The comments made by Kemi Badenoch, the Leader of the Opposition, on 6 July 2026.
This is what we now face. Russia will keep testing us. We must step up. Starmer’s Defence Investment Plan is not enough and not even funded. Labour are weakening our national security because they aren’t prepared to take tough decisions.
The Conservatives will cut welfare and fund our armed forces properly. We must make the defence of our nation the first priority of government.
The statement made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, in Maidenhead on 30 June 2026.
Thank you very much Rachel and thank you Dan and welcome to everyone here this morning.
It’s very good to see you, and particularly to see the representatives from our armed services here in the audience, and can I, through you, thank all of those who serve our country and have served our country.
And let me say standing here, it is really inspiring to see the work you do here at Malloy.
Building capabilities like this workhorse drone that is being used in Ukraine. And this incredible heavy-lift, I think that’s the biggest drone I’ve seen, heavy lift capability, which will soon be deployed to Ukraine.
That gives you a glimpse and a sense of what’s going on the frontline in Ukraine which is so important.
Thank you for all the work that’s being done here and for the part that you are playing, together obviously with brilliant companies right across the United Kingdom in defence of our nation, and that is what I’m here to talk about.
The first place I wanted to start was by saying this. As Prime Minister, you get to meet people from all walks of life, up and down the United Kingdom and I know how worried they are about the state of our world.
They see the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East impacting on our stability, driving up the cost of living and they’re tired of feeling at the mercy of events beyond our shores.
We see countries that are arming and tensions that are rising – a more dangerous and volatile world than at any time for decades.
We see the horrendous human toll of these conflicts which cuts against our values of justice, sovereignty and that simple British impulse that bullies and dictators cannot be allowed to push people around.
And we also know that these threats are not remote. We see foreign states targeting our nation as well.
Thugs hired by foreign powers conducting violence, vandalism and arson on our streets.
Disinformation aimed at sowing division and stoking disorder, spreading lies and undermining our democracy. Russian ships targeting the underwater cables that carry the data on which modern life depends.
And we also see on the battlefield in Ukraine that the very nature of conflict is changing before our eyes.
Despite having a limited navy, limited traditional air power and limited armour, Ukrainian forces have destroyed the Black Sea fleet, they’ve struck deep into Russian territory and stopped the advance of one of the biggest armies in the world.
They’ve done it through sheer courage – yes but also by embracing technology.
They’ve integrated drones into their fighting like never before, understanding that the ability to innovate and produce at speed and at scale is more vital than ever to military power and that AI will accelerate this transformation even further.
Against that background, NATO is more vital than ever.
Yes, we recognise that things have changed here too.
While the US remains our key ally, I have been clear that in order to sustain NATO, the most successful military alliance the world has ever seen, European nations must take primary responsibility for their own defence.
These are the changes and the challenges which have defined my premiership and that will continue to shape our times.
And look – my view has been the same since day one.
We must stand more firmly on our own two feet.
We must do what it takes to meet this new world head on – to keep our country safe and seize the opportunities that come from investing in our sovereign strength.
That is what we are doing.
That’s why we have reversed, at last the corrosive hollowing out of our armed forces.
And it’s why we’re transforming a defence programme that frankly for too long has been underfunded and unsuited to the threats that we face.
I’ve also been clear since day one that we do this, not because we want war – but because we want to avoid war.
We lived through Iraq. We learned from those mistakes, and we don’t want to repeat them.
I showed that when I chose not to join the war in Iran.
We want our people to be able to live in a world defined by peace, stability and the rule of law.
But the paradox of peace is that when the world is arming and aggression is rising, the best way to avoid war is to prepare for it.
The best way to defend is to deter, to have the strength to make your adversaries think again before they act.
And that is what we are delivering. Last year we published our Strategic Defence Review, setting out the capabilities we need for a changed world.
And today, I am proud to publish our new Defence Investment Plan.
This plan delivers on last year’s Review, but in light of our rapidly changing world, the changing nature of conflict and the imminent and growing threats we face, it goes further still.
I want to thank the Defence Secretary, CDS here and the Chancellor for their work to sharpen and strengthen the plan in recent weeks so that we can set out today, how we will transform our armed forces while also giving industry the certainty they need to invest and giving our allies clarity on our intent, ahead of the NATO summit next week.
This plan represents our best judgement of what the country needs to meet this moment.
And it is a platform on which I know my successor will build.
Now unlike previous governments we have taken care to fully cost this Plan. Examining the defence budget line by line and that’s vital because it is how you expose the necessary trade-offs and expose the arguments that just don’t stack up.
You have some people in this debate who underplay the threat and deny the need to prioritise defence and security.
You also have those saying we can fund defence without making sacrifices in other areas of capital spending.
And you have those arguing that we can just raise borrowing,
Put it all on the never never.
And let’s be clear, defence bonds are just borrowing by another name.
