The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen on 8 May 2025.
We sincerely congratulate His Holiness Leo XIV on his election as Pope and head of the Catholic Church.
We wish that his pontificate be guided by wisdom and strength, as he leads the Catholic community and inspires the world through his commitment to peace and dialogue.
The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 5 May 2025.
It is an honour to be here in the Sorbonne – surrounded by some of the brightest minds in the world. Dear Emmanuel, you once said that before being a university, the Sorbonne was an idea. An idea of scientific excellence, collaboration and – if I may add – of opportunity. And no story encapsulates this better than that of Maria Salomea Skłodowska-Curie, also known a Marie Curie. In her homeland of Poland, then under Russian occupation, women were barred from universities. So, she and her sister joined underground night schools, dreaming of freedom through knowledge. That was at the end of the 19th century. Her journey would eventually bring her to La Sorbonne. Here she was allowed to study and do her research. She ultimately revolutionised medicine and physics. Maria Skłodowska-Curie became the first woman to win a Nobel Prize, the first person to win a Nobel Prize twice, and the only person to win a Nobel Prize in two different fields. And her discoveries and her work on radiation saved millions of lives. I start with this story not just because we are here in the Sorbonne – or even because it shows how scientific excellence can change the course of destiny. But because this is also a story about freedom. Freedom to learn and invent. It is a story about openness. Openness to turn ideas into groundbreaking discoveries. And it is a story about collaboration beyond borders. And this is exactly what Europe and the world need more today. Because I am convinced that science remains the fuel of progress and growth for our societies. Without the ideas and breakthroughs that come from scientific research, progress sooner or later stagnates.
Unfortunately, as your discussions have shown today, the role of science in today’s world is questioned. The investment in fundamental, free and open research is questioned. What a gigantic miscalculation. I believe that science holds the key to our future here in Europe. Without it, we simply cannot address today’s global challenges – from health to new tech, from climate to oceans. And as I look around the room – and at all the young people here – I know we are far from having run out of new ideas or bright minds. In fact, the truth is we have barely scratched the surface of the knowledge that science can offer us. So more than ever we need to stand up for science. Science that is universal – shared by all humanity – and that is unifying. Because the pursuit of knowledge and the yearning to understand how things work are values that bring us together as people, as it has done today. We can all agree that science has no passport, no gender, no ethnicity or political party. And as such it does play a crucial role in connecting people and creating a shared future in today’s fractured world. We believe that diversity is an asset of humanity and the lifeblood of science. It is one of the most valuable global goods and it must be protected.
That is why I am here today, to say that Europe will always choose science. And Europe will always make the case for the world’s scientists to Choose Europe. Scientific endeavour runs deep through European history – from Pythagoras and Aristotle in Ancient Greece to Galileo and Copernicus in the Renaissance period or to Koch or Pasteur in latter centuries. The oldest university in Europe was founded in Bologna, where teaching started as far back as 1088. And Europe was the home of the Scientific Revolution which saw one of the most consequential transformations in human history – thanks to breakthroughs in mathematics, astronomy, biology and much more. That tradition lives on today. Europe already has the second highest scientific output in the world. It is home to over 2 million researchers – one quarter of the world’s total. We lead in green tech, health, economics, business and social sciences. We excel in areas of scientific research and technologies that are pivotal to our future – from aerospace to robotics, from automotive to engineering, from biotechnologies to pharmaceuticals, just to name a few.
And we have a huge number of natural advantages that help set us apart. The first is sustained and stable investment from Europe and its Member States. Europe runs the world’s largest international research programme, Horizon Europe. It has a firepower of over EUR 93 billion. Over the last 40 years, the European Union has funded 33 Nobel Prize laureates. European support has made possible breakthroughs in genome sequencing and mRNA vaccines. It spurred the development of cutting-edge microchips, and even led to the first image of a black hole. These examples show what we all know – the return on investment in science is unparalleled. We have worldclass research infrastructure. From particle physics to molecular biology, and from space exploration to nuclear fusion. This helps make Europe a leader in fundamental research.
We have a world-leading supercomputing infrastructure, EuroHPC, and we are investing massively in AI, quantum and digital research. Finally, we also have a proud tradition of open and collaborative science. We uphold the principles of open science, open education and data sharing. Our European Research Council is run not by politicians, but by scientists, for scientists. Our Horizon Europe programme is a magnet for global cooperation. From the UK to Switzerland, from Canada to South Korea, more and more countries want to join it. We see scientists from across the world collaborating here in Europe. Take CERN as a case in point. Founded 70 years ago to carry out cutting-edge research that no individual nation could do alone, it is today the world-leading laboratory for high-energy particle physics and related technologies. Researchers from over 100 nationalities working together for the good of humanity. This is how science should work, and it is why scientific freedom and collaboration must always be at the heart of our institutions and our infrastructure.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Europe has everything that is needed for science to thrive: we have the stable and sustained investment; we have the infrastructure; we have the commitment to open and collaborative science, we have a social market economy that delivers access to good schools, education and healthcare for all. But at the same time, we have to be alert and work on our deficiencies. We know that researchers still face too much – or too complex – bureaucracy here in Europe compared to some other parts of the world. We know that the path from fundamental research to business and to market is not straightforward or fast enough here in Europe. We know that we need to offer the very best a longer-term perspective. We are ready to tackle this head on.
