Putin to win in Ukraine…

    …and that principle of sovereignty would be undermined.

    We would be dragged back to a world…

    …where brute force, rather than the democratic will of free peoples…

    …would shape borders and decide futures.

    And Putin will not stop in Ukraine.

    Win there, and he – and indeed others – will be emboldened.

    He has the desire, if not yet the capacity, to attack other countries in Europe…

    …potentially including NATO allies, who we would be bound to defend…

    …just as they are bound to defend us.

    The costs of failing to support Ukraine now will be far greater than the costs of repelling Putin.

    Because only if he fails will he and other adversaries be deterred.

    That is why the United Kingdom…

    …whose history of standing up to dictators is so much part of our national consciousness…

    …has come together with our allies to stand with Ukraine from the very start.

    Today we will go further.

    We will send Ukraine an additional half a billion pounds , hitting £3 billion of support this year.

    And we’ll provide them with largest-ever package of UK military equipment.

    This will include more than 400 vehicles…

    …4 million rounds of ammunition…

    …60 boats and offshore raiding craft…

    …vital air defences…

    …and long-range precision-guided Storm Shadow missiles.

    And as we make our historic commitment to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP…

    …we’ll move past this stop-start, piecemeal way of backing Ukraine…

    …so that alongside our long-term security guarantee…

    …we are today providing a long-term funding guarantee…

    …of at least the current level of military support to Ukraine, for every year it is needed.

    That is the longest commitment any nation has provided.

    And it shows that Ukraine is not alone, and Ukraine will never be alone.

    A decade ago, as Russian tanks rolled into Crimea…

    …and the fight against ISIL raged across the Middle East…

    …NATO allies came together in Wales, and reached an historic agreement…

    …to increase their defence budgets to 2% of GDP.

    Back then, the UK was one of only 4 countries who did so.

    Today, there are 11.

    And I believe we will look back on this moment…

    …as a similar turning point in European security.

    Because for all that we welcome the news over the weekend…

    …that the US Congress agreed a new package of aid for Ukraine…

    …support that will be indispensable on the frontline…

    …this is not the moment for complacency.

    We cannot keep expecting America to pay any price or bear any burden…

    …if we ourselves are unwilling to make greater sacrifices for our own security.

    So I’m proud that the United Kingdom is increasing our defence spending to £87bn a year…

    …the biggest strengthening of our national defence in a generation…

    …guaranteeing our position as the second largest defence power in NATO, after the US.

    All across Europe…

    …countries like Poland, Germany, Norway and the Baltic nations…

    …are stepping up to take greater responsibility for our own security.

    And I’m confident that whether in months or years…

    …others will follow, too.

    And at this turning point in European security, if 2.5% becomes a new benchmark for all NATO partners to reach…

    …allied defence spending would increase by over £140 billion.

    That would provide a level of safety and security for the British people…

    …and the peoples of all allied nations…

    …that far outstrips anything we could achieve alone.

    To conclude, we did not choose this moment. But it falls to us to meet it.

    In a world of increasing threats, we must show our enemies that we are resolute and determined.

    That their attempts to destabilise our world or redraw its borders by force will fail.

    That with our friends and allies, we will be at the forefront of the defence of the free, democratic world.

    And under my leadership, the United Kingdom will always stand up for our interests…

    …deter our enemies, and defend our values.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the Military Robotics and Autonomous Systems Conference

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the Military Robotics and Autonomous Systems Conference

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Defence Minister, in London on 8 April 2024.

    Good afternoon, everybody. So I’m the Minister for Defence procurement in the UK, I don’t have a speech as such, and what I mean by that is I haven’t got one written by the Civil Service. When I was a Treasury Minister, before I got this job, I went to a conference a bit like this about AI. And there were four Secretary of States speaking at this conference, and what neither of them knew was that they all had the same gag when they started, which is they read their speech, the first paragraph and guess what? As if it had been written by Chat GPT. Once you get to the fourth iteration of that is not as funny as it was the first time. So this hasn’t been written by Chat GPT, this is me because I’m very passionate about this issue because I think autonomy in defence is an amazing opportunity.

