Category: Defence

  • Harold Wilson – 1966 Letter to Cabinet Colleagues on the Hawker Siddeley P.1127

    Harold Wilson – 1966 Letter to Cabinet Colleagues on the Hawker Siddeley P.1127

    The letter sent by Harold Wilson, the then Prime Minister, to cabinet colleagues on 20 December 1966.

    We have to take a decision by the end of the year on whether or not we should continue with the P.1127. In discussion in the Defence and Oversea Policy Committee there was a division of view and, although preponderant opinion was in favour of continuation, the decision is one which the Cabinet will wish to take.

    I attach a note by officials setting out the considerations on either side.

    H.W.

    10, Downing Street, S.W.1.

    20th December, 1966

    SECRET

    P1127

    Note by Officials

    Introduction

    The P1127 is an aircraft intended to provide close support for our ground forces. It is a major advance in this field through the exploitation of its unique ability to operate from very short rough strips in the forward area (short take off and landing capability or STOL) and to operate from small landing sites in the vertical take off and landing (VTOL) mode with a bomb or rocket load. At the time of the Defence Review it was hoped that the VTOL performance, which is limited in range and load, could be appreciably improved through incorporating plenum chamber burning, but further studies have established that this is not the answer and the most likely alternative would be costly in both development and production. There are, however, indications that engine thrust increases can be achieved in the normal course of development which will lead to worthwhile improvements in aircraft performance.

    There is no aircraft which can replace the special V/STOL characteristics of the P1127, but it is possible — admittedly with some detriment to the operational efficiency of our forces — to provide close support for the Army by means of different combinations of the Spey-Phantom and of the Anglo-French Jaguar. The latter course would be cheaper, but would involve additional expenditure in foreign currency and would have industrial implications for the future of the United Kingdom aircraft industry. The question is the degree of priority to be accorded to the gain in operational efficiency.

    Defence Requirements

    The Defence Review made provision for the purchase of 110 P1127 aircraft (93 solos and 17 duals). In considering the Review in February (CC(66) 9th Conclusions) the Cabinet agreed that the P1127 was important for United Kingdom industrial reasons and that at that stage we should plan on the assumption that it would be developed. The Cabinet, however, reserved the right to take a different decision should technical developments or the escalation of costs make it desirable to do so. Following their discussion, the Defence and Oversea Policy Committee agreed in March (OPD(66) 15th Meeting, Item 1) that an order should be placed for 60 aircraft, with an option for a further 40, and that the issue should be further considered in the autumn in the light of feasibility studies, the cost of production and the prospect of export orders.

    The present position is that the programme is going well, the first two aircraft are flying and development should be completed within the estimate of last March. Our commitments to the end of December in respect of both research and development and production will total about £45 million, which is over one-third of the estimated cost of the development and production of the first 60 aircraft (£120 million to £125 million) and 13 per cent of the total ten year programme cost of £336 million. In addition, we have spent, including contributions from the United States and German Governments to the Kestrel programme and payments on the cancelled P1154, a further £70 million on the technology of vectored thrust.

    The further defence studies might call also for a review of the number of P1127 (or alternative aircraft) which will be required. These studies will not be completed until July, 1967 and, theoretically, the decision on the future of the P1127 should be taken then in the light of the cost and implications of the alternative courses. By then, however, a further £26 million will have been committed on the P1127 and effectively deferment now would be equivalent to a decision to continue with the aircraft. The choice on whether to continue or cancel the P1127 is therefore open to us only until the end of the year.

    The argument for cancellation

    The argument for cancelling the P1127 is its cost and its low defence priority. Pressure on the Defence Budget has increased. There is still the problem of attaining the Defence Review target of £2,000 million at 1964 prices in 1969-70: and further defence studies are being undertaken to consider the possibility of substantial additional savings by 1970-71. To provide the total 110 P1127 aircraft which would be necessary for the defence commitments envisaged in the Defence Review would cost £130 million more over a ten-year period than a likely alternative. Such an alternative, although cheaper in budgetary terms, could, however, involve expenditure of £40 million in dollars, plus perhaps a further £25 million for the foreign currency element of the additional Anglo-French Jaguars. (Until the further defence studies are completed it is uncertain whether this requirement for a number of P1127, or alternative aircraft, can be reduced: it is therefore impossible to calculate with any precision the additional budgetary cost of the P1127 and the cost in foreign exchange of the alternative.)