We want Europe to continue to be at the forefront of fundamental research. We want Europe to be a leader in priority technologies from AI to quantum, from space, semiconductors and microelectronics to digital health, genomics and biotechnology. We want scientists, researchers, academics and highly skilled workers to choose Europe. And this is why today I am presenting the first elements of our Choose Europe Initiative.
The first priority is to ensure that science in Europe remains open and free. This is our calling card. We must do everything we can to uphold it – now more than ever before. We want to strengthen the free movement of knowledge and data across Europe – just as we do for goods, talents and capital across our Single Market. And we want to enshrine freedom of scientific research into law in a new European Research Area Act. Because as threats rise across the world, Europe will not compromise on its principles. Europe must remain the home of academic and scientific freedom.
The second element of Choose Europe is financing. Science is an investment – and we need to offer the right incentives. This is why I can announce that we will put forward a new EUR 500 million package for 2025-2027 to make Europe a magnet for researchers. This will help support the best and the brightest researchers and scientists from Europe and around the world. We aim to create a new seven-year ‘super grant’ under the ERC to help offer a longer-term perspective to the very best. Through the ERC, we are already supporting researchers who relocate to Europe with a top-up beyond their grant. We are now doubling the amount they can receive this year. And I want to extend this support for 2026 and 2027.
At the same time, we must also focus on the next generation. This is why we are also increasing support to early career scientists through our Choose Europe pilot under Maria Skłodowska-Curie. Those that choose Europe will benefit from higher allowances and longer contracts. We will expand this support over the next two years, with targeted incentives in frontier fields, like AI. For the mid- and long-term: together with our Member States, we want to reach the 3% of GDP target for investment in research and development by 2030. And we will put forward ambitious proposals on research and innovation funding in the next long-term budget. Because we know that an investment in science is an investment into our future.
The third part of Choose Europe is the need to fast-track the pathway – from breakthrough science to transformative innovation and business opportunities. This is why we will put forward a first ever European Innovation Act and a Startup and Scaleup Strategy, to remove regulatory and other barriers, and to facilitate access to venture capital for innovative European startups and scaleups.
Last but not least: We have to make it easier and more attractive to come to Europe for research. We will better link up researchers with research institutions. We will speed up the process around entering and staying in Europe. We already have an excellent platform that links researchers worldwide with thousands of jobs in Europe, as well as providing visa support and career guidance. We now want to support public and private institutions to better link up to highly skilled workers and researchers, and to speed up and simplify the entry for top researchers. Because bringing the best from across the world is about bringing out the best of Europe.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Europe has made its choice. We are choosing to start a new age of invention and ingenuity. We are choosing to put research and innovation, science and technology, at the heart of our economy. We are choosing to be the continent where universities are pillars of our societies and our way of life. We are choosing to be the continent where innovation serves humanity, where global talent is welcomed. Because as the history of the Sorbonne and our excellent universities show, progress thrives on freedom, openness and collaboration. So, to every researcher, at home or abroad, to every young girl and boy who dreams of a life in science, as Maria Skłodowska-Curie once did, our message is clear: Choose Science. Choose Europe.
The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 10 April 2025.
I welcome President Trump’s announcement to pause reciprocal tariffs. It’s an important step towards stabilising the global economy.
Clear, predictable conditions are essential for trade and supply chains to function.
Tariffs are taxes that only hurt businesses and consumers. That’s why I’ve consistently advocated for a zero-for-zero tariff agreement between the European Union and the United States.
The European Union remains committed to constructive negotiations with the United States, with the goal of achieving frictionless and mutually beneficial trade.
At the same time, Europe continues to focus on diversifying its trade partnerships, engaging with countries that account for 87% of global trade and share our commitment to a free and open exchange of goods, services, and ideas.
Finally, we are stepping up our work to lift barriers in our own single market. This crisis has made one thing clear: in times of uncertainty, the single market is our anchor of stability and resilience.
My team and I will continue to work day and night to protect European consumers, workers and businesses. Together, Europeans will emerge stronger from this crisis.
The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 27 February 2023.
Good afternoon Prime Minister, dear Rishi,
It is an honour and a pleasure to be here in Windsor with you. And it is with a great sense of satisfaction that we stand here together. We are about to deliver on an important commitment we made to each other a few months ago. I remember our first discussions, when we saw eye-to-eye on how to support our Ukrainian friends. And I was encouraged by our trustful and strong cooperation on this crucial geostrategic issue. But I also remember how the two of us were honest with each other about the difficulties in our bilateral relationship. It was vital to put that on the right footing too.