    And I’ll explain why but first of all, congratulations to my hosts. Thank you for inviting me because this happens to coincide with a very important day. Today the Ministry of Defence we’ve launched officially our new procurement system, which I’ve put forward. It’s called the Integrated Procurement Model. Now, just to put that in context, when I got this job last April, after Alex Chalk became Lord Chancellor, I replaced him as Minister for Defence Procurement, we were in the middle of a vote in the House of Commons and as I was walking around the lobby voting, my colleagues were coming up to me and they all congratulating me. And each of them in the same phrase would say, but by the way, you’ve got Ajax. So this job is sort of synonymous with one particular project, and I think from day one, I knew we needed to reform procurement. And when I announced the new procurement model on the 28th of February I was very clear that whilst this is about responding to all the concerns that have been brought up over the years, with programmes like Ajax but not just Ajax, Nimrod there is many of them going back over many years’ time.

    The most important reason to reform procurement is much more fundamental than any of those reasons or to do with any of those programmes. And it is simply this that if we as a country, and our allies, as well, are to compete in the future with our adversaries with the way they are investing in defence and technology, we have no choice but to reform procurement. And one of the reasons why I think this new model hopefully will actually take effect not just being launched, but as you will know it has become cultural within MOD, which is something we’ll be working on, it’s fair to say.

    The reason for that is because if we don’t reform procurement, our adversaries will just move too far away from us. And so I wanted to first of all set out what this reform is all about. Because it’s heart is technology, and for me, the most important part of that is around uncrewed systems and also all the technological advances that come with that and the systems that they depend upon. So fundamentally, it’s not about platforms is as you know, it’s about systems, it’s about architectures, about software.

    And so there’s five key features of the new system. And now the first one is fundamental. It’s called an Integrated Procurement Model for a reason.  You’d be aware that in 2021, we announced a new integrated operating concept for the UK Armed Forces, but in announcing that and recognising the reality of modern warfare is an integrated battlespace. We maintain what’s called a delegated procurement model ie. primarily having three frontline services procuring what we describe as bottom up basis whereas to me, if you want an integrated approach, you have to integrated  procurement.

    And so the first point is to have joined up approach to procurement in practice. The bête noire is what we call over programming, this phrase over programming means that essentially, the armed forces are trying to procure more stuff than there is management capacity to buy or frankly, capacity in DE&S and elsewhere to deliver and so the way we have controlled spending in recent years is you move programmes to the right, delay so that literally to control cost. And it’s not unique to MOD, it’s typical of big capital projects. They cost taxpayers a lot of money but it’s a particular issue in defence, because if you delay programmes they become more expensive and question marks that come out about the future those programmes.

    And so one thing I want to see more of is by taking a joined up approach that is pan-defence, you are more likely to make your priorities based on the most important reason which is the threat we face and procuring in a joined up fashion. Okay, so a good example we’re currently working on our munitions plan for the munitions we purchase as a UK MOD over the next 10 years, particularly to replenish our stocks, following the significant gifting to Ukraine. The best way to do that is pan-defence. If we just said to the single services, what do you each need? We end up with an outcome that had a third, a third a third. But to me, that shouldn’t be the priority, the priority is the threats we face as a country and what we need to counter it and I’ll just finish on that point because we’re here to talk about autonomy.

    The best example of that joined up approach is drones actually. So we’ve actually had some fantastic, military entrepreneurs in the MOD we’ve seen within the frontline command some fantastic experimentalism. That has led to some really cutting edge capabilities in the uncrewed space, some of which has been used in Ukraine, as you’ll be aware of.  The problem is, once you take those to the next level, procuring those systems to become part of an integrated force that can be effective in battle, at that point, you do need to have a more integrated approach.

    We cannot just rely on the theory of 1,000 flowers that 1,000 flowers will bloom, as you will know, you have to have common data standards, the ability of your capabilities to talk to each other and to the other services. So that is a really good example of where we need to now move into a more joined up phase which was a key piece of the Uncrewed Strategy that I announced earlier this year.