We’ve looked at this very carefully but the fact is doing this through borrowing would push interest rates higher, at a time when one pound in every ten already goes on paying debt interest.
And this government has fought hard to bring the public finances under control.
And it has paid off, helping to bring inflation and mortgage rates down.
We should not sacrifice that now.
Because this is the point that often gets missed: strong public finances are a fundamental part of our strength in this world. Lose control of them and we’re not just poorer, we are much less secure.
Slash funding to our public services in favour of defence – and we would be fundamentally weaker as a nation – more fractured as a society, less able to defend ourselves when our enemies prey on social division.
So the hard truth is that there are no easy answers.
But the settlement I am setting out today is the right choice for the country.
It delivers the decisive action we need on defence in a way that is within our fiscal rules.
And that will not take resources away from day to day spending on frontline services like health and education.
Instead, it is funded by reallocating spending from across government departments – reallocating capital budgets by one penny in every pound whilst still maintaining public investment at the highest sustained levels since the 1970s.
It means departments making better use of assets like underused land and it means those departments with the largest capital budgets contributing more.
Therefore some capital projects – for example on roads and energy, which are important, but not immediately vital will no longer go ahead as planned.
But this is about taking the necessary choices – the right choices to protect our nation.
It is because we have taken these hard-edged decisions that we are able to increase our spending on defence.
We are already delivering the biggest sustained increase in defence spending since the 1980s – £270 billion over the Spending Review period.
And I can announce today that, under the Defence Investment Plan we are increasing this by a further £15 billion, setting a new record of spending almost £300 billion over the next four years to back our armed forces and strengthen our national security.
It’s true to say there’s has been a huge focus on the numbers here. So let me take a moment to set them out in more detail.
Before we came into office, so two years ago, this country spent £54 billion a year on defence.
We are taking this to almost £80 billion a year by 2029. That is a real terms increase of 27% – from spending 2.3% of GDP on defence in 2024 we are raising it to 2.7%, putting us on a trajectory to reach 3% in the next Parliament, which must be the number one priority at the next Spending Review.
At last year’s NATO summit, I committed to spend 5% of GDP on our wider security – covering things like energy security and critical infrastructure, as well as defence.
The Defence Investment Plan, published today, takes us to 4.2% under that commitment.
By any measure, this is a huge, historic shift for our nation – and a legacy in which I take pride.
And we must use this investment wisely because I know that, in the past defence spending has sometimes been seen as a bottomless pit.
People see the money going in, but they don’t feel the benefits.
So this time must be different. We can’t just spend more – we’ve got to spend better.
That includes driving real reforms within the Ministry of Defence to get greater value from our investment, accelerating innovation and procurement and reducing non-military spending, for example on civil service staff.
We have examined every penny under this Plan, to make sure it delivers real, positive change for our country.
And we can see that it will do so in three ways.
First, it will make the British people safer.
It focuses our resources squarely on the readiness of our Armed Forces, reversing the cuts of recent years, prioritising the availability of our forces and assets, rebuilding ammunition stockpiles, ensuring we are more ready to fight and defend our nation and better prepared to win.
It will also make the British people safer by driving a generational transformation of our Armed Forces, learning the lessons of Ukraine in order to modernise our military – equipped to fight the wars both of today and tomorrow.
And we are backing this by putting more than £5 billion into drones and autonomous weapons – the largest ever UK investment in this technology.
That means we will build a new hybrid Royal Navy so that when our frigates move to intercept a threat to British interests, like a Russian ship in our waters, they will do so with outriders – uncrewed ships, above and below the surface, their AI systems working in unison with our warships, operating as a single integrated force.
This will be joined by a next generation RAF Typhoons flying with autonomous wingmen, making them invisible to enemy detection.
And we will build an Army that is ten times more lethal – with attack drones flying alongside our Apache helicopters, a new fleet of surveillance drones collecting intelligence and finding targets and a surge in low-cost one-way attack drones which have proved so effective in Ukraine.
On top of this, we are investing in long range missiles, armoured vehicles and counter-drone defence systems.
We are investing over £500 million in new technology and capabilities for our Commandos and our Special Forces which are already the envy of the world.
And we are investing £115 million to raise our defences against the threats of AI.
This is about harnessing cutting-edge technology on every front to multiply our strength and defend our nation.
Second, this plan will benefit the British people because it uses defence spending to strengthen our economy, creating almost 60,000 jobs.
Our motto here is “back British” – with every pound spent, wherever possible on backing British workers, businesses and innovators.
Delivering a defence dividend which brings SMEs and start-ups into the defence supply chains and pays off in every region and every community.
And the fact is – defence jobs are different. They are high skilled and well paid.
They offer a career path, training, and a greater sense of meaning – the chance to step into our national story and play your part in full. That means pride – in yourself and your community.
You know towards the end of last year I was up at the BAE plant in Warton in Lancashire and I met a young lad called Jack. He works there as an apprentice – following in his dad’s footsteps. And because of the Typhoon contract this government agreed, we did not just secure his job but his dad’s job too – and that of the whole workforce.