We committed to working hard together to do so. We knew that for us to be able to make the most of the potential of our partnership, solutions were needed for the issues around the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. We knew it was not going to be easy. We knew we needed to listen to each other’s concerns very carefully. Above all, we had to listen to the concerns of the people of Northern Ireland. We knew we had to work hard, with clear minds and determination. But we also both knew, dear Rishi, that we could do it. Because we were both genuinely committed to finding a practical solution for people and for all communities in Northern Ireland.
Today, we can take pride in the fact that we have delivered on that commitment. Because today, we have reached an agreement in principle on the Windsor Framework. The Windsor Framework lays down new arrangements for the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. This new Framework will allow us to begin a new chapter. It provides for long-lasting solutions that both of us are confident will work for all people and businesses in Northern Ireland. Solutions that respond directly to the concerns they have raised.
Prime Minister,
We worked hard across a wide range of areas. The new arrangements are delivering a comprehensive package so that we can address in a definitive way the issues faced in everyday lives. I will only mention two examples that I find most telling.
Indeed, the new Windsor Framework will ensure that the same food will be available on supermarket shelves in Northern Ireland as in the rest of the UK. Furthermore, the new Windsor Framework will permanently enable all medicines, including novel ones, to be available in Northern Ireland at the same time, under the same conditions as in the rest of the UK. For this to work, we have agreed on safeguards like IT access, labels and enforcement procedures that will protect the integrity of the European Union’s Single Market. The new Windsor Framework respects and protects our respective markets and our respective legitimate interests. And most importantly, it protects the very hard-earned peace gains of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement for the people of Northern Ireland and across the island of Ireland. Violence has no place in our society. I condemn wholeheartedly the shooting of the PSNI officer in Northern Ireland last week. My thoughts are with the officer and his family and friends.
This year will mark the 25th anniversary of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement. An important milestone of the historic peace process. The new Windsor Framework is here to benefit people in Northern Ireland and support all communities celebrating peace on the island of Ireland. This is why I believe we can now open a new chapter in our partnership. A stronger EU-UK relationship standing as close partners shoulder to shoulder now and in the future.
Many thanks.
The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 12 December 2022.
Good afternoon,
I am very happy to welcome here Fatih Birol. We had a very good discussion on an energy outlook for Europe and how to deal with the unprecedented disruptions that have been caused by Russia’s atrocious war. Russia has indeed cut its pipeline supplies by 80% – if you compare September of this year to September of last year. We all know that these pipeline gas cuts have added unprecedented pressure on the global energy markets, with severe knock-on effects on Europe’s energy system. But I want to emphasise that despite these enormous cuts, we have been able to manage, we have been able to withstand the blackmail. We have acted, and we have acted successfully. Seven months ago, in May, we have presented our response to this Russian blackmail by putting on the table REPowerEU, our plan to reduce the demand for Russian gas by two-thirds before the end of this year. And we have underpinned this proposal with an investment plan of up to EUR 300 billion. In just a few months, we have turned the REPowerEU plan into many different legislative proposals and actions on the ground. And I think it is worth looking at that. Basically, we have taken ten different actions in the last ten months.
The first one is: we have enormously diversified away from Russian fossil fuels, away from Russian gas supplies towards other reliable, trustworthy suppliers. Second, we are saving energy. We have introduced, as you all know, the target to reduce gas demand by 15%. If we look at the data from early autumn, we are very well on track. It is good that we are saving energy and we have to keep on saving energy. The third point is: we are boosting the roll-out of renewables. If you look at the year 2022, we will have added almost 50 gigawatts of new capacity that is almost doubling the additional capacity of renewable energy, mostly from wind and solar. For us, this is very important because this is not only good for the planet, but we know that renewables are home-grown, they create good jobs here and they create independence and security of supply.
The fourth point is that, in this context of renewables, we have proposed to speed up drastically the permitting process for renewables. We know that many projects are basically ready to go if the permitting was there, so this has to be faster. Therefore, we have put a proposal on speeding up the permitting process on the table. The fifth point is that we have put in place a minimum gas storage obligation. Our storages are now filled by more than 90%, so we have overshot the target, that is very good, and we are well above the previous five-year average.
The sixth point is on solidarity. We have proposed default arrangements for the supply of gas between Member States where solidarity agreements are not yet in place to make sure that in an energy emergency, we can ensure that the gas is going and flowing where it is most needed. The seventh point is: we have set up a platform for the joint purchasing of gas, to increase our negotiation leverage and get better prices. I think it is unacceptable that different Member States are outbidding each other on the global market and thus driving up the prices. Therefore, it is important that we join forces for the negotiation on a global level.
The eighth point is: we have improved our infrastructure. We have four new interconnectors that became operational this year. It is the Baltic Pipe, it is the interconnector Poland-Lithuania, the interconnector between Bulgaria and Greece, and the gas interconnector between Poland and Slovakia. The ninth point I want to highlight is the fact that we have put out a legal framework that enables Member States to skim off the windfall profits, the super profits of energy-producing companies, to take this money and to support by that the vulnerable households and the vulnerable businesses in a targeted manner. And finally, the tenth point is: we proposed a market correction mechanism, also known as the price cap, to limit spikes in gas prices at TTF level.