    The second part is checks and balances. Now, first of all, that’s about oversight. So we will have a new Integrated Design Authority to oversee these changes to make sure they actually happen in reality, if the procurement comes forward, and the requirements don’t enable whatever that system is to talk to the other services, it would be scored negatively, it’d be returned to wherever it came from. I mean, that’s in a nutshell, but I think there’s a really key part checks and balance which is my view as Minister for Defence Procurement, which is that to be as diplomatic as I can, my experience with this past year is that when the requirements come forward to you, the Minister, when the programme comes up to be signed off, shall we say there was something of an expectation that it will be signed off. Whereas I take a slightly different view. And to me, the most important part of this second aspect of checks and balances is what I call the creation of a second opinion.

    Genuinely kicking the tyres on programs at the beginning. So that you ask the right questions and you get the right answer. Because there has been history, which is totally understandable, institutional, as in the UK defence I’m sure it is the same in other countries, in fact I know it is as I have discussed some of my colleagues and my counterparts in other countries, is this sort of what we call the platform presumption. We’ve got the mark five and after ten years we can have the mark six, seven, etc. But what if that’s not the right solution for the threat that we face?

    And so the second opinion… we are very luck in the MOD, we don’t just have the military. We have amazing scientists in the Dstl. We have DE&S with all their interface with industry, which is now being strengthened with something called the DE&S gateway. We basically have this repository of data and information that is extraordinary. And so I want to have a position where when that procurement begins, that big programme, you don’t just have the military assessment of the requirements that you need. You have the challenge of the other experts that we have in our institution, the Dstl and so on telling you how technically viable that is. So for example, that key question, should it actually be an uncrewed system? And this is not a minor subject of conversation.

    We’re talking about fundamentally questioning some assumptions about the capabilities that we presume we’ll probably be procuring in the future and I suspect the military evidence for wargaming from Ukraine, will show that increasingly we are going to be vulnerable, and that we need to do what other countries have started to do, I  have just seen that the the US has just announced they have cancelled a major programme and that would have been crewed and that will now be uncrewed, it was a major reconnaissance programme FARA.

    So the third point is about exportability to checks and balances all joins up with exportability, the FT covered this today, when I was talking to them really saw this as a standout feature, and I think that’s fair, because, again, going back to the first day of the job, you get your first submission, which is what the Civil Service give you as a piece of advice. And first one I had on procurement had about a sentence about exportability in fact, the letter to the Chief Secretary that went with it recommended to procure it. And awaiting my sign-off was that it it didn’t mention prospective benefits of exportability and I think this should be ingrained in acquisition from the beginning.

    And there’s two key reasons for that. The first one is what is the main problem at the moment in defence it’s the resilience of our supply chain, because we had great success with NLAW in Ukraine. We picked up the phone and said give us more of those, okay, if you’re willing to wait years. You’ve got to have that continuous maximum level of aggregate demand, right? Continuous supply chains. That’s why you need to drive exploitability but the other part of it is a bit subtle, but is really key in procurement. I’m always asked the hypothetical question, would your new approach have avoided the Ajax problems. Physically impossible to answer obviously, since we’re not in the period of having a time machine. Which is the if you if you have to consider international requirements, my view it is a good counterbalance to being that terrible phrase overly exquisite, ie having lots of very bespoke requirements. It doesn’t guarantee it  but it’s more likely that. There tends to be a vector between international demand and your ideal domestic UK production. And if you can minimise that, you’ve got a pretty good product because it means you get it into line with the UK and then export it to protect your supply chain.

    So the third point on exportability it is already something I’m pushing. So on the New Medium Helicopter procurement. We’ve got a strong weighting for exportability. The fourth point is about empowering industrial innovation. Now this is really where you guys particularly come in those from industry here something I’m keen to see much more often I hope you’ve been aware of this that we are doing more and more engagement in industry at a classified level.

    So the industry can understand our requirements much earlier in the process. And in turn, we can pick up the feedback from what’s happening in the real world. And I hope that what’s happening with all these people talking is very interesting. So I’ll give you a good example, the most uplifting experience I’ve had as a Minister for Defence Procurement was last October when I went see a UK company developing a drone being used in Ukraine. While I was there, they were receiving feedback from the frontline. And they were then spirally responding to that within days.