It’s moments like that, where you can see that someone’s future has just opened up before them.
That is what my politics has always been about and that’s what this investment will deliver.
And to make sure that we keep winning contracts like that, I can announce today that we are creating a new £50 billion Defence Export facility to support British defence businesses to compete to create more jobs, pride and opportunity up and down the country.
This is the largest expansion of UK Export Finance support in its 100-year history and a once-in-a-generation boost to the British defence industry.
Third, this plan will benefit our nation because it enables us to strengthen our international leadership and build a more European NATO.
This is not to the exclusion of the US, but to strengthen the transatlantic alliance which keeps our country safe.
This demands a decisive strengthening of European capabilities.
That’s why we’re developing deep precision strike weapons with Germany.
It’s why we’re building frigates with Norway to hunt Russian submarines when they come near our waters.
And it’s why we’re going further now under the Defence Investment Plan – allocating £400 million for the UK’s contribution to the Multilateral Defence Mechanism to finance and procure defence equipment with our allies and support a path to achieving our NATO spending targets.
Moreover, we are renewing our commitment to build Tempest fighter jets with an £8.6 billion investment under the Global Combat Air Programme with Italy and Japan.
Now this is about developing sixth-generation stealth fighters that will secure our skies for decades to come and re-build the foundation of a sovereign British aircraft industry.
I can also confirm that we are bringing our investment in renewing our nuclear deterrent to £64 billion – a truly national effort, building new submarines, developing a new sovereign warhead and buying 12 F35A fighter jets.
Maintaining our role in guaranteeing British and European security and leaving our country in a much better and much stronger state than we found it.
Before I finish, I just want to say a word about Ukraine.
I think back to my visit to Kyiv at the beginning of the war and the horror I saw that day.
The evidence of atrocities, photographs of murdered civilians, blindfolded, hands tied behind their backs. Shot in the head.
I heard the stories of survivors and I have carried that with me ever since.
I swore to myself that I would do all I can to back Ukraine in this fight.
Because it is right and just and because, it is an attack on the liberties and freedoms that we have always fought for.
And be in no doubt, the outcome of this war will shape our lives for decades to come.
If Russia were to win in Ukraine, Putin would not stop there but turn his gaze to other allies, bringing even greater instability to our continent, even greater impacts on our security and the cost of living and an even greater need to mobilise yet more resources for our defence.
But the good news is that Ukraine is holding strong. They are increasingly able to push Russia back on the battlefield.
And there are clear signs, that as Russia’s losses mount and their economy struggles, the mood in Moscow is turning against Putin’s war.
So this is the moment to ramp up the pressure – backing Ukraine’s defence and turning the screws on Russia’s economy.
That is what we’re doing. And the Defence Investment Plan will maintain our support in full.
I have been proud to stand with Ukraine and with President Zelenskyy over the last two years and to lead the Coalition of the Willing together with France and Germany to support a just and lasting peace – part of our work to restore Britain’s standing in the world.
It is a great credit to this nation that every Prime Minister since the invasion has stood full square behind Ukraine and I have no doubt that will continue for as long as it takes.
Because look – moments like this ask fundamental questions of all of us.
Not just about how we respond, but about who we are as a nation and who we choose to be.
And I am clear: it is simply not in our nature to shrink inward resigned to be mere passengers, buffeted by events.
The Britain I believe in finds its greatness in these moments. In times of crisis, we stand tall, we summon that British spirit of grit and resolve and seize the moment with both hands…
Proud of our values. Proud of who we are.
And I see that greatness in the people I meet.
I see it in the crews of our nuclear submarines that I’ve met coming in off their long patrols – one man returning home to meet his 4-month-old baby for the first time.
I see it in our troops defending NATO’s eastern flank and our Royal Marines protecting the northern frontier.
I see it our carrier crews who are out there right now deterring Russia in the North Atlantic.
I see it in our RAF pilots, putting themselves in harm’s way to defend our allies in the Gulf.
But I also see that greatness in all those who stand behind the frontline
The workers in our NHS, our public services, our energy sector, our apprentices and engineers building the technologies we need: all of those on whom our national resilience depends.
That’s why I know we will continue to rise to this moment.
Not just to weather the coming storms, but to use this moment to reach towards a better future – the stronger, fairer country that the British people deserve and that I have sought to build.
And this plan is a decisive step on that journey.
Thank you very much indeed. Thank you.
The comments made by Rachel Reeves, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 30 June 2026.
I have boosted defence spending to the highest level since the Cold War – and today’s Defence Investment Plan goes further still, committing almost £300 billion over this Parliament to transform our Armed Forces. That’s more money, spent more effectively, to keep the country safe and back British industry, jobs and growth.
The comments made by Dan Jarvis, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 30 June 2026.
I know first-hand the importance of our Armed Forces having the kit and technology they need to do the difficult job we ask of them.