Many of these measures have been adopted, some at record speed. And there are many examples that show that change is beginning – for example the massive and rapid uptake of heat pumps in Poland. The result of all these actions is that we are safe for this winter. Russia’s blackmail has failed. However, some of our proposals are still under discussion and they are essential for our energy preparedness. Therefore, I call on the Council to adopt them swiftly, because preparing for the next winter of 2023-2024, starts now. Now that we are turning our focus to the winter 2023-2024, I am very pleased, dear Fatih Birol, that we have worked on that so intensively together. One month ago, your message was very clear and you underpinned your message with figures. You said very clearly the coming winter will be even more challenging. And Europe needs to step up its efforts in several fields. You outlined the risks: It might be possible that Russia cuts the rest of the pipeline gas supply; China could lift the COVID-19 restrictions and thus go back to energy demand on the global market on pre-COVID-19 level; and of course, this year we benefitted from an extraordinary warm winter – this could also be different next year.
I know from your data that despite the actions that we have taken, we might still face a gap of up to 30 billion cubic metres of gas next year. The actions that we have set in motion will help cover part of this, but more is needed. Here, I want to look at a few priorities we need to focus on. The first one is of course the LNG supply. I am confident that we will secure similar volumes of LNG next year as we had this year. This year, we had up to 130 billion cubic metres of LNG. For this, we of course have to further intensify our outreach to our international partners.
My second point is: It is now time that we make joint purchasing a reality. We have the Energy Platform in place, now we have to operationalise the joint purchasing mechanism. Every day of delay comes with a price tag. We have discussions with Member States, partner countries and their companies that are ongoing. This evening, I will discuss this with the Norwegian Prime Minister, for example. We can launch the first tender for demand aggregation by the end of March. But for that, we need to have an agreement on the Emergency Regulation we proposed on 18 October, and we need it now.
And my final point is that the greatest potential for energy in the European Union is in our own hands. We must scale up and accelerate the deployment of renewables. We must go big and we must be fast. With the right policies in place, we can even double the capacity of renewable energy that we will add to the market next year. And the case has never been stronger. In 2022, we had record additions of wind and solar capacity in the European Union. And we expect renewable capacity to rise even further in the coming year, replacing around 12 billion cubic metres of gas. And you are showing us with your additional measures that we can add an additional 7.5 billion cubic metres. So, if you look at the overall scope: efficiency, savings, joint purchasing, renewables – this might be the mixture we need to make up for the missing gas next year. We have taken the action that is necessary. Our proposals are now on the table.
My last comment is on the bigger picture. Because if we look at the bigger picture, we also see that we need an increase in public investments in the energy transition. Mostly to ensure the competitiveness of our European industry in the energy transition, we need additional public investments at national level and at European level. You know that in the short term, we will propose to boost REPowerEU. REPowerEU is our vehicle, the framework for investment in clean tech. And this is one part of our response to the US Inflation Reduction Act. But we also know that in the mid-term, we have to step up. There, we will work on setting up a sovereignty fund to make sure that Europe continues to be the global leader in clean tech. Where we have to help our industry is now, in this high energy price environment, to bridge the transition to green, clean energy that is affordable and secure. Therefore, this funding is necessary.
Our work has been good this year, we see the progress, we have come quite a long way. But we know that we are not done with our work until families and businesses in the European Union have access to energy that is affordable, that is secure and that is clean.
Thank you so much.
The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 9 December 2022.
The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 6 December 2022.
Dear Edi,
It is a fantastic experience to be here, and you are outstanding hosts. We will, I think, never forget this family photo and this fantastic performance – tradition, classics and the future, the modern part. It was outstanding, it was amazing to see that. And thank you very much for your words. Let me reassure you that our support for the region really comes from the bottom of our hearts. Because we are deeply convinced that we belong together. You have said that you would, as host, be willing to give your life for us. We do not want your life; we want to live our lives together. And thank you very much for this outstanding Summit. It was a Summit where there was a very clear message of unity. We want to tackle the issues, the problems, the challenges we have together. It was a Summit of partnership with very deep, very good, frank and trustful discussion.
And of course, we have touched upon many topics. I want to highlight a few. A big topic is of course that we want to tackle together the difficulties, the knock-on effects of this atrocious war that Russia has unleashed. And one of the main topics is of course energy. For us is important that, with our friends from the Western Balkans, we address this energy crisis together to mirror whatever we do in the European Union also in the Western Balkans. For example, the fact that households and businesses struggle as much in the Western Balkans as in the European Union. For us is important to give similar solutions. Therefore, we announced this EUR-1-billion of energy support, which is split in two parts: It is EUR 500 million of direct budget support, which gives the opportunity to support in a targeted manner the vulnerable households and the vulnerable businesses.