    Now when we used to have people coming in and saying Minister this thing is going to be delayed another 27 years or whatever. And you see that sort of spiral development in the flesh. It’s quite something to behold especially because the capability is highly effective and costs a tiny fraction of the thing I was talking about that’s going to be delayed many years, we start to really think about whether you’ve got the right approach for procurement and it is quite revolutionary what is happening.

    So I always have a situation where the UK industry feels close to MOD. It doesn’t mean close as in the bad way of being close it’s a really rich relationship based on this feedback with the data from the frontline  and from Ukraine and so on, and what is becoming possible what is becoming necessary and rapid development of products on the back of it.

    And the fifth and final one is about having spiral development by default. Spiral development wonderful phrase as the FT said to me yesterday, it’s actually really sort of very common place in the corporate world. The phrase is not commonplace in defence and that’s where the change needs to be made.

    What does it really mean? So we say well, if you want to go get 60 to 80% of your requirements instead 100%. Instead, of having IOC and FOC long standing ways of measuring your progress, we just want to add minimum deployable product. Basically, you measure the effectiveness of the product, the point at which it is able to be used, and I think that’s a really good way of measuring.

    So we talked about the military, I have got written answers and I look at them at them if this is crazy. That were my opponents asked me the IOC and FOC all of our programmes, and quite a few of them are in use. They’re being used and we’re saying they’ve only been achieved IOC if they’re being used by military but there’s quite a good example in our missile systems.

    And I think it just shows the point that that’s because we’re focusing on the perfect thing to achieve. Where we want to get into service quickly and spiral upgrade it. It does happen, but it’s not cultural. That’s the key point we want to become the cultural assumption in Defence because there will be programmes like nuclear submarines, which will not conform to this approach. By definition, they’ll still take many years, absolutely necessary. Highly unlikely so there is still going to be a big programme which is an exception sitting outside the norm but the fact is, from today through the new procurement model in defence, we have time limits – three years for software, five years for hardware.

    So I said in my speech to the House, on our Mobile Fires Platform which is our engineering artillery capability. It will be procured within five years, which in many ways didn’t sound that quick but it is as you all know compared to what’s gone on before on our major platforms etc.

    Just to say and so what does this mean for uncrewed and robotic systems and so on. And I think this approach I’m outlining is all about technology. We have this thing called the Equipment Plan. What I mean is we have 10-year programme, right, which everyone is focused on. And yet, we are told that the same time that we could be at war in two or three years, we’re in a pre-war environment. And we’re still focused on this platform iteration model. Well, we’re gonna get more ships. Now those ships will take nine years to build, but you know, we’re just gonna get more ships. That’s what we need to do for the country. Whereas to me, always have to do is why this is so important. And why you’re meeting today, we’ve got to focus increasingly on how you make your existing platforms and people and capabilities more lethal, more survivable.

    And also the platform you’re building out in the water and in the air, in a couple of years. That’s where the focus in my view needs to be. And if you do that, it is conceivable that some of the acquisition you presumed to be doing later in the Equipment Plan you believe to happen.

    Now I can appreciate this is not conventional thinking but that’s actually what’s happening in Ukraine. So it’s telling us we need to start focusing on what sort of weapons we can bring forward rapidly, what sort of weapon systems what sort of IT systems to support them. There will be capabilities we have today, which we will use if we were in conflict imminently where there are it upgrades, software AI, that will make them more lethal and more survivable.

    So I think to me, that’s a big part of the focus. That doesn’t mean you don’t still have the longer programs that take time to do that. It’s just again, where’s your cultural focus? Because I would put it to you now , where do we think the focus still is institutionally in defence? That’s a fair question. And I think that has to shift and it’s starting to shift.

    I will finish on this broader point about where to next move on uncrewed. I actually think this is an amazing opportunity. When people say to James, brilliant, it’s just, it’s never gonna happen in practice. Too good to be true. It is happening in practice. I talked about the drone company. There’s many other examples where we have SMEs who are coming forward with really cutting edge stuff and rapidly, particularly software companies. Obviously, this sort of approach is standard in software. Constant upgrade. We all know that sometimes it’s incredibly irritating, especially with a legacy laptop or IT system.