    Although the P1127 is desirable on grounds of operational efficiency the priority to be accorded to it on defence grounds alone is not such as to justify its continuation in view of the pressure on the Defence Budget. The incidence of expenditure on the P1127 would moreover give rise to awkward budgetary problems in 1969-70 and 1970-71 and although alternatives to it, giving us a similar capability, could also do this, there would be greater room for manoeuvre. If the continuation of the P1127 is approved, then the Defence Budget will be higher than the total to which it could otherwise be reduced in consequence of the Defence Review and the further defence studies.

    The argument for continuation

    The argument for continuing with the P1127, apart from the gain in operational efficiency and the saving in foreign currency, is that it is the only advanced military aircraft at present under development in the United Kingdom and the only major national aircraft project this Government has initiated. Its adoption as a part replacement for the Hunter was intended to mitigate the cancellation of the TSR 2, P1154 and HS 681. If it were to be cancelled now the effect on the aircraft industry could be disastrous, particularly in the context of the uncertainty of the future of the Anglo-French variable geometry (VG) aircraft. Although the balance of probability is that the French will agree to the continuation of the latter, this is not certain, and if they withdrew we should then have to consider whether or not to continue with the development of a somewhat simpler form of this aircraft in the United Kingdom alone. This uncertainty is relevant to the future of the United Kingdom industry.

    Although the main work for a design team in the immediate future would be on a VG aircraft and not on the P1127, the loss of confidence from the abandonment of the P1127 alone would be such that it is doubtful if men of the right industrial, scientific and technological standing could be retained in the industry. In particular, this is the major project in the programme for Hawker Siddeley. It is around this firm, and its management, that the Government’s proposals for reorganising the airframe industry are built. If this project were now cancelled, Hawker Siddeley’s willingness to remain in the industry could evaporate: in that event any prospect of an effective United Kingdom aircraft industry on the basis of the Government’s proposals would disappear.

    Furthermore, the development of the VTOL and STOL capability is the only part of aircraft technology in which at present the United Kingdom is in advance of the rest of the world. To abandon the P1127 would be permanently to throw away that lead, with wider consequences for our technological capacity.

    Export Prospects

    The export prospects of the aircraft are necessarily uncertain until it is clear whether or not the Government intend to go ahead with production, since we cannot expect to sell military aircraft unless the RAF order them. However, a number of countries have shown interest. The most promising prospects so far appear to be Israel, India and Finland. In general, the Head of Defence Sales considers the export prospects are good but of course there can be no certainty of them.

    Numbers to be ordered

    If a decision were taken in favour of the continuation of the programme there would then be a choice between ordering now 60 single and ten dual aircraft (essential for training purposes) at a programme cost of £242 million while keeping an option open for a further purchase, the cost of which cannot be quantified until the end of the defence studies, or ordering now the full number of 110 (including 17 duals) at a programme cost of £336 million. The advantage of the former course is that it would leave options open if the defence studies showed either a requirement for fewer than 110, or that alternative cheaper aircraft should be provided for the full remaining requirement. The advantage of ordering the full 110 now is that if this number is required it would be marginally cheaper and that it would give greater industrial certainty and enhance exports prospects.

    The Choice

    The choice lies between:

    (1) cancelling the P1127 and

    (2) continuing the programme, in which case the choice is between:

    (a) ordering 70 aircraft now and keeping the option open on the remainder until mid-1967; and

    (b) ordering the full 110 now.