And the second half, EUR 500 million, in infrastructure to make sure that we have the investment already in the energy of the future. The energy of the future is of course renewable energy. Renewable energy is cheaper; it is affordable; it is cleaner; it is better for our planet; and it is home-grown. It provides good jobs here at home, so it gives independence and security of supply. The investment of these EUR 500 million will of course go in renewables, in interconnections, so infrastructure, but also energy efficiency. Yesterday, we have approved six different projects. It goes from large-scale photovoltaic plants to solar district heating; from wind farms to the rehabilitation of hydropower plants, just to give you an idea about that. Of course, a strong emphasis is also on energy efficiency, so to improve, through additional investment, the situation of hospitals, schools and universities from an energy efficiency standpoint.
Beyond energy, of course this is a part, is the bigger frame of the Economic and Investment Plan – you are all familiar with it –, with investments in transport, in water, in wastewater management, in digital smart labs, just to name a few. Here too, we have just adopted yesterday 40 flagship projects worth EUR 1.8 billion. The good news is also that this Economic and Investment Plan is on track.
My second point looks at the situation that we have overall in the relationship between the Western Balkans and the European Union. And let me reassure you that we are wholeheartedly supporting the enlargement process and the regional integration. This year has seen a lot of progress. We have had indeed the first Intergovernmental Conference with Albania and North Macedonia. There is finally new movement and momentum in the whole process. It was a historic step to open the accession negotiations. And now, the screening has started and the momentum is there. We, as the Commission, recommend granting candidate status to Bosnia and Herzegovina on the understanding that a number of steps are taken. We are now very much looking forward to a decision to be taken by the Council.
Besides this progress that we see, there is of course the important topic of the economic integration, so the common regional market. I really want to commend you for the progress that you have done in the common regional market in the last months. It is very good for the region that you have signed agreements that underline the importance of the freedom to travel, to study or to work. It makes trade easier in the region, it creates new jobs. So all these are topics that are moving forward and that highlighted the importance of this Summit to give them speed and acceleration.
A third point that we discussed today was migration. Migration has long been a shared challenge. We have a strong, common interest in cooperating closely on all aspects. It is a question of managing migration together. Therefore, the Commission has yesterday presented an Action Plan on the Western Balkans to strengthen our mutual cooperation. On that, it is important for me to convey again the message: You can count on our support to deal with border management and to deal with the migration and asylum process. We are in this together and we have to manage that topic together. It is crucial for us to move forward here. At the same time, we expect all our Western Balkan partners to align swiftly with our visa policy. This is also crucial to maintain the visa-free regimes between us. Because it is a question of mutual respect of the rules.
And indeed, finally, I also want to emphasise the topics concerning youth. I know, Edi, how important youth is to you. You were the one who first mentioned to me that you wanted more opportunities for young people to be created in the region. And you were the one who asked us to think about the possibility to open the European Universities initiative to all Western Balkan countries. Today, we can say that we delivered. Thank you very much for starting this process. The Western Balkan universities will be able to join the European Universities network. This means that it enables students from the Western Balkans not only to study physically in the different universities of Europe but also to have full access to the European universities remotely here in Tirana. And in that is your vision to have one day the College of Europe here, like in Bruges, like in Poland. And indeed, you have full support also from my side. This is something on which I hope that in due time, at one of the next summits, we will be able to say that we delivered.
The speech made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 4 December 2022.
Dear students of the Sassoli promotion,
Dear young diplomats,
Dear Federica,
Thank you so much for inviting me. And let me thank you also for what you are doing here in Bruges. When we first met – you were the High Representative, I was the German Defence Minister – there was something that struck me about you. Besides the day-to-day crisis management, you always tried to focus on long-term, strategic thinking. You always thought that Europe needed a common strategic culture, and that is why you came up with the idea of a global strategy. It was a process to help a European strategic thinking emerge and it led to very practical steps towards a common European defence. Now you are doing the same here in Bruges, with young men and women from across Europe and with young diplomats from all Member States and beyond. And I want to start by congratulating you, and all participants in this pilot of the European Diplomatic Academy. You are the future of European foreign policy.
And we need that strategic thinking more than ever. Because difficult times lead to difficult questions. What is Europe’s strategic goal? What should our economy look like in the 2030s, and beyond? What is our growth strategy? What are the challenges to address in the short, mid and long term? The one common feature in answering all of those questions is without any doubt climate change. Its consequences will come in all shapes and forms. It is the most existential issue we all face. This is why Europe has a clear roadmap for this challenge. It is called the European Green Deal – and it is our growth strategy. And when we set off, we knew that the road would not always be smooth. That as the global setting around us constantly changed, we would have to constantly adapt to stay the course. But we did not know just how bumpy it would be. We had a pandemic with after-shocks that are still being felt around the world. Russia has unleashed an unprovoked, unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine. The spill-over effects are global – from energy security to redrawing global diplomacy. And in parallel, we are now confronted with an intensifying global clean tech race. In tackling all these new challenges, we always have to keep in mind the direction of our travel. It is towards a thriving, clean and competitive European economy. This is what I would like to talk about today.