I have secured more money and made different choices for defence. We will invest £298 billion over the next four years. That includes an additional £15 billion, of which most is extra day-to-day spending for training and improving availability of ships and aircraft to increase our war-fighting readiness.
By choosing to embrace new technology, I am equipping our forces with the autonomous systems which will give them the edge.
This extra money and these choices send a clear signal to our allies and our adversaries alike: Britain is stepping up on security.
The comments made by Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, on 30 June 2026.
This record investment puts the security of the British public first, transforming our Armed Forces and giving them the funding and equipment they need to fight and defend our nation.
The world is a more dangerous and volatile place, so it is only right we are boosting the number of troops on the ground, rebuilding ammunition stockpiles and investing in cutting edge technology to ensure we outpace our adversaries for generations to come.
Every pound in this plan will work twice, delivering economic growth and opportunity for the British people, and supporting more than half a million jobs by the end of the decade, as well as reinforcing our national security.
The comments made by Dan Jarvis, the Defence Secretary, on 28 June 2026.
Our elite Commando Force is respected around the world, conducting operations that help to keep the nation and our allies safe.
We’re investing in new lethal strike drones, high-speed boats and amphibious transport ships to give our Commandos the equipment they need to stay ahead of adversaries and defend us.
The Defence Investment Plan will prioritise getting the latest kit into the hands of our frontline forces, so they can continue their vital work in an increasingly dangerous world.
The speech made by Dan Jarvis, the Secretary of State for Defence, on 23 June 2026.
Almost a fortnight – time flies when you’re having fun. Thank you, Conference.
My foremost responsibility is to our service personnel. As I speak, members of our armed forces are deployed on dozens of operations across the globe in every domain. All are serving at an increasingly dangerous moment in history. It’s now my duty to make sure that we rise to meet that moment. So while people’s attention is understandably focused elsewhere, my focus today, tomorrow and beyond will be dedicated to the job in hand.
Twelve days ago, I was at Sandhurst on a visit to meet with cadets, thirty years after I marched into the place, awkwardly clutching a rifle and pining for a memory that will be familiar to a number in the room. The instructors’ faces had long changed; somehow the same dread that they inspired had not. Again, a feeling I’m sure is also familiar to many. Being in the company of those cadets was an inspiring experience; being in the company of those who step forward to serve always is.
That evening I was asked to serve as the Defence Secretary. Now some people want to know why I accepted. The answer is because I was asked and it’s not my nature to back away. I crossed over the river from Downing Street into the Ministry of Defence, and honestly, it felt like I was coming home after fifteen years away. Soon afterwards, I was receiving briefings confirming what I already knew. But in those intervening years, tactics, technology and threats had changed beyond all recognition. The one thing, however, that had remained constant is the professionalism, courage and extraordinary skill of our servicemen and women.
I should probably admit – and I think it’s fair to say – that I haven’t spent all of my professional life in uniform. People will always be our most important asset in the end. No doctrine, no technology, no plan, however sophisticated it might be, can succeed without the determination of the men and women whose experience and excellence is built from the ground up, shaped by history, hardened by experience. We produce the finest soldiers in the world. Those uncompromising standards develop exceptional NCOs who demand nothing less than the very best from their senior leaders, a truth borne out in the middle of the South Atlantic just last month, when our personnel deployed to Tristan da Cunha to help someone in desperate need of medical attention. As the then Security Minister, I worked with COBR on that operation. I did so with the utmost confidence, knowing that despite the complexity of the task, those involved would execute with precision and success.
I think we will ask much of our service personnel in the years ahead. I know the immense weight of responsibility for every single member of the armed forces and their families that I now carry, and I know that I need to get them what they need, and I am utterly determined to make sure that I do.
Now, it is of course a matter of public record why my predecessor and friend, John Healey, is not delivering these remarks. I accepted this job with full awareness of the task before me, and my priority is to get the Defence Investment Plan done, but not at any cost. I have a responsibility to get it right. There will be a change of Prime Minister. There will be no change in the urgent need to produce the Defence Investment Plan. The DIP is a significant and vast piece of work. The department has been working on it for twelve months. I’ve had twelve days, but I’ve made the most of all of them. I am now working to finalise and publish it before I travel to Ankara with the Prime Minister.
And today I want to talk to you about where we are and where we’re going. This is a learned audience, but let me tell you what this government inherited: almost every single major programme behind schedule, delayed upgrades to our nuclear deterrent, and an army at its smallest size in centuries. There is no overnight remedy. There is no single defence review or funding settlement that can erase the legacy of accumulated neglect. Our armed forces and the British people they are sworn to protect deserve honesty when it comes to our national security.
Given recent commentary, a casual observer would be forgiven for believing defence spending is somehow going down. Under this government, defence spending is going up. In fact, it’s going up by more than anyone currently in uniform has known before. To date, there is eleven billion more in the annual defence budget than there was when we entered office. Last year, we will invest two hundred and seventy billion in defence over the course of this Parliament. The DIP will mean more money added on top. We will have another spending review next year in which I expect defence to be the number one priority.