  • Dan Jarvis – 2026 Comments on the Drone Facility in Swindon

    Dan Jarvis – 2026 Comments on the Drone Facility in Swindon

    The comments made by Dan Jarvis, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 12 June 2026.

    The character of warfare is changing, and it is changing fast. From Ukraine to the Middle East, we are seeing right now how uncrewed systems are rapidly evolving and reshaping conflicts – on land, in the air and at sea

    Our new DroneTEX facility at the heart of our Uncrewed Systems Centre is Europe’s largest drone test and development facility, and will help us ensure the UK embraces technologies that are redefining warfare.

    Where once new technology could take years from inception to reaching our Armed Forces, we will now be able to develop and field new tech in a matter of weeks – because in this new era, those who innovate fastest will win.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Letter to John Healey Following his Resignation

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Letter to John Healey Following his Resignation

    The letter sent by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, to John Healey on 11 June 2026.

    Dear John,

    The world today is more dangerous and uncertain than at any point in our lifetimes. That requires a serious response to build our economic resilience and our national defences.

    We have achieved a great deal working together. We inherited a situation where our armed forces had faced years of underfunding and neglect. Our work leading the Coalition of the Willing on Ukraine, defending our Gulf allies, and working together with like-minded nations on a plan for the Strait of Hormuz has helped make the world more secure. I am proud of our record on funding. When we entered government in 2024, I took the decision to increase defence spending after the Conservatives hollowed out our armed forces. That required a cut to the international aid budget but the result was the highest sustained increase in defence spending since the Cold War. I will always do what is needed to keep our country safe. I thank you for your work to deliver on all of this.

    You are also right that we have to go further. The Defence Investment Plan does just that — delivering an unprecedented increase in defence spending in a sustainable way. It will provide the resources our military needs to keep us safe and the clarity the British defence industry needs to plan. It will make the big strategic investments we need for the long term and give the certainty which private finance needs to invest. It will allow our armed forces to transform and modernise and back them with the tools they need to change the way we fight — and to deter our enemies. And crucially it will ensure the money spent is spent wisely and used to back jobs and growth here in Britain.

    We are backing this with the necessary investment. The increases in spending that underpin this plan will be sustainable and fair. They will mean significant reallocations of funding from across government departments and the right choices to protect our nation. Strong public finances are part of what keeps us safe – irresponsible borrowing only puts that at risk.

    Taking these decisions is never easy. I am determined to rebuild our country after years of being buffeted by crises. I am sorry that you will not be part of that work going forward.

    All best wishes,

    Keir

  • Ben Wallace – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    Ben Wallace – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    The comments made by Ben Wallace, the former Secretary of State for Defence, on 11 June 2026.

    John Healey shadowed me for over 4 years. While I didn’t agree with everything he did I know he tried his best and had the interests of the Armed Forces at his heart. I know he loved the job and it will have not been easy to resign. His loyalty to his Party and PM was not reciprocated by them when it mattered and I think he was left with no choice. I wish him the very best. His resignation was one of principle.

  • Ed Davey – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    Ed Davey – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    The comments made by Ed Davey, the Leader of the Liberal Democrats, on 11 June 2026.

    Healey’s resignation is a wake-up call for Starmer and Burnham.

    Stop repeating the mistakes of the Conservatives and get serious about funding our armed forces properly.

    We cannot afford years more political chaos while our national security is put at risk.

  • Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    Wes Streeting – 2026 Comments on the Resignation of John Healey

    The comments made by Wes Streeting, the former Health Secretary, on 11 June 2026.

    John was an excellent Defence Secretary.

    Every word of warning here needs to be heeded.

  • John Healey – 2026 Resignation Letter

    John Healey – 2026 Resignation Letter

    The resignation letter sent by John Healey to Keir Starmer, announcing his departure from the Defence Secretary role, on 11 June 2026.

    Dear Keir,

    This is a letter I never expected to write, and I do so now with great regret and reluctance.