And to do that I would first like to zoom out for a moment, and bring you back in time by a few years. Exactly three years ago, we launched the European Green Deal. It was the very beginning of my mandate as President of the European Commission. And we decided that our first priority would be to decarbonise and digitalise the European economy. I called it our ‘man on the Moon’ moment. And it really was a moon-shot. We were the first global power to set a path toward net-zero emissions and to make it legally binding. We had in the US an administration in place that did not believe that humans caused climate change and announced to pull out of the Paris agreement. China was investing heavily in coal. And Europe emerged as a global front-runner. We said: Let us not wait to do what is right. Let us invest today in the clean technologies of tomorrow. Because eventually, all advanced and emerging economies will embark on the same journey.
And we have stayed the course ever since. This has given certainty to industry and investors on the direction of travel. We have cast our goals into our first ever Climate Law. When the pandemic hit, we created NextGenerationEU not only to power the recovery but also, to accelerate digitalisation and the European Green Deal. Almost half of NextGenerationEU contributes to our wider climate objectives. We developed the legal framework to cut emissions by at least 55% by 2030. And in parallel, we have worked with industry in strategic fields, from joint European projects on batteries or hydrogen, to the European Chips Act. Europe has become the global hub of investment for clean tech and decarbonisation.
If you fast forward to today, there is some positive news. Europe is no longer alone in the fight against climate change. When President Biden came into office, one of his first decisions was to re-join the Paris agreement. Now the US has taken the next step and passed the Inflation Reduction Act and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law. The IRA – as it is called – is an investment plan of roughly USD 369 billion to build up a new industrial ecosystem in strategic clean energy sectors. There is a striking symmetry between the Inflation Reduction Act and the European Green Deal. Both of them are simultaneously a climate strategy, and a strategy for investment and growth. Both of them include funding for a just transition, and both include regulatory standards. The two biggest and most advanced economies in the world are now moving in the same direction. The US relies on investment and regulatory standards – while the EU relies on a combination of investment and regulatory standards – and carbon pricing. Two continent-sized powers are modernising their economies by investing close to EUR 1 trillion and addressing together the biggest challenge of our times. And this is so important. It is not only a positive signal for the planet, but also for global investors.
Yet, the Inflation Reduction Act is also raising concerns here in Europe, against a very particular backdrop for our industry and economy. First, COVID-19 has exacerbated bottlenecks in many critical supply chains. The European industry has been carefully trying to fix the weak links of these chains, and make them more resilient, but this has come at a cost. Second, global energy supply is tight because of Russia’s war of aggression. Russia has cut 80% of its pipeline-gas supply to Europe in only eight months. But we have been able to compensate. Something that is truly remarkable, and that many deemed impossible. There have not only been no blackouts in Europe, but we also managed to fill our gas storages by roughly 96%. We are safe for the winter. But this comes at the cost of higher energy prices. And all of this affects the competitiveness of many European industries – especially energy intensive sectors of our economy.
It is against this backdrop that the Inflation Reduction Act has received so much additional scrutiny in Europe, but also in the rest of the world. There is a risk that the IRA can lead to unfair competition, could close markets, and fragment the very same critical supply chains that have already been tested by COVID-19. We need to look at these issues closely – and at the same time learn what we could also do better. And in doing so, we need to look at three aspects that are particularly challenging: First, the ‘Buy American’ logic that underpins part of the IRA. Second, tax breaks that could lead to discrimination. And third, production subsidies that could lead to a subsidies race. It sounds technical, but it is easier to understand with an example. If you are a consumer in the United States, you get a tax break when you buy electric vehicles, EVs, if they were manufactured in North America. And if you are a battery producer for those same electric vehicles, you get a tax break if you produce in the US. This means that a car manufacturer gets a double benefit for producing in North America and buying parts in the US. What is more, this could also attract critical components and raw materials towards the US, and away from transatlantic supply chains. This creates of course an attractive investment environment on clean tech in the US. But we already see how this could also affect Europe’s own clean tech base by redirecting investment flows. We have all heard the stories of producers that are considering to relocate future investment from Europe to the US.
Now, let me be clear: competition is good. It drives innovation, enhances efficiency and ensures progress. And in doing so it brings down prices for clean technologies. Competition between Europe and the United States can push both our industries to excel, to innovate, and to transform faster. This is why I believe in the need to invest into two clean energy industrial bases on both sides of the Atlantic. Not only will we create the well-paid jobs of the future both in Europe and in the US, we will also drive down costs for clean energy technologies globally. Together, we can make clean energy more affordable worldwide. And by doing so, we will also help decarbonise other economies, and drive a just transition. But: this competition must respect a level-playing field. That is why it is so critical, that the technology competition between the EU and the US is a race to the top for our industries on both sides of the Atlantic. And I am confident that Europe is in a strong position, to compete on global markets and develop the clean technologies of tomorrow.
But will this be enough to keep up in the clean tech race? And to strengthen our industrial base do we need to do more to accelerate the transition? Yes, if we are competing on a level playing field. But we must also take action to rebalance the playing field where the IRA or other measures create distortions. In other words: We need to do our homework in Europe and at the same time work with the US to mitigate competitive disadvantages. I see three main ways to do so. First, we have to adjust our own rules to facilitate public investments into the transition. Second, we have to re-assess the need for further European funding of the transition. Third, we have to work with the United States to address some of the most concerning aspects of the law.