Don’t get me wrong – the DIP will shape how our armed forces fight, direct what our industry builds and deepen the strength of our alliances and partnerships. It is important, but it is not yet complete.
Now, the measure of Britain’s security is the strength of those who defend it. The purpose of the DIP is to ensure that our armed forces are strong in the coming years. We made a promise to our allies as they did to us: 3.5% by 2035. I told the NATO Secretary General last week that promise will be met, and a credible plan will be produced to ensure that it is. I said the same to Secretary Hegseth in our first meeting — or, as Pete put it, just a couple of majors getting together to talk about defence.
NATO has been the foundation of our security for seventy-seven years. Everyone is familiar with Article 5 — but that famous promise is only made real by the hard principle of Article 3: that we can only stand up for each other if we are able to stand up for ourselves. Britain has always met NATO’s spending commitments; under this government, we always will. Britain has always stood with our allies; under this government, we always will.
Last week, I gave President Zelensky my personal guarantee that the UK would stand in full support with his people — today, tomorrow and for the long term. The first UK interdiction of a Russian vessel, followed by the funding of one hundred and fifty thousand Ukrainian-made drones, were a seven hundred and fifty-two million pound expression of that promise.
The most profound change in defence during my time away has undoubtedly been the pace of innovation — where once it was measured in years, now it is measured in months. It is of course a cliché to say that we only ever prepare for the last war. What is not a cliché is doing something about it. Putin’s brutal war of aggression altered everything — from NATO’s assumptions on collective defence, to attitudes on defence spending, and not least, the way of war. The conflict in Ukraine began with troops in Soviet-era tanks. Today, it is waged with drones that think for themselves. Conflict always forces us to reach into the future. But these four years have accelerated military technology in a way that we have never seen before. A drone rules the battlefield. It would be reckless to ignore the lessons of Ukraine. Artificial intelligence, autonomy and uncrewed systems are no longer capabilities of the future. They will receive investment that reflects their strategic importance.
There are some who hold the view that we should trade everything in the locker for drones. I understand the temptation, but there are important distinctions to make. For as long as we remain a member of NATO, we won’t fight alone. And for as long as we maintain our independent nuclear deterrent, we will always command our own destiny. Even in Ukraine, amid extraordinary advances in technology, it is still a war fought in the trenches where ground is held street by street, and where the reach of artillery and deep precision strike has proven invaluable.
Just this year, our armed forces have been called on to protect the seabed in the High North and the skies in the Middle East. They are now readying themselves for the prospect of regenerating Ukraine’s forces and reopening the Strait of Hormuz. All the while, they protect our island home and retain the ability to respond to crises in dangerous and distant lands. Britain needs a flexible, hybrid, integrated force that can deter and fight across every domain.
The land forces which prevail tomorrow will be those who combine high-end platforms with mass, agility and considerable expertise. General Walker has achieved this. He has done more to modernise the British Army than any other Chief of the General Staff in living memory. You heard his vision earlier. The DIP will make real those ambitions — and that includes investing in the uncrewed ground vehicles the Army requires to build the next generation of land forces.
And let me say this: all of the Chiefs have my full support, not just during this process, but way beyond it.
Now, I’d like to take just a moment, if I may, to address our friends from industry. Because to say recent months haven’t been easy would perhaps be an understatement. But I’m grateful to you all, and I will be relying on you to implement the DIP and to make it a success. Though my life has been spent in public service, I have never mistaken where prosperity comes from. Our defence industrial base represents a commitment to excellence and to entrepreneurialism – hallmarks of the British spirit. You are a source not only of a pay check for many, but of pride for communities across our country. Most of all, you exist to equip the finest armed forces with the most advanced technology — kit they can rely on, operate with confidence and employ with precision. Something I saw during my first engagement in this role, at the opening of the Pulsar Systems Centre in Swindon.
The problems with how we spend money in defence are well known and long established. So too is the ritual of every Defence Secretary promising to fix them. I’ll skip that particular ritual and just ask to be judged on what I do rather than what I say. I know that I have a unique responsibility, given what Cabinet colleagues have foregone from their budgets to support mine. My commitment to them, and indeed to the British public, is that with the need to spend more comes the duty to spend wisely. The DIP will lay out significant savings, and I will continue to scrutinise every line of spend to make every pound count.
Look, I’m acutely conscious that there is something far more important that many of you would rather be watching. I don’t want to deprive anybody of a good vantage point. So I will draw my words to a close.
Before I do, let me say this. Above all, we must never lose sight of what service in our armed forces can demand. It can be bloody hard. It asks more than any profession ever will. I tell those considering it to think about it carefully – but in return, you have the opportunity to serve your country in a way which no other profession can offer. Purpose, responsibility and belonging. You become part of something bigger – a force which secures the safety, values and interests of every person in our nation.