    I am proud of what we have done in less than two years as a Labour Government. We’ve stepped up to lead internationally for Ukraine with the Coalition of the Willing and Ukraine Defence Contact Group, established Britain as a leading voice for Europe in NATO, raised defence investment to 2.5% of GDP three years earlier than anyone expected, launched the deepest defence reforms in 50 years, won the biggest UK defence export deals for decades, published a first-of-its-kind Strategic Defence Review, gave our Armed Forces the biggest pay rise in nearly 20 years, boosted military morale, fixed over 1,200 of the worst forces family homes, reset relations with European allies and signed major defence agreements with Germany, Norway and France.

    You have led this as PM, earning wide respect at home and abroad. Like me, I know you are exceptionally proud of our Forces and all of those who work in UK Defence.

    We came into Government, recognising Britain faced a new era of threat which demanded a new era for defence. The SDR we jointly commissioned set the 10-year vision to transform our Armed Forces, strengthen alliances, invest in the technology that is changing warfare and back British industry to make defence an engine for growth.

    This new era for defence required further investment through the Defence Investment Plan. The excellent and extensive cross-Government work that completed in January — overseen by you, me and the Chancellor — confirmed the scale of the challenge and the rising demands on defence.

    Since then, you have been unable, and the Treasury has been unwilling, to commit the resources that the nation needs to defend the country at this time of rising threats.

    Since then, the demands on defence have increased still further, as have the UK commitments you have rightly made to allies. Conflict in the Middle East, with the UK now leading the multinational Strait of Hormuz military mission; High North security, with the UK now leading NATO’s Arctic Sentry mission; increased Russian activity towards the UK and NATO nations and increased attacks in Ukraine, with the Paris Agreement confirming a British deployment to Ukraine after a ceasefire.

    We have worked to secure a Defence Investment Plan that does two things. First, deal with the increasing operational demands on defence now and step up the SDR actions to meet the increasing threat. Second, set a clear path to meet the new NATO commitment you agreed to spend 3.5% of GDP in 2035 through the next Spending Review.

    As we have regularly discussed, I am certain that a headmark date for 3% of GDP on defence in 2030 is what Britain must set. This commitment would have strong cross-party support. Other European allies are stepping up in this way.

    I know how hard you have worked to get to this point. And in funding the DIP, I fully recognise the strain this places on colleagues in other Departments, both now as you have required spending switched into defence and in the future. I am very grateful to those colleagues who have supported this, and I appreciate how difficult their choices will have been.

    As I’ve outlined to you, there are credible ways of meeting the mid-term funding challenges, working multi-nationally and as other European nations are doing, to allow us to protect our ability to deliver the missions of our Labour Government.

    However, your DIP financial settlement — which I was first given in full on Monday afternoon this week — falls well short of what is required for defence and the country at this dangerous time. The extra support is backloaded when the pressure of operations and imperative to speed up readiness to fight is in the first two years and it rises to just 2.68% of GDP in 2030, when we will reach 2.6% next year with the investment we are already making.

    You spelled out the threats last week: “it is our intelligence assessment, and the assessment of other countries in NATO, that there could be an attack by Russia on NATO as soon as 2030.”

    You know what defence needs. You made the argument for this powerfully in your speech at the Munich Security Conference back in February. Without a DIP that meets the moment in this way, I am being forced to make decisions that would reduce the readiness of our Forces and increase the risk to personnel on operations, and could make the country less safe.

    After explaining to you that I would not be able to accept a DIP settlement that does not give our Forces the resources they need, I am now left with no other option than to submit my resignation as your Defence Secretary.

    I wish you all continuing strength in the exceptional challenges you face as Prime Minister. As always, our Labour Government will continue to have my fullest support.

    Rt Hon John Healey MP

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on AI and Defence

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on AI and Defence

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 10 June 2026.

    Britain faces a clear choice: shape the AI revolution or let it shape us. 

    That choice has far reaching impacts across our economy, our public services, and our national security.  

    So we are taking control of our future and launching a new taskforce to get cutting-edge AI into the hands of our Armed Forces safely, quickly, and responsibly.