    But it is standard practice in much of industry and we need to adapt it into the culture and DNA of defence.

    We’re not talking just be clear about Urgent Operational Requirements. This is where you are literally not just on the cusp of more why situation you are preparing to go out to wherever and there are things you need to do to your vehicles to your kit, iterations that means you can withstand whatever that threat is. This is different to that. This is about having taking advantage of the pace of innovation that’s out there. The UK could have much more survivable and meaningful capability within a relatively small amount of time, cost-effectively, which should be stressed.

    So I think it’s incredibly exciting people that are involved in this industry. I think that we are on the cusp of a significant pivot to much greater use of uncrewed systems. I mean, it’s made me think that’s an obvious thing to say. Some debate on if uncrewed overhyped or underhyped. I have the privilege of knowing what’s happening in theatre, but also Just imagine what it could do, in the hands of a top tier military. The point I’m making is really developing cohesively integrated battlespace, it could do incredible things, it can add mass.

    My colleagues, my parliamentary colleagues will stand up in the House and they want us to commit to more ships more personnel, more aircraft etc. But how will the traditional platforms cope going forward?  Whereas we can bring out new drones, new ground effects and in particular in maritime relatively quickly, it’s already happening. We all know what’s happened in the Black Sea. That’s an incredible strategic victory for Ukraine, which is unfortunate, underplayed because of the coverage understandably for what is happening on land, but it is an incredible effect they’ve achieved as a country of UK we are very well placed literally the best placed country other than Ukraine to learn the lessons from what is happening in this very day and has been happening in that battle space in the uncrewed systems and you know, we need the maritime capability coalition with Norway we need the drone coalition with Latvia.

    This is learning lessons in real time. There is no better test lab than that. We as a country have got to take that opportunity to drive proper embracing of uncrewed systems and all standard systems, the stuff that goes with it dealing with electronic warfare, which is all pervading in Ukraine, as you all know, means that our armed forces can fight the fight that is going to happen today. And if we do that, I think we build prosperity for our industry and greater security for our people. Thank you very much for your time.

  • David Cameron – 2024 Speech on the Future Role of the NATO Alliance

    David Cameron – 2024 Speech on the Future Role of the NATO Alliance

    The speech made by David Cameron, the Foreign Secretary, on 3 April 2024.

    Great to be here, in this house that has many memories for me as you can imagine, when I think of all those European Councils, where I spent late nights and early mornings, and it’s very good to be back.

    Seventy five years. NATO is 75 years old. I am 57 years old. But I hope there’s more than just the symmetry of that that I bring to this discussion. I played my part in NATO’s development and am very proud I chaired the Cardiff Summit in 2014, when I think at that stage, just 3 countries met the 2% spending floor, not ceiling, floor, and now we’re in a situation where over 20 countries out of 32 meet that target and NATO is stronger.

    I always feel that NATO wasn’t something I had to learn about or understand: I grew up with it. I was born and brought up between Greenham Common, where the cruise missiles were stationed, and Aldermaston, where our nuclear programme was centred. The first countries I visited as an adult were the Soviet Union and Eastern Union. So I never needed reminding or understanding of the vital importance of NATO in our national life.

    And it’s been extraordinary, having supported it all through its quiet years – years in which some people whether it had a functioning brain – I never lost faith in NATO. I’ve always set the faith in NATO and it’s great to be celebrating its 75th anniversary. And the 75th anniversary when it is so much stronger today than it has been for years.

    And today of course, at the NATO Foreign Ministers’ meeting we welcomed Sweden for the first time as a full participant. And to bring 2 countries, Finland and Sweden, into NATO, both so highly capable militarily, so financially strong, so knowledgeable about the region, and their military obligations definitely makes NATO stronger.

    Why is NATO so successful? What is next for NATO? What will truly determine its success or failure in the years ahead?

    Why so successful? You’d have to back to 1948 and something Ernest Bevin said, he said: ‘decisions we take now will be vital to the future peace of the world’. That was absolutely prophetic and right. At the heart of NATO’s success is the incredible simplicity of Article Five: an attack on one is an attack on all is something all participants and all people could understand.