My only real ambition when I arrived through the gates of Sandhurst all those years ago was to survive the place. Not for one moment did I think that one day I would be accountable for every member of our armed forces. To do so is a privilege and a responsibility beyond measure. This moment calls for leadership, and it calls for action. That is what I will provide. And I promise every single member of our armed forces that I will seek to serve them as well as they serve us.
The statement made by Al Carns, the former Defence Minister, in the House of Commons on 16 June 2026.
With your permission, Mr Speaker, I would like to make a speech on my resignation.
I start by echoing the remarks of so many in the House on the 10th anniversary of the death of Jo Cox. While I did not know Jo, I know what she stood for. Her unwavering commitment to equality has left a lasting legacy, and her words—we have more in common than that which divides us—still ring true and are still worth fighting for. I also pay tribute to my right hon. Friend the Member for Rawmarsh and Conisbrough (John Healey). This is the second time I have followed him in the last week, and it is a privilege to do so.
Last week, I resigned as Minister for the Armed Forces. It was an exceptionally difficult decision. I have never quit anything in my life, as my mother will confirm; she tried to get me to quit the Marines for 24 years, but failed many times. I spent those 24 years in uniform, serving in operations around the world. I commanded men and women in combat and carried responsibility for their lives; I buried friends and stood beside families receiving the worst news imaginable. When I accepted ministerial office, I did so with a simple purpose: to serve those who serve us. I remain grateful to the Prime Minister for the opportunity to do so. I thank my ministerial colleagues, my hon. Friends on the Labour Benches, civil servants and, above all, the servicemen and women I have had the privilege to represent. But there comes a point when honesty requires action, and for me, that point came last week.
As hon. Members know, I came into politics for one reason: to enact change. In order to work out where we are going, we must realise where we have come from. The Labour party that I joined was chiselled out of the mines of the north-east, hammered out of the shipyards of Govan, Liverpool and Belfast, and forged in the factories of the industrial revolution by people with calloused hands and sore backs—people who did a hard day’s graft and asked for one thing in return: a Government who have their back. That is the tradition in which I serve in this House, and it is the tradition that shaped the decision I took last week.
I resigned for several reasons—first, because I no longer believe that the defence investment plan is preparing us for the wars we are most likely to fight. The character of warfare is changing at exceptional speed. In Ukraine, a navy without a ship has destroyed a navy. A drone costing thousands can destroy a tank costing millions. A drone can now strike 2,000 km into Russia at a fraction of the cost of a fighter jet. It is not either/or; it is an equitable mix of high-end sophistication coupled with low-end mass. That is the balance we must seek. In my view, the defence investment plan does not strike that balance for various reasons.
I want to give just a small example to bring home that point, because it can often get lost. In a town in Ukraine the size of Hereford, there were 12,000 drones in the air in one day. Just comprehend that: 12,000 drones in the air. Some 90% of all casualties are from drones—not the rifle, the grenade, the tank or the artillery, but the drone. I ask the House: what will it take to realise that these figures are not fiction? They are not an embellishment of the truth, but a hard fact born out of the blood and steel of a hot war. That is the maths of modern war: millions of drones against high-end, sophisticated systems that deliver late, with huge levels of inflation, and, importantly, cannot be reproduced at the pace required to sustain a conflict against a major adversary. What will it take to learn that lesson? Do we need to rerun the Snatch Land Rover? Do we need to rerun the lack of body armour? Do we need to rerun the lack of protected vehicles in Afghanistan, which I saw impact men and women on the frontline? We do not, and we should not.
Moreover, as the clouds of war darken Europe’s borders once more, do we need to learn the lessons our forefathers learned in world war two, or indeed the cold war? This is not about individual items of equipment or bespoke defence funding lines, but about preparedness, unity of purpose, prioritisation and national resilience. We are no longer packaging up our military to deploy to a foreign field; we must be ready to fight from here—from the home base—for democracy, for the right to self-determination and for European security. The reality is that we are spending too much time preparing for last year’s war, not tomorrow’s. I urge the House to push hard for transformation and to push for delivery this side of 2030.
Secondly, I resigned because even if the plan had been right, it was not adequately funded. I do not lay all the blame at the door of No. 10 or No. 11; we failed—I failed—to make that argument. But national security and economic security are not competing priorities; they are the same priority. A country that cannot defend itself will not stay prosperous for long. Put simply, a country that cannot defend itself will struggle to protect its prosperity.
Thirdly, I left because I could no longer ignore the continued failure to address the treatment of our veterans in Northern Ireland. It is a difficult issue, and I cannot describe how difficult this fight has been. Whatever people’s view of the troubles, a country owes a duty to those it sent into harm’s way under lawful orders, and that duty does not end when the uniform comes off. The labour movement was built on a simple idea—that the people who do the hard work that this country asks of them deserve the backing of the state in return. Too many veterans have carried uncertainty for too long, while others have benefited from political accommodations that were never available to those who served. I could not reconcile that with my own understanding of duty.