    This is Britain at the forefront of innovation: backing our servicemen and women, driving innovation and keeping our country safe.

  • Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Defence Agreement with Poland

    Keir Starmer – 2026 Comments on Defence Agreement with Poland

    The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 26 May 2026.

    Britain and Poland are already close allies and friends, but the challenges Europe now faces demands an even stronger partnership.

    This treaty is the biggest step forward in our defence and security relationship with Poland in a generation, allowing us to confront modern security threats that may be less visible but no less dangerous, and our collective work together will keep our countries safe for years to come.

    It also delivers on my commitment to work more closely with European partners to boost security and opportunity for people at home and stability across our continent.

  • Dan Jarvis – 2026 Statement on National Security and Threat Level

    Dan Jarvis – 2026 Statement on National Security and Threat Level

    The statement made by Dan Jarvis, the Security Minister, in the House of Commons on 14 May 2026.

    With permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a statement on recent national security developments, including the increase in the national terrorism threat level.

    The events of the last few weeks have illustrated the breadth and seriousness of the national security threats that we face, from both terrorists and foreign states.

    In responding to these threats, they have also highlighted the strength and resilience of our world leading law enforcement and intelligence agencies.

    Over recent weeks we have seen…

    A series of arson attacks and incidents against British Jews and opponents of the Iranian regime, including the horrifying terror attack in Golders Green, which seriously injured two members of the Jewish community.

    We’ve seen the recent conviction of a 21-year-old man who planned to commit a terrorist attack to further his extreme white supremacist agenda.

    And convictions last week against two individuals under the National Security Act for surveilling and intimidating dissidents on behalf of China.

    And we are seeing record levels of investigative casework on terror plots, espionage, and state-linked threats to individuals.

    Mr Speaker, on 30 April, the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (JTAC) raised the UK national terrorism threat level from ‘substantial’ to ‘severe’. The decision to change the UK’s terrorism threat level is taken independently of ministers, based on the very latest intelligence.

    ‘Severe’ means that a terrorist attack is highly likely in the next six months. The threat level was last at severe from November 2021 until February 2022.

    This increase in the threat from terrorism follows the recent stabbing attack in Golders Green, but it is not solely as a result of that attack.

    The terrorism threat in the UK has been gradually increasing. It is driven primarily by the broader Islamist and extreme right wing terrorist threat from individuals and small groups based here in the UK.

    While the UK national threat level reflects JTAC’s assessment of the terrorist threat in the UK, it comes against a backdrop of increased state-linked physical threats which is encouraging acts of violence, including against the Jewish community.

    In response, we have announced £25 million of immediate funding to strengthen policing, protect Jewish communities and provide reassurance.

    This brings the total protective security funding to £58 million this year – the largest investment a government has made in protecting Jewish communities.

    Now Mr Speaker, I have also initiated a review of the national threat level system, which currently captures only the threat from terrorism, to ensure that it remains fully relevant, and that we are communicating as clearly as possible with the public about the national security threats that we face today.

    Mr Speaker, CONTEST, the government’s counter-terrorism strategy, sets out a clear framework – Prevent, Pursue, Protect and Prepare – which aims to ensure people can go about their lives freely and with confidence.

    We are broadening our intervention capabilities to better support those at risk of being drawn into terrorism through the PREVENT programme.

    We have improved training and guidance for frontline professionals and practitioners to better spot the signs of radicalisation.

    And we are working with technology companies, international partners and Ofcom to tackle online content used to radicalise, recruit and incite terrorism.

    Coordinated intervention is crucial to reduce the terrorist risk. So we are providing children and individuals with the right support with our Interventions Centre of Expertise, which brings together MI5 and Counter Terrorism Policing with expertise from wider public services.

    MI5 and CT Police work tirelessly to stop terrorist attacks, with 19 late-stage attack plots disrupted since 2020 including a chilling ISIS-inspired plot to target Jewish communities in Manchester using firearms.