To my first point. We have to adjust our own rules to make it easier for public investments to power the transition. State aid is a tried and tested tool here in Europe to incentivise business activities for the public interest. Last summer, for instance, we approved EUR 5.4 billion in state aid for the hydrogen value chain, under one of our IPCEIs. These public investments will benefit 35 companies from 15 Member States, from Portugal to Denmark, from Finland to Italy. They will help bring new technologies from the laboratory to the factory, for hydrogen production, for storage and for hydrogen-powered trucks, trains and ships. It is one of many examples of our state aid policy at the service of clean tech.
Yet, the Inflation Reduction Act should make us reflect on how we can improve our state aid frameworks, and adapt them to a new global environment. First, we must look at how we can make our frameworks more predictable and simple. Europe has built a very sophisticated system. But businesses today want simple and predictable rules. We have built a very precise system. But businesses today want state aid rules to be predictable, above all. We are very careful to avoid distortions in our Single Market. But we must also be responsive to the increasing global competition on clean tech. If you look at the IRA, it invests right along the value chain in some strategic sectors. But this is not always the case for our state aid. Our Important Projects of Common European, IPCEIs, for instance, aim to bring breakthrough technologies from the laboratory to their first industrial deployment. But we will also take a fresh look at how we support the whole value chain, down to the mass production of the most strategic green-tech solutions and clean end-products, including through public investment. Our state aid frameworks exist to preserve our precious Single Market. But if investments in strategic sectors leak away from Europe, this would only undermine the Single Market. And that is why we are now reflecting on how to simplify and adapt our state aid rules.
My second point has to do with complementary European funding. While it is critical that Member States have the flexibility to invest their budgets in strategic sectors, this approach cannot be self-standing. As such it would favour deep-pocket states and lead to distortions that would eventually undermine the Single Market. Thus, we also need a common European answer to the challenge – both in the short and the mid term. In the short term, we have to bridge the difficult time of transition for our SMEs and industries towards cheaper and renewable energy all across the EU. REPowerEU is our tool for that. REPowerEU invests in energy efficiency, in renewable energy and in infrastructure to integrate the Energy Union. And REPowerEU will massively speed up the permitting process for renewable energy projects. We are now working on boosting REPowerEU. REPowerEU also needs greater firepower to accelerate the clean transition. However, we also need to think beyond ad hoc solutions. The new assertive industrial policy of our competitors requires a structural answer. In my State of the Union address, I introduced the idea of establishing a sovereignty fund. The logic behind is simple: a common European industrial policy requires common European funding. The goal of our European industrial policy is for European industry to be the leaders in the clean transition. This means over the mid term beefing up the resources available for upstream research, innovation and strategic projects at the EU level. This means on one hand new and additional funding at the EU level. And on the other hand, higher level of policy coordination, like hydrogen, semiconductors, quantum computing, AI and biotechnology.
On my final point: cooperation instead of confrontation. We are working closely with the Biden administration on how to jointly strengthen our clean energy industrial bases. Let me go back to the example I gave you earlier: electrical vehicles or EVs. In Europe, we have just agreed to phase out the combustion engine by 2035. This means, new vehicles sold after 2035 will be exclusively electric. Similar regulatory commitments exist in the United States. And at the same time, China is subsidising massively this sector. So we, the US and the EU, have a vast common interest to preserve our industrial leadership. This will require fundamental changes in the automobile industry. It will require significant private and public investments in innovation, infrastructure, supply chains and raw materials on both sides of the Atlantic. But it is not just about investment – it is also about setting standards and joining forces where it makes sense. Take for example the charging infrastructure for EVs: if Europe and the United States agree on common standards, we will shape global standards and not leave it to others. Or take critical raw materials for clean tech: Today, the production and processing of some of these critical raw materials are controlled by one single country, China. Europe and the US can build an alternative to this monopoly by establishing a critical raw materials club. The idea behind it is simple: Cooperation with partners and allies on sourcing, on production and on the processing gives us the ability to overcome the monopoly. These two examples of standards and raw materials give you an idea on what we are working on with the White House for the here and now.
Finally, all this should be seen in a wider context. So let us zoom out again and focus on the bigger picture. An aggressive Russia is threatening our democracies and blackmailing us with our dependency on fossil fuel energy. An increasingly assertive China is cultivating dependencies in all continents, to project power for its own interests. But by contrast, look at what the US and Europe can achieve if we join forces. Take Ukraine. Think about the immense impact of our sanctions. Think how much support we have mobilised, from our countries and the world, to help Ukraine in the last nine months. Look at us joining forces to dry out Russia’s war chest by introducing an oil price cap. Since the end of the Cold War, never has transatlantic cooperation been closer than in those last two years. We have ended long-standing disputes, on steel tariffs, on Airbus-Boeing, on securing data flows. We have created a Tech and Trade Council to cooperate on tech and trade matters. We have set up a Task Force on European Energy Security that led to additional deliveries of 15 bcm of LNG this year. In the first half of 2022, the US supplied more than three-quarters of the EU’s additional needs. And on climate, we have brought together over 100 countries to sign the Global Methane Pledge – a commitment to cut global methane emissions by 30% in this decade. This is the power of transatlantic partnership.