    And of course, it was combined with that sense when it was founded of a clear and growing threat. And Most of NATO’s life has had a clear threat; we certainly have that today. Its success is clearly based on its continued expansion.

    What is next for NATO? While it’s clear NATO is not a participant in the conflict in Ukraine, the outcome of that war what happens in Ukraine is, in my view, absolutely vital to the future of Ukraine, and that is why one of the reasons why Britain so strongly supports Ukraine struggle.

    I was meeting earlier with the Slovak Foreign Minister and I pointed out something that not a lot of people know, that my closest relative who was in politics, Duff Cooper, who resigned in 1938 because of the Munich Conference and the decision to dismember Czechoslovakia. To me what we face today is as simple as that. We have a tyrant in Europe who is trying to redraw borders by force. You can appease that approach or you can confront that approach, which is undoubtedly the right thing to do, to confront.

    And that is what we’re doing by giving Ukraine such strong support. I see with Ukraine 2 futures that are open to NATO, to Europe and countries like Britain: there is a future where we support Ukraine, where Putin does not win in Ukraine, where Ukraine recovers its territory and is capable of having a just peace.

    That future is an incredibly bright one for Britain, for Europe, for NATO – it’s a future where NATO will be strong, everyone will see the strength of its alliance, everyone will recognise Ukraine should be and will be a part of NATO, NATO’s capability will grow and people will see that we in the West are capable of standing up to a threat of this magnitude.

    But there is another future, for NATO, the West, Britain and that is one where we allow Ukraine to fail and Putin to succeed; and the celebrations will be held in Moscow, Beijing, Tehran and North Korea. That is a very bleak future: not only because I believe other European countries would be at risk but I think all around the world people will look around and wonder how willing to stand up for our Allies, how reliable we were as an Ally.

    And even, the absolute key to NATO of Article 5, Allies in Europe will start looking at each other and wondering how much they can really trust each other, when they said they were going to stand up for each other and oppose aggression. I think the biggest test for European nations is this issue of Ukraine and that is why it is my number one priority as Foreign Secretary and something that this government is giving so much effort and thought and resources to.

    But of course it’s not the only threat and it’s not the only issue that NATO has to face in terms of what is next. we face an incredibly dangerous and difficult and disputation relational world with so many conflicts. We have the instability in the Middle East instability in Africa, more conflicts in Africa than perhaps we’ve had for the last 40 years.

    And of course, we had a timely reminder last week with the issue of Chinese, the cyber attacks on great hardware blocks, that we face threats, not only in terms of the Russian threat, but also the threat that we face, instability to our South and in the Indo-Pacific reaching into our own region. NATO has a role to play in addressing all of those threats. The UK is determined to support all the NATO strategies in dealing with those threats.

    The final point I wanted to make is, what will determine the success or failure of NATO? There are some simple, Treasury-like technical answers to that: success will depend on more and more countries reaching 2% or more countries seeing 2% as a floor and not a ceiling and we have seen such great progress there.

    A large part of the answer will be how capable NATO is of modernising all our armed forces and making sure their compatibility interoperability. A lot of NATO success will depend on when we make Ukraine a member, with its professional and capable armed forces.

    But I would say the biggest determinant of success or failure goes back to what I said at the start: I grew up believing in NATO because it had a relevance to my life. If you came of age politically in the 1980s, you could see the importance of the solidarity that NATO brought, you could see the importance of the strong defence that kept Europe and Britain safe. But can we actually say that, about future generations, you haven’t grown up with that knowledge but have grown up in a different situation?

    And I think we have to win the argument for NATO all over again with a new generation. A generation that can see yes, the threat from Russia. We need to go back to a foundational argument, which is this, that fundamentally the greatness of NATO is that it allows countries to choose their own future.

    When I looked at my colleagues from Latvia, Lithuania Estonia, when I look at Radek Sikorski from people whose countries who chose to join NATO after the fall of the Iron Curtain, NATO membership is really what gave them the ability to make a choice about the sort of country they would be and the values they would follow.