    We have delivered our manifesto commitment to improve the security of public events and venues across the UK through Martyn’s Law, and free expert advice, guidance and training is available to owners and operators of venues and public spaces through the ProtectUK website.

    Through closer working across the emergency services, we are maintaining strong, multi-agency working capabilities to respond to a range of different scenarios. We keep our preparedness under constant review, and the response is exercised regularly, ensuring that our emergency services can respond immediately to terror attacks – as we saw in their brave response to the violent antisemitic attack in Golders Green.

    Now Mr Speaker, terrorism and state threats are sometimes interrelated, as we have seen with threats from states such as Iran, and the wider use of both terrorist groups and proxies by state actors including Russia.

    We face a sophisticated and persistent challenge in responding to China, which presents a unique set of threats to the United Kingdom.

    The case last week demonstrates that we have the tools to successfully respond to that challenge.

    And Members of this House will know that a jury delivered its verdict following the nine-week trial of Bill Yuen and Peter Wai.

    The jury found both individuals guilty of assisting a foreign intelligence service – which, in this case, was the Hong Kong Police Force – this was done under the National Security Act. Wai was also found guilty of misconduct in public office.

    The verdict represents the first convictions under the National Security Act related to China – and sends a strong message that the full force of the law will be applied to anyone who carries out hostile acts in the UK on behalf of any foreign state.

    Both individuals held positions of power, leveraging these to conduct hostile activity on UK soil on behalf of China. It is simply unacceptable that an employee of a foreign power was conducting a shadow policing operation in the United Kingdom.

    That is why the Chinese Ambassador has been summoned, and the Foreign Secretary will be making clear to Hong Kong’s Chief Executive that this type of activity was, and will always be, unacceptable in the United Kingdom. The Foreign Office have also made it clear that Yuen’s employment at the Hong Kong Economic Trade Office must be terminated immediately.

    Now Mr Speaker, this trial has understandably caused considerable concern within the UK amongst the Hong Kong community.

    The safety and security of Hong Kongers in the UK is paramount. That is why my officials have been working closely with the National Security Protective Authority, to deliver new guidance on transnational repression. This guidance provides examples of what transnational repression might look like and what to do if anyone feels under threat from any state.

    Transnational repression from China however, is just one type of state threat activity. That is why the government is taking decisive action across a much broader range of state threats.

    We are…

    Rolling out new training for police officers and staff to increase their understanding of state threats.

    Driving forward the Counter-Political Interference and Espionage Plan to protect the UK’s democratic institutions and processes.

    Bringing forward fast-track legislation in the coming weeks which will clamp down on individuals and groups carrying out hostile activity for foreign states, including those who act as their proxies. This legislation will include new proscription-like powers to ban the activities of state-backed organisations who pose a threat to the UK’s national security.

    And we are implementing all the recommendations made last year by Jonathan Hall KC, the Independent Reviewer of State Threats Legislation.

    So we are responding to state threats in all their forms.

    Now Mr Speaker, national security is the first duty of government. As this House knows, that duty includes being able to respond to a range of threats.

    So we are giving our police and intelligence services the resources they need for that vital role. Last year we provided an extra £140 million for Counter Terrorism Policing, plus nearly £600 million more for our intelligence services. This takes their funding to record levels.

    And Mr Speaker, protecting our communities and standing up to hatred and intolerance is a shared responsibility of every person in the UK.

    So I urge the public to remain vigilant and report any concerns they have to the police. Their contribution is a vital part of our efforts to keep our country safe.

    And Mr Speaker, support to the victims of terrorism is a moral duty, and I would like to acknowledge the profound and enduring impact on the survivors and families of those affected by Golders Green, and all terrorist attacks, whose lives have been forever changed.

    I want to close by thanking those individuals serving in our police and security services for their dedication to keeping our country safe, and the public for their continued vigilance. We owe them all a debt of gratitude.

    Mr Speaker, I commend this statement to the House.