Dear students, Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my message to you as you embark on this journey at the European Diplomatic Academy. There will always be times where new challenges emerge and old tensions rise back to the surface. This can be the case with rivals and competitors or even with our oldest and closest partners. But as you will learn in this next year, Europe always looks for solutions – crafted by cooperation, designed by diplomacy. Of course, Europe will always do what is right for Europe. So yes, the EU will respond in an adequate and well calibrated manner to the IRA. But does this mean that we will engage in a costly trade war with the United States in the middle of an actual war? This is not in our interest. Nor in the interest of the Americans. And it would harm global innovation, too. That is why we have to work so hard in Europe and the US now to address the distortions. The last two years, the EU and the US have shown that we are stronger individually when we stand together collectively. When we focus on what binds us – our values and friendship, our belief in fair competition and open markets and our commitment to the rules-based order. For friends like us, competition and cooperation can be two faces of the same coin. Let us strengthen clean investment on both sides of the Atlantic. Let us do it for our people, for our industries, for affordable clean energy worldwide, and for the sake of our planet.
Long live Europe.
The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 30 November 2022.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has brought death, devastation and unspeakable suffering.
We all remember the horrors of Bucha.
First, Russia must pay for its horrific crimes, including for its crime of aggression against a sovereign state.
This is why, while continuing to support the International Criminal Court, we are proposing to set up a specialised court, backed by the United Nations, to investigate and prosecute Russia’s crime of aggression.
We are ready to start working with the international community to get the broadest international support possible for this specialised court.
Secondly, Russia must also pay financially for the devastation that it caused. The damage suffered by Ukraine is estimated at 600 billion euros. Russia and its oligarchs have to compensate Ukraine for the damage and cover the costs for rebuilding the country.
And we have the means to make Russia pay. We have blocked 300 billion euros of the Russian Central Bank reserves and we have frozen 19 billion euros of Russian oligarchs’ money.
In the short term, we could create, with our partners, a structure to manage these funds and invest them. We would then use the proceeds for Ukraine.
And once the sanctions are lifted, these funds should be used so that Russia pays full compensation for the damages caused to Ukraine.
We will work on an international agreement with our partners to make this possible. And together, we can find legal ways to get to it.
Russia’s horrific crimes will not go unpunished.
The statement made by Ursula von der Leyen, the President of the European Commission, on 26 November 2022.
Thank you, dear Volodymyr, for convening us on this very important day.
This meeting falls on the Holodomor memorial day – when 90 years ago, hunger was used as a weapon by the Soviet Union against the Ukrainian people.
Today, Russia is again using food as a weapon.
As part of its brutal aggression against Ukraine, Russia has destroyed your agricultural production, targeted your grain silos, and blockaded your ports.
Thus Russia is depriving of vital access to food the most vulnerable countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia.
And then it uses disinformation to blame others for its despicable actions.
We must continue to fight back against this.
Your initiative “Grain from Ukraine”, which has my full support, is crucial to our efforts.
You are showing unwavering commitment to global food security, international responsibility and solidarity with those most in need.
And we stand by your side.
In Bali, G20 leaders called for global solidarity to fight hunger caused by Russia’s war of aggression.
We will not falter in our responsibilities and will continue to do everything we can on this front.
The Solidarity Lanes established by the Commission and bordering Member States are a major success.
Since May, they have enabled the export of more than 17 million tonnes of Ukrainian grain and food products.
And they are the only option for the export of all other, non-agricultural Ukrainian goods to the rest of the world.
The Solidarity Lanes have become a lifeline for Ukraine’s economy, bringing more than 19 billion euros of much-needed income to Ukrainian farmers and businesses.
The European Commission, together with Financial Institutions such as the EIB, the EBRD, and the World Bank, have now mobilised 1 billion euros of additional funding to boost the capacity of these Solidarity Lanes.
And we welcome the extension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative for 120 days.
Taken together, the EU Solidarity Lanes and the Black Sea Grain Initiative have allowed the export of more than 28 million tonnes of agricultural products to the world market, especially to the countries most in need.
It is very important to signal to the world today that we will not let our most vulnerable partners down.
This is why I am very pleased to announce the support of the European Commission to load two ships with grain.
We will pay to transport 40,000 tons of grain which is the remainder of the grain that you have made available. Whatever the costs are.
90 years after the Holodomor, we honour the memory of Ukraine’s victims.
They died in silence, starving to death, and, at that time, the world did not rise to help them. We will not let this happen again.
As we come together with Ukraine today to help avert hunger around the world, we also stand with Ukraine as it mourns the innocent victims of the Holodomor.
And we will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes.
Slava Ukraini!