    That’s an incredibly strong values-based argument that a younger generation can understand and see. I just think the one figure to back it up: when the Iron Curtain fell, Poland recovered its ability to govern itself and its economy was 3 times the size of that of Belarus; today it’s 10 times the size.

    There’s no reason why Ukraine is so many times poorer than Poland, very similar countries, very similar parts of the world. It’s the ability NATO gives to allow countries to choose to be democracies, to choose to have rights and to choose to have the rule of law, to adopt an open-market trading system and form those sorts of relations with other countries.

    That’s the argument I think we need to make today and that is the argument that can help us to win all over again the backing for NATO, that it will need, as we ask our publics to fund and support the defence budgets and NATO budgets, as we ask NATO to do more, not just in supporting what we’re doing in UKR but also supporting what we need to do in a more unstable and more unsafe words.

    So I feel more confident as a 57 year-old supporting a 75 year-old that I’m backing a winner: it’s been a winner for 75 years, it’s been it’s been the most successful defensive alliance in the history of the world and if we back it financially, and back it in its expansion and also back it with values-based arguments, there’s no reason it won’t continue have another 75 years of extraordinary success.

  • James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the International Military Helicopter Conference

    James Cartlidge – 2024 Speech at the International Military Helicopter Conference

    The speech made by James Cartlidge, the Minister for Defence Procurement, on 27 February 2024.

    On the subject of medium helicopters as it were, as you know, they’ve been involved in almost every operation of significance for decades, ferrying troops and supplies under fire in the Falklands, Iraq and Afghanistan and evacuating casualties, helping NATO restore peace to the Balkans, saving countless lives with humanitarian aid from Mozambique to the Caribbean, and moving our diplomats around Kabuk when travel by road was too dangerous. And they have been in a constant state of readiness in a counter-terrorism role.

    Now over the decades, UK Governments have commissioned, procured and upgraded numerous platforms including many iconic names that you’re all very familiar with, from the Scout in the 1950s, the Sea King in the 1960s, the Lynx, Puma and Gazelle in the 1970s to the more recent Wildcat and Merlin, and I’ve had the privilege of flying in a number of them, recently aboard one of our Wildcats flying to Yeovilton to see how artificial intelligence has improved their support and crucially, their availability. Very recently I visited RAF Valley to fly in the Jupiter training helicopter and actually learned while I was there this really pleasing fact that, for the first time in a long time, we now have more pupils training than in hold, which is, as you know, one of the accumulated issues from the pandemic which led to significant holes. So that’s really positive,

    But a particularly memorable flight for me was last summer between Schipol and Den Helder for what’s called the Navy Day in the Netherlands. Is anyone here from the Netherlands? I don’t know if you were there, but anyway, I had an interesting ride with the Dutch Marines in the NH-90. So we’re just flying about 2,000 feet. I was in that seat by the door. You have a little sort of X-strap. And the marine said, ‘Minister you want to put your plastic glasses back on. I’m gonna give you a close up view of the offshore wind farms’, and he opened the door. All I can say is if you’ve ever experienced that, it’s very windy a few thousand feet up. The thought that went through my mind was ‘I think the Prime Minister is going to have to have another by-election very quickly’. It was very windy.

    Turning to procurement and the main subject, so when my predecessor took the decision in 2021, to invest in the next generation of medium helicopter power – the efficiencies that would come from a versatile single platform were clear for all to see in terms of procurement, training, contract support, and maintenance. Fast forward to today and we’re at the next stage of that process. I’m pleased to announce that I’m about to issue the paperwork that will initiate an invitation to negotiate with all three candidate suppliers of our next generation New Medium Helicopter, Airbus Helicopters UK, Leonardo Helicopters UK, and Lockheed Martin UK.

    All three companies have shown their platforms can meet the different needs of our Armed Forces, and you’ll note, listed alphabetically without any prejudice, all good competitor companies. So later, you can hear more about the process and other procurement programmes from Commodore Woodard, our SRO, senior responsible owner for delivering the New Medium Helicopter programme. And I know Commodore Woodard shares my determination to ensure that this programme is a beacon of smart procurement because as you will discover quite soon hopefully we are right in the middle of a very significant form of defence acquisition in the UK.