To go into slightly more detail, the IRA failed to achieve its political ends through the use of terrorist tactics, and we must be exceptionally careful that we do not help them achieve those ends through other means. Constant, never-ending legal wranglings that undermine the contract between the nation and those who serve is neither a good use of taxpayer money nor an effective execution of strategy. Having inquests, inquiries and an independent commission creates a hierarchy of truth. It will cost us hundreds of millions for 15 years, painting the state as an aggressor, supporting our adversaries, leading to political objections and causing untold anguish for those who only ever deployed to protect us. We have neither the political capital nor the resources to spare for this unjust journey.
In broader terms, in 2026 security means more than military strength alone. It means secure borders, secure energy, secure jobs and secure communities. It means people knowing that if they work hard and contribute, one unexpected bill will not push their family into crisis; it means knowing that their children will have opportunities that they did not. These things are absolutely connected. The cost of living is shaped by conflict thousands of miles from here. Hostile states target our infrastructure, supply chains and democracy. Energy security shapes economic security. Economic security shapes social cohesion. Importantly, above all else, social cohesion shapes national resilience.
The old line between domestic policy and national security is breaking down in front of us, but our history points the way. In 1945, Britain was exhausted and in debt. Our cities had been bombed, and rationing went on for years. Yet Attlee’s Government did not conclude that Britain could afford only one priority. They built the NHS, expanded the welfare state and invested in housing. They took the decision that Britain would become a nuclear power. Those decisions came from the same understanding of what this Government and Labour are for. A country worth defending should look after its people. A country that wants to look after its people must be secure enough to do so. That is the Labour tradition.
It is also, I would argue, the British tradition at its very best, but somewhere along the way we stopped thinking like that. We began treating defence, growth, energy, public services and social mobility as separate conversations. They are not. They are different parts of the same challenge: whether Britain can still provide security, opportunity and resilience for its people in a more dangerous world. That is why I ultimately concluded that I could no longer remain in Government. The issue was never simply a defence budget. It was whether the Government were moving with the urgency that the moment demands.
Nearly a million young people are outside education, employment and training. Poor mental health costs this country hundreds of billions. We know that our armed forces need modernising. We know that our adversaries are becoming more aggressive. We know that our energy system remains exposed. We inherited a mess, but the population is fed up of us pointing the finger. They are looking to us for courage, clarity and conviction to make changes at the scale and, importantly, the speed that the nation requires.
I have seen what our country can do. I have seen it in uniform. I have seen it in the communities across the nation. I have seen it on these Benches, where we are at our very best. The talent, the ideas, the passion, the courage—it is all here. Indeed, we have it all. I resigned because I believe that Britain and this Labour Government can deliver. I believe that we can think longer term and act earlier. I believe that we can once again build a country that provides security in the broadest sense of the word—security for our nation, communities, working families and the next generation. That is the debate that I am confident my resignation has started.
The personal statement made by John Healey, the former Defence Secretary, in the House of Commons on 16 June 2026.
With your permission, Mr Speaker, I will make a personal statement on my resignation as the UK Defence Secretary. Many in the media have pressed me to say more since Thursday, but I am a proud parliamentarian, and I wanted first to speak in this House, as I take my seat on the Back Benches for the first time in more than 10 years.
I took the decision to resign with the greatest regret and reluctance. I continue to be certain about the decision. In time, I believe it will be seen as necessary in securing the future of our armed forces and alliances. It has been the privilege of my life to work alongside the exceptional people who serve this country in Defence—military and civilian alike. They work 24/7, so often unseen, and are the very best of Britain. They, and the new Defence Secretary, have my fullest support.
I have been a Labour MP for nearly 30 years, a Labour member for 45 years and a trade unionist for longer still. It is my family—literally. Jackie, my wife, worked for Labour HQ. We met at a union conference. Two weeks later, we were engaged. All of us in politics ask so much of our partners. We only ever wanted a successful Labour Government leading a stronger Britain. My decision last week was about country, not career.
I loved the job, though I will not miss going to bed with three phones or the 3 am phone calls. I am proud of what we have done in less than two years as a Labour Government. We stepped up international leadership for Ukraine, raised defence investment three years earlier than anyone expected, won record defence export deals, gave the armed forces their biggest pay rise for 20 years, brought 36,000 forces family homes back into public ownership, and signed major defence agreements with Germany, Norway, France and the European Union. Delivering for defence; delivering for Britain.
The Prime Minister has led that drive, rightly earning respect at home and abroad. He and I jointly commissioned the first-of-its-kind strategic defence review, which has set the vision to transform our armed forces to make our military more warfighting ready and better able to deter. We have been doing exactly that in the 12 months since the SDR was published. We are delivering in a different way: investment with deep reforms to get a grip on budgets, procurement and delivery; investment so that every taxpayer’s pound works twice, once for national security and once to back British industry and create British jobs; investment in new defence tech—drones and AI—that draws lessons from Ukraine for our UK forces.