    So this will be built around affordability and more timely and thorough challenge. Future proofed by factoring adaptability and spiral development at the concept stage. And above all, a procurement programme that implements the lessons from Ukraine which is quite simply that we must close vulnerabilities in our supply chains by strengthening UK defence skills and production. We want to expand on each of these elements. When we first announced the programme, we quickly put in train a pre-qualification process to select credible candidates ahead of the outline business case stage. This has delivered significant efficiencies for both government and industry.

    We’ve also adapted our approach as a result of timely and robust internal decisions, ditching our original plan to include helicopters for our bases in Cyprus and Brunei within this programme, and instead announcing our intention to acquire six Airbus H155 helicopters to avoid unnecessary over-speccing, and overspending on platforms that were never intended operating in a war zone. In short, making a significant saving without the inefficiencies of diversifying our existing helicopter fleet.

    Another important feature of our Medium Helicopter programme will be our ability to spirally develop these platforms – we will order largely off the shelf models with open system architecture that we can spiral with enhanced capabilities to meet different operational needs or to accommodate new innovations, meaning our new medium helicopter will be adaptable and future proof.

    The final element that reflects our smarter approach to procurement is our UK industrial contribution consideration. This is a points based decision making process that we have designed to favour suppliers who do more to strengthen the UK defence industrial base – which should account for 15% of our overall procurement decision, we will reward those who invest in the UK’s rotary wing design industry, a critical national capability and sector and it will advantage those platforms with export potential by using an export criteria that is worth 20% of the UK industrial contribution weighting. This matters because exports sustain UK manufacturing and high value jobs in the UK and they strengthen and sustain our indigenous skills base, which is essential to building resilience into our defence sector and national security and critical if we are to remain a global player in the sector for decades to come.

    Our New Medium Helicopter programme is one of the very first to have this pro-export component built into our selection criteria. As Minister for Defence Procurement, I will ensure exportability becomes a factor in all relevant new procurement programmes. We’ll be saying more on that soon. But that formula of the design requirement plus export requirements equals, if you like, a combination of the quality of work we want to see in the UK, plus its sustainability for the long term.

    And I will also work to ensure that an expectation of spiral development also becomes a default in all relevant programmes. Our procurement must have the dynamism and flexibility to respond to this era of seismic technological change. That means being open minded to all that tech can offer. No platform is sacred.

    So last week, I launched our new uncrewed systems strategy at the headquarters of a successful UK drone company, Malloy Aeronautics, they gave a demonstration of their T-150 drone, which has proven extremely effective delivering supplies to the Ukrainian Armed Forces, including supplying Ukrainian Marines on the other side of the Dnipro River. Underlining that they really are in action on the front line. And uncrewed systems like the Malloy drone are transforming warfare and they will continue to shape it in ways we are barely able to conceive. To make sure we keep ahead of our adversaries, we are building a renewed relationship between government and industry, turning intelligence from the battlefield into solutions in the factory and a competitive edge for our forces in weeks, days, even minutes.

    Now, obviously in lots of countries here some people may be sceptical about the speed of procurement as all countries face the challenge in this area. But my most insightful visit I’d say, as the Minister for Defence Procurement I’ve visited many bases and companies, was to a UK SME called Callen-Lenz, based in the southwest, who were spiralling a drone for use in Ukraine. And while I was there we had feedback from the frontline and the next day they put those changes in place. As Minister of Defence Procurement, you do not normally see that sort of turnaround in learning from procurement. That is the era we are now in – rapid spiral development. And I believe that taking that into account the recent decisions of the US to cancel their FARA programme was in large partly a reflection of this new reality and aligns with our own thinking.

    Procurement must be smart, agile, and responsive, ready to pivot and adapt to the changing nature of threats and to accommodate war-winning innovations. That’s why our next generation medium lift helicopter will deliver a Swiss Army Knife platform, future proofed and procured in a way to give the UK Armed Forces and our defence sector maximum clout and flexibility, a 21st century platform delivering on our modernisation agenda that can meet multiple needs now, and be easily adapted in the future, procured through a process that incentivises investment in the UK, which will deliver high value jobs, high value exports and help make us more secure. I look forward to your questions.