I will always seek cross-party common ground on defence, but I will not let the Conservatives forget their record in government or the hollowed-out legacy they left in our armed forces.
Since the SDR, we have seen the world changing still faster, with threats increasing and demands on defence rising: conflict in the middle east, new NATO missions in the High North, the US moving forces away from Europe, intensifying attacks in Ukraine and increasing Russian aggression towards the UK. NATO has now said that we must prepare for war with Russia within the next five years. This is the age of hard power and rising threat. This is not the moment for calibration or incremental change. This means bigger politics, bolder priorities and harder choices. Britain’s challenge now is the transformation and rearmament of our armed forces.
The Prime Minister knows what the country needs for defence. He spelled out the threat this month when he said:
“it is our intelligence assessment, and the assessment of other countries in NATO, that there could be an attack by Russia on NATO as soon as 2030.”
Britain must set the headmark of spending 3% on defence in 2030 and a clear path to 3.5% in 2035—the commitment all NATO nations have made to each other and to their people. I believe that this would command wide cross-party support.
Our predecessors in this House experienced what happens when deterrence fails. They entrusted us with institutions such as NATO that they created to keep us safe. We do not choose the circumstances in which we serve or the responsibilities that fall upon us, either in this House or in government. It is the duty of our political generation to ready Britain for the uncertainties of the years to come. The decisions that we make in the months ahead will be judged by those who follow us.
At this dangerous time, I see the current defence investment plans falling well short of what is required: a rise of 0.08% from next year to 2030, no date for reaching 3%, and no path to 3.5%. By 2030, well over half of NATO members will be spending 3% or more. When allies are looking for British leadership, we must not fall behind. When NATO needs European nations to step up, we must not fall short.
Our adversaries do not follow timetables set by the Treasury. I appreciate how hard this is for Cabinet colleagues, and I am very grateful to those who support what is required, but not all needs to be done by cutbacks elsewhere. There are credible ways of meeting the mid-term funding challenges, working multinationally and as other nations in Europe are doing, that could allow us to protect the ability to deliver our Labour missions across Government.
Beyond that, we need a bigger view of national security. It is not just a job for Defence or the agencies; every Department has a part to play in national security and national resilience. From Energy to Transport to Health, security must run through the Government like letters through a stick of rock. Security must be felt in communities right across Britain, reversing long-term decline and bringing new jobs and new hope.
For now, Jackie is just grateful that I no longer carry three phones in my bag, although I do still have my bottle of HP sauce.
The statement made by Luke Pollard, the Minister for Defence Readiness and Industry, in the House of Commons on 15 June 2026.
Before I turn to the matter before us, the whole House will want to join me in recognising the remarkable work of our armed forces this weekend. In the channel, UK forces bordered a sanctioned vessel from Russia’s shadow fleet to disrupt the flow of funds to Putin’s illegal war in the Ukraine. The Defence Secretary will be making a statement on that shortly.
These are extraordinary times for defence. The threats are real and they are increasing. It is no secret that I worked in lockstep with the former Defence Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Rawmarsh and Conisbrough (John Healey). He is a friend and mentor. I was his deputy and I am still standing at the Dispatch Box because he asked me to stay and because we need continuity in this complex and difficult operational environment.
The DIP will be published before the NATO summit. Do we need to spend more on defence? Yes. Do the Prime Minister and the Chancellor agree with that? Yes. Are we spending more? Yes. This year the defence budget is £11 billion more than it was in the final year under the Conservatives. Are we learning the lessons from Ukraine? Yes. Are we retiring old kit to invest in new capabilities? Yes. Are we backing our people? Yes, with the biggest pay rise in 20 years and a £9 billion plan to fix the defence housing crisis that we inherited. It is working: intake is up 11.6%, outflow is down 8.9%, and morale is up.
To answer the Leader of the Opposition’s question directly: if asked to fight tonight, could our forces defend the UK? Yes, and they already do every single day. Are we planning to increase their capabilities to deter and defend the UK and our allies? Yes, we are. Would I like to go further? Of course.
The new Defence Secretary has stepped up to serve, as he has done before, sleeves rolled up and determined to meet the moment to get defence the best deal. Let me say plainly that I know the Prime Minister is committed to do so as well. He said in Munich:
“To meet the wider threat, it is clear that we are going to have to spend more faster.”
And at the weekend, he said
“3% in the next Parliament…defence will be the number one priority at every spending review, including the next spending review.”
The disagreement in recent weeks was never about whether we should fund our forces; it was about how fast we increase the spending for defence and on what capabilities. That is a serious argument to have—I make no apology for pushing hard within the Government to win it, because that is the job. But the job is also a team sport, and that is why the Ministry of Defence, with the new Defence Secretary, is working with the Treasury, other Government Departments and No. 10 to get